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the southern sentinel
Is published every Thursday Morning,
IN COLUMBUS, GA.
BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, *
IWHTOR AND I*ROI*KIKTOU.
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N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, F.x
ccutor.s, or Guardians,are required by law to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10
in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court
House in- the county in which the land is situated. No
tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette
sixty days previous to the day of sale.
Sales of Negroes must lie made at a public auction
on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual
hours of sa’e, at the place of public sales in the bounty
when* the Letters Testamentary, ot Administration or
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days notice thereof in one ot the public gazettes ol llu>
Hr itc, and at the door of the Court House, where such
sales arc to b<* held.
Notice for the sale of Personal property must he given
in like manner forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors ol an estate must
be published forty days. ‘
Notice that application will be made to the Court ol
Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for
FOUR MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell Negroks must tie published lor
j our months, before any order absolute shall be made
thereon by the Court. ... j
Citations lor letters of Administration, must bo pub
lished thirty days—for dismission from administration,
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FORTY DAY'S. „ , .
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lished MONTHLY lor FOUR MONTHS —for establishing lost
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pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a
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three months. ,
Publications will always lie continued according to
these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered.
SOUTHERN SENTINEL
Job Office.
HAVING received anew and extensive assortment
of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at
this c fl: e, all orders for JOB WORK, in a manner which
ran not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms,
and at the shorn* t notice.
We teel confident of our ability to give entire satislae- ,
turn in every variety of Job Printing, including
Books, Business Cards,
Pamphlets, Bill Heads,
Circulars, Blanks of every description,
Hand Bills, Bills of /aiding,
Posters, cfj-c. djv. tfj-u.
In short, all descriptions ol Printing which can be ex
rented at any office in the country, will be turned out
with elegance and despatch.
Marble Works,
East side Broad St. near the Market House,
COLUMBUS, GA.
IF AVC constantly on hand all kinds of Grave Stoves
1 Monuments, Tombs and Tablets, ot American.
Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving
done on stone in the best possible manner ; and all kinds
of Granite Work at the shortest nom*^
j> <s—Plaister of Paris and Cement, always on hand
for sale. ...
Columbus, March 7, 1850. _ 10
NORTH CAROLINA
Mutual Life Insurance Company.
LOCATED AT HALEIGII, N. C.
rpilE Charter of this company gives important advan
-1 tages to the assured, over most other companies.
The husband can insure his own life for the sole use and
benefit of his wife and children, free from any other
claims. Persons who insure tor life participate in the
profits which are declared annually, and when the pre
mium exceeds S3O. may pay one-halt in a note.
Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value tor one or
five years.
Applications for Risks may he maiU to
Agent. Columbus, Ga.
£ A” Office at Greenwood &. Co.’s Warehouse.
Nov. 15,1849. 11
TO RENT,
r pILL the First day of January next. The old printing
.1 office room of the‘‘Muscogee Democrat
Apply at this office. “•
County Surveyor.
r pilF. undersigned informs his friends and the Planters
1 of Muse ogee county, that lie is prepared to make
e.ilieial surveys in Muscogee* county. Letters addressed
to Post Office,Columbus, w ill meet with prompt atten
tion, \VM. F. SERRELL,
County Surveyor.
Office over F,. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad_st.
Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. •’ ly
MRS. BARDWELL,
•\\TOULD inform the Ladies of Columbus and its
> y vicinity, that she has just returned tmm New 5 ork
with a ha idsomc stock <t MILLINKK\ , LACh
CAPES* and trusts the Ladies will give her an
early call. She opened on Wednesday.
April 11,1850, 10 11
TEAS! TEAS!
DIRECT from the ‘ Canton Tea Company,” just re
ceived and lor sale by „ _
ELLIS, KENDRICK & REDD.
Feb. 7, 1850. 6 U
NOTICK.
rpilE firm name of"M H. Dessau. Agent.” is changed,
i from this date, to M. H. DESSAU.
Columbus, Fob- 1850. ‘ _
Williams, Flewellen Si Williams,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, GEO 11G IA.
May *23, 1850. 21
J. JOHNSON,
.4 TTOENE Y A T LA H r ,
RANDOLPH STKF.KT, COIAMBUS, GEOROT A. ;
• m TILL practice iti the Chattahoochee Circuit and
\ \ the adjacent counties in Alabama.
Columbus. June 13. 1850.
■ Glob 6 Hotel)
jp nl. BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA.
ItV J. WILLIAMS.
March 14,1830. 11 ,f
Williams & Howard,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
COLI MBl'S, GEORGI A.
POST. K. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS.
April 4,1850. H 0
J. I>. LENNARD,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
TALBOTTON, GA.
WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent
counties. All business entrusted to Ins care will meet
with prompt attention.
April 4, 1650. J 1 ly
KING & WINN E-MORE,
Commission Merchants,
MOBILE, ALABAMA.
Doc. 20, 18-19. [Mob. Trib .] 15 tl
THIS PAPER
IS MANUFACTURED BY THE
Rock Island Factory,
NEAR THIS CITY.
Columbus, Feb. 23, ISM). 9 tt
VOL. I.
Letter ol Hon. D. Wallace, ol S. G.
To the People of the First Congressiona l Dis
trict of South Carolina.
Fellow-Citizens: I deem it mvduty, du
ring the present important session, to give
you all the information in my power, in tel
erence to the great questions now at issue be
fore Congress. And as 1 cannot, consistent
ly with mv duty, leave my seat to do this iu
person, 1 am constrained to address you
through the press, as the only mode open to !
me.
The abolition of slavery is not an idea ol
American origin. It had its origin in the Eu
ropean mind, and ils first inception was long
before the end of the eighteenth century. —
Win. Wiberforce, an enthusiast and fanatic :
of England, was the founder oi a sect ol fanat*
i ics whose utopian creed is predicated upon
the idea of the perfectibility and equality of
the human races. The fundamental article
of the creed taught by Wiberforce, is univer
sal emancipation. 11 is followers, according
to an invariable principle ot the human mind,
have extended their creed so tts to include in
it a wide range of subjects, of which the foun
der of the sects, perhaps, never dreamed in
the wildest vagary of his fancy. This sect
have constituted anew school of political and
social philosophy. They claim to be guided
by the pure religion of the Bible. They have
inscribed upon their banner the motto of \ ol
taire, the greatest infidel and blasphemer of
| the world, who, after he had by bis writings,
precipitated the French Revolution, iu which
six millions of men were massacred or slaugh
tered upon the battle fields of Europe, and
which ended where it began, in despotism,
built a temple and dedicated it to “Deo opti
ma Miximo.” The sect founded by V. ilber
fbree, have adopted this motto, and proclaim
ed that their mission is sanctioned and com
manded by the divine law. .Mahomet did the
same thing while he was depopulating, Asia
■ with fire and sword. They seek to gather
: together the human races, the Ethiopian, Cau- •
casian, Mongolian, Malay, and Indian, into
one universal political and social brotherhood,
and to place them all on a perfect equality,
without regard to color, language, social and
mental condition, or primeval distribution over
the face of the globe. Their creed includes
j socialism; that is, that property shali be held
in common, and that all the members ol a
j community shall have equal right to till the
| property owned by the individuals of the com
munity, which includes agarianism. That
there should be a community of wives, and
that the marriage rite ought to be abolished.
It includes the “right of labor,” which consti
tutes a fundamental article in the constitution
of the so called French Republic, which means
that the supreme government of a State must
find labor and employment for every inhabit
ant, and pay a fair compensation for the same
out of the public treasury; and if the govern
ment fails to find employment, the applicant
for labor must be paid the pi ice of labor
whither he labors or not.
Their creed includes the idea of universal
equality according to the French notion
as expressed in the motto, “liberty, fraternity,
equality.” The proposition, is to establish
this equality by a leveling system, which pulls
l down every member of society to the condi
■ tion of the lowest, no matter how degraded
the lowest may be, or what the color of his
skin, or the condition of his morals, religion,
!or intellectual development. The Protestant
1 Churches are included in this leveling system
—they too must be pulled down and reorgan
ized to suit the new order of things, lienee
the creed of these fanatics involves the dis
tinct proposition, that inasmuch as the black
race at the South cannot be raised up to the
level of the white race, the white race must
i be pulled down to the level of the negro,
and that all must stand together iu the same
I political and social rank. And instead of the
j negro being subject to the whiteman, the ne-
; gro by his right of suffrage at the ballot box,
must make laws for the white man. The pro
gress then which i , demanded, is notupwards,
but downwards. At the North, this down
wards tendency cannot go lower than the
lowest white man ; at the South, it must go
to the level of the lowest negro. It is upon j
this idea that modern demagogueism at the
North, rests its hopes of preferment. It is a
great mistake to suppose that Abolition is the !
only evil which is involved in the controversy
now going on.
The disciples ofWilberforce spread all over
Europe, adding new articles to their creed as j
time rolled on. Thomas Clarkson was sent
by Wilberforce from London to France as a
; Missionary to propagate the new faith there,
j He arrived in Paris in the midst of the storm j
and blood of the French Revolution. A fit
i ting time and appropriate scene for such a
mission. Robespiere, Danton, Marat, and all
i the earl y chiefs of the Revolution, and the Ja
cobin clubs, were Abolitionists. The disci
ples of this school made their way into the
British Parliament and. French Chamber of
I Deputies—into the diets of Denmark, Swe
den, Holland, Portugal, and the Spanish Cor
tes, and after the Spanish Revolution, into the
| legislative Councils of the South American Re
! publics, and into Mexico, and simultaneously
into the United States; and it is worthy of re
mark, that Wilberforce was the propagandist
of the idea w hich resulted in the ordinance of
1787, and the article in our Constitution for
the abolition of the slave trade in 1808. The
Abolition idea, with all its attendant train of
heresies, was thus transplanted into the Amer
j ican mind. The Abolition policy became ac
i tive in England and America in the same
j year, that is in the year 1787. England,
unable to subdue America by her arms, re
sorted to a far deeper and more dangerous pol
icy- The standard of Abolition was raised,
and the human mind excited by a gloomy
superstition. When Rome fell, crushed un
der the feet of the war steeds of Attila and Al
arm, she too, raised the standard of this same
gloomy superstition, and Europe was again
made subject to the darkest despotism the
world ever saw, foe the Popes held the mind us
well as the body, in the chains of servile bond
aSe -
I The Southern States of this Union, by
means of their great agricultural staples, now
j control the commerce of the world, Eng
land, on seeing that this must be so, resolved,
if possible; to maintain her commercial su
-1 pretnacy by the abolition of slavery in her
i own colonies, as an act which in the judge
ment ot her statesmen, would be inevitably
followed by the abolition of slavery in the
iU, States. The experiment thus made bv
j controls the commerce of the world. The
j error into which England lia* fallen, wa=
j shown to her and to Europe, bv the letter
(f lic Southern Sentinel.
which Mr. Calhoun addressed to Mr. King,
England is thus far an acknowledged failure.
; Her West India Colonies, in which slavery
was abolished, are covered with ruin, wide
spread disastrous and complete. The ne
groes there instead of being improved by their
condition, are brutalised, and are rapidly go
ing back to the unmitigated barbarism of j
their native land. England sees now, that
the terrible experiment she made is a failure. J
Commercial bankruptcy overspread her dom
inions as the result of her West India policy,
and its slavery still exists in the Southern
States of the Union, the United States still
our Minister to France, during the adminis
tration of Mr. Tyler. Saon after that de
spatch was published in London and Paris,
; Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, an- j
nounced to the British Parliament, his inten
tion of moving for free trade. This too, was
;m effort to recover from the effects of the ab
olition policy. The commercial policy of
England was immediately changed from the !
restrictive system which had prevailed for cen
turies, to that of free trade, and the British
Empire thus took the lead out of the hands •
; of the United States in this enlightened poli- |
cv.
England would now gladly retrace her
steps in reference to abolition. It is clear to
the mind of her statesmen now, that they
have transgressed .Nature’s law, and that the
effects of this transgression lias recoiled, not
upon America, but themselves. They see
now the folly of supposing that the ne
gro race will labor without being compelled,
and that acts of Parliament can redeem the
African from the sentence of the Divine Law,
whose dictum is: “By the sweat, of thy brow j
slialt thou earn thy bread.” But how is king- *
land to retrace her steps ? The ruin she has [
caused is deep, wide-spread, and complete. I
To reestablish slavery, would be a humiliat- j
ing acknowledgement of her past folly. The I
superstitious feelings which she has fostered ]
in her midst, would be sufficient, perhaps, to ;
| control any attempt her Parliament might j
i make to recover the ground she lias lost.
; .. . i
If slavery was abolished in the Southern i
! States of the Union, the trident of the sea j
would again be placed in the hands of the com |
manders of her merchant ships, and she would
| again control the commerce of the world.—
You of tlie South alone, of all the people, can
prevent this. This power is in your hands,
;if you are only t rue to yourselves. This is
the point to which all should turn their eyes.
You possess advantages now—events are
within your power, and which no people but
you can control—which will make }’Ou the
I mistress of the seas and of the world, by the
peaceful arts of agriculture, manufactures, and
i commerce. You cannot be controlled by the
j art of war. The South contains nine millions
of men, and cannot be subdued by aims. Ab
j olition alone can arrest your progress, for the
j African race can cultivate the lands upon the
Atlantic border, so as to produce successfully
; the great staples upon which the manufac
: tures and commerce of the civilized world de
pend.
England and the Northern States of this
| Union see the great advantage of your posi
tion, which the Creator has given you, and
hence the war that is so unrelentingly wag
ed against 3 T ou. Yon can brave it all, and
triumph over it all, if yon will. The work is
yours. You have the power to be mistress of
the world; to control its commerce, its arts,
and its manufactures; and to go on to a pros
perity and renown unequalled by the nations
j of the earth.
The Abolition spirit has now been in ac
tive operation seven years, in which time it
| has made considerable progress. It looks
i now to the Southern States of the Union, and
seeks to achieve there in crowning victory,
for in no other part of the world would aboli
! tion produce such mighty results of social or
der, governments, civilization and commercial
i supremacy.
The disciples of Wilberforce crossed over
! into America, and brought with them their
disorganizing ideas, and engrafted them upon
the Northern portion of the American mind.
And here, now this Abolition spirit pursues
i its way with a step as steady as time; with
an appetite as keen as death —insatiable as
pestilence or the grave. A thousand presses
are its willing and servile propagators. The
secret has spread all over Europe and a large
portion of America. A union between the
two Continents, as illustrated by the World’s
Convention in London, is established. Near
ly half a million of emigrants from Europe
; land annually upon our shores, and swell the
hosts which throng into a great Abolition
I'old; and a motion has been made during the
present session of Congress to give to each
| emigrant, upon bis arrival, a quarter section
of land. Our public domain, purchased by
the blood and treasure of our people, to which
the South has contributed far more than an
equal share, is to be partitioned out to feed
the Hame that lias been kindled to consume
; you. A great struggle is now going on to
force the people of the South to adopt the
creed of the universal equality of the human
races, and to carry the idea into practical ef
fect by placing the three million of African
negroes at the South upon a footing of so-
I cial and practical equality with the white
man; and this is sought to be done, too, when
; all must see, that if it be done, an extermina
ting war between the two races must follow,
as in St. Domingo, which war must continue
j —unless foreign aid should interpose—until
one of the races is exterminated.
It now devolves upon you to arrest this
storm that is gathering for your overthrow.
All see the advantage of your position—the
greatness, as people, which awaits you, and
hence the combined effort to stop your pro
gress.
i The States of this Union are distinct, and
ought to be in fact, as they are in theory,
independent sovereignties. Each of these
States where slavery now exists is unwilling
to abolish it. It is therefore demanded by
the Abolitionists that the General Govern
ment shall assume jurisdiction over the ques
tion of slavery, that this impediment may be
removed. Upon this question the North have
consolidated against the South, one section
against the other, the most dangerous mode
of consolidation that can possibly be affected.
The Congress has been flooded for the last
twenty vears with Abolitionists, demanding
that supreme jurisdiction over slavery shall
be assumed, and the majority, thus united,
concede to the general government plenary,
powers over the question. Congress has
granted the prayer of the petitioners, and as
sumed jurisdiction over the question in a va
riety of forms, and to a perilous extent, and
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 20, 1850.
the Southern States now occupy a position, as
far as this Government is concerned, but lit.
tie more favorable than that in which the
British Colonies stood in relation to the Brit
ish Parliament. All the Northern States, con
stituting a large majority of the people of these ,
States, have united to abolish slavery, the on- :
Iv question upon which they ever could unite.
Abolition has ceased to be a party question
in Congress. The same thing occurred, up- i
on the same subject, in the British Parliament.
Wilberforce exerted all his influence to ac
* complish this union of parties. He urged the
necessity of it upon the Abolition question
himself, in the House of Commons, and Lord
Greenville in the House of Peers. The ef
forts succeeded. It was solemnly agreed
that abolition should not be a party question,
and the agreement was called “the truce of
God.” llow striking the parallel now pre
-1 seated by the present position of parties in
Congress.
!. The Abolition party in America have now
got undisputed control of the general govern
ment, atid American Parliament has assumed
• jurisdiction over the question of slavery.—
One object and design of the scheme, that the
North shall give laws to the South, and that
these laws shall be framed upon the idea of
the universal equality of the human races; of
which the North are now the propagandists
in America. This creed must be practically
enforced by the military power of the Union,
if necessary, that the white man may be pull
ed down to the level of the lowest negro.—
Seward, of New York, presented a petition
in the Senate a few days ago, praying Con
gress to pass a law to have all the negroes in
I he South, between the ages of eighteen and
; fortv-five-years, enrolled in the militia.
j What do you think of black drill Sergeants,
| Majors, Colonels, &c ? A negro lawyer is
; now practicing law in Boston, and another
j acting as a justice of the Peace. The Euro
i pcan idea of “liberty, fraternity, and equality,”
iis still progressing. Where will it end l
By the late treaty with Mexico, a vast a
| mount of territory was acquired by the Unit
!ed States. The General Government, which
jis now, to all practical purposes, an aboli
tion government, assumes jurisdiction over
the question of slavery within the limits of
this-territory, and the abolition party have re
solved that slavery shall be excluded
from it all. The South, by the authoritative
acts of their Legislatures, have entered their
solemn protest against this unjust and dis
crimination between different sections of the
Union, which, by indirection, is a war upon
: the most sacred rights of the South, and in
volves the existence of her social and politi
cal institutions. The agitation of the dues
tions involved in the gretit controvercy has
produced much excitement in the public mind,
threatening the dissolution of the Union. In
the midst of this excitement, both in and out
of Congress, a resolution was introduced into
the Senate, referring the whole matter to a
Select Committee of Thirteen, to report a
plan for the settlement of the question.
Os this committee, Mr. Clay, of Kentucky,
was made Chairman, and lie has reported to
the Senate liis plan of settlement. And what
is the plan by which this great question is to
be settled, and peace and harmony restored
to the Confederacy ?
I will proceed to show.
The propositions are: First, to admit Cal
ifornia into the Union with the boundaries
she has thought proper to adopt. Second, to
provide Territorial Governments for Utah
and New Mexico, without the Wilmot Pro
viso. Third, to purchase of the State of Tex
as a portion of her territory, containing a
geographical area of 79,000,000 of acres, for
the sum of millions of dollars, the blank
to be filled, so as to read fifteen millions of
dollars. Fourth, the slave trade to be abol
ished in the District of Columbia. Fifth, that
the law of 1798, for the extradition of fugi
tives, to be amended so as to give the runa
way negro light of trial by jury at the resi
dence of his master, to decide the question
of his freedom. Now, the first iniquity which
presents itself to the mind is, what does this
plan of settlement concede to the just de
mands of the South 2 The South will be as
tonished. perhaps, to hear the only answer
that can be truly given. It not only concedes
nothing to the South, but it goes far beyond
any step ever before made in concession to
(he North. It concedes more than the North
ever have at any time before demanded. It
proposes to abolish slavery over a large tract
of territory where slavery now actually exists.
It admits California into the Union with the
Wilmot Proviso in her Constitution, and
therefore abolishes slavery in California, for
there are slaves there now. It provides Ter
ritorial Governments for Utah and New Mex
ico without the Wilmot Proviso. But why ?
Is this a concession to the South 2 Every
leading statesman ofthe North, and Mr. Clay",
and those who act with him in the South, de
clare that slavery is already excluded from
these territories by the law abolishing slavery
in Mexico. Mr. Clay says in his report that
these territories must soon come into the Un
ion as free States, and that slavery will be ex
cluded from them. Indeed all the inhab
itants of the territorial district have been giv
en to understand distinctly that they need not
apply for admission into the Union, unless
they do exclude slavery. According, there
fore, to Mr. Clay’s own construction of his
plan of adjustment, slavery will be excluded
from all our Mexican conquests, and he
urges this as a reason why his plan should
be adopted. If this be done, does it matter
to us how ? Is it not more manly, more mag
nanimous, more becoming the dignity and
character of a great people, for their Govern
ment to act openly, rather than to accomplish
its measures by fraud and knavery ? So far,
therefore, nothing is conceded to the South.
We are not defeated in a manly, bold and
open conflict, but cheated out of our rights on
every point in controversy.
Next in order is the purchase from Texas,
a slave State, of 79,000,000 of acres. If this
territory be purchased, it will thereby be ta
ken out ofthe compact of annexation, and
placed under the jurisdiction of the abolition
Government of the United States, and who
can doubt for a moment that slavery will be
abolished in it, and that it will be forced into
at least three free States, and brought into the
Union, for they can get into the Union no
other way. This is one design ofthe scheme.
That is, to take the Texian territory, abolish
slavery in it, and dupe the South by making
them contribute their share out of the public
I treasury to pay for it. Mr. Clay holds to
; the doctrine that, if it be purchased, slavery
will be excluded by Mexican laws.
This proposed purchase, is in other respects,
the most dangerous proposition which this !
Government has made in reference to slavery. J
If this purchase be made, the precedent will
be made also, that the Treasury of the Unit
ed States may be subsidized to abolish slave- ;
ry wherever it exists, or to bribe a State to |
give up the institution, as was done in the ;
‘case of Portugal and Spain, bv the abolition- j
ists of England. It is an effort to enlarge
the jurisdiction of Congress over the question
of slavery. The British Parliament exercis
ed the same jurisdiction, and emancipated !
the slaves in the British Colonies at the cost
of an hundred million of dollars, wrung from j
the hard earnings of a down trodden race of j
white people at home. This is a step of the j
American Parliament in the same direction.
It is among possible things, that the South in j
twenty or thirty years to eome, will be taxed i
to the amount of untold millions, to emanci- i
pate her own slaves; for let it be born in j
mind that the leveling system, of which 1 have
spoken, recognisesno constitutional restraints. !
The will of the majority is the law. The ab
olitionists have long since ceased to reason, j
and he who supposes they can be restrained i
by conscientious scruples or notions of jus
tice, knows nothing of the delusions into
which fanaticism plunges the human mind. I
What is deemed an extra measure now, will
be so co nimon in ten years more as to cease
attract attention.
There is another feature of this proposition
which I will now bring to your notice. When
Texas was admitted into the Union, she owed
a national debt of about ten millions of dol
lars. She reserved her unappropriated lands
to pay this debt. The bill proposing to pur
chase these lands of Texas provides that the
purchas money shall lie applied to the pay
ment of this same debt. This proposition,
which is in fact a gross insult to Texas, as
it clearly implies that she cannot be trusted
with the fund, to dispose of it as t her nation
al faith shall demand, has in it another secret
object.
The evidence of the national debt of Tex
as is in bonds. These bondsare held by many
persons other than the citizens of Texas.—
They have been brought up perhaps by ad
venturous speculators, at great sacrifice be
low their par value. The proposition to pay
the money for these lands would, under any
circumstances involve a design of bribery and
corruption. To propose to pay it directly to
those bond holders at the public treasury, is
a direct attempt to bribe every Texas bond
holderin the United States to the support of the
whole scheme of adjustment, as a unit. Who
are these bond holders? Are any of the
high functionaries of Government stockhold
ers in these bonds ? Who will answer this
grave inquiry ? How many agents of these
bond holders are lobby members, and who
i throng the purilous of the capitol, ready to
grasp the promised spoils? Tons of silver
i and gold are at stake upon the issue made upon
• Mr. Clay’s writ in partitition of the public
| treasury. All of a sudden, the productions
! of a numerous list of our letter writers crowd
; the pages of the “Union,” who discourse elo
quently about the proposed plan of capitula
tion, and the South are in effect gravely told,
that inasmuch as defeat is certain, they had
better accept Mr. Clay’s plan of settlement,
as it is framed to enable the South to surrender
with the best possible grace. They in effect
admit that it is an undisguised capitulation,
but Mr. Clay, who is now the great Free
Soil leader, magnanimously concedes to us
the honor of marching from the field with
our swords drawn, our drums beating, and
our colors flying.
ToMassena, the Marshal of France, a sim
ilar concession was made at the siege of Ge
noa. When his soldiers marched out of the
j city, they were covered with rags and ver
min. They looked like spectres of men, to
such a deplorable condition were they reduc
ed to famine and pestilence. They staggar
ed under the weight of the arms, they had so
nobly used, in defence of their country’s hon
or. They deserve a better fate. But were I
to accept in your name, the terms of capitu
lation now offered by Mr. Clay, I should,
in my judgement, deserve a worse fate.
There is a government Jesuitism here as
stringent as ever prevailed among the Jesuits
and Jacobins of France in the days of the
French Revolution. Every man from the
j South who is true to his section, is put under
the ban : and a host of vernal letter writers
who swarm about the Capitol, are set upon
him to write him down. The attempt at un
mitigated bribery, involved in Mr. CLAv’splan
of settlement, has increased this list of letter
writers. The evil to which 1 refer is thus
much increased in magnitude. A Southern
man who stands boldly up for Southern rights,
no matter how great his talents—how emin
ent his services and his public virtue —will
never again till the high offices of this Gov
ernment. The price of Federal honors is
treason to he South. The rewards of ambition
and political proflgacs, exceed those of hon
estly and public virtue. This will from hence
forth be an established government creed.
A great national party is now being organiz
ed upon this idea. It will be composed of the
aspirants for Federal honors, both North and
South. It will be held togeter by the cohe
sion of public plunder; and slavery must be
given up rather than defeat the objects of this
party organization. Its creed will include
the proposition, that the Government must
be sustained, right or wrong. The South has j
her full quota of votaries in this party, slavery !
to the contrary notwithstanding. Hie emo
luments and honors of Federal office will not j
be given up to save the institution of slavery, !
or to prevent the honors which must inevita- !
bly follow in the bloody track of emancipa- |
pation. It is this new organization which has ;
caused the Southern column here to fall back, I
in the retreat, since the commencement of!
the present session.
! The next position is to abolish the slave trade ;
in the District of Columbia. This is another
concession to the Abolitionists. It is one of j
the favorite measures of Joshua R. Giddixgs. ‘
The abolition of the slave trade between the j
States, and emancipation in the district of;
Columbia, come next in regular course of
events, for this government is in the hands of
the abolition party, and will take jurisdiction 1
over these questions in their order. Tlius it
is clear that all concessions are to the Aboli
tionists. And lam persuaded that there will
be no more concessions to the South until in
■ fluences, not yet restored to, are brought to
j bear upon the question.
The next proposition is to amend the law
of 1703, for the extradiction of fugitives. The
owners of a raunaway negro is to be requir- j
ed to enter bond at the North, when his slave
is arrested, guaranteeing to the negro ithe !
right ot trial by jury at home, at the place |
from which he fled, that an issue may be made 1
up between the negro and his master, and sub
mitted toa jury to decide the question of fact,
: whether he. is bond or free. The slave is to
| be permitted to go to law with his master in
! the District Courts of the United States. The
! negro and his master at the South are to be
come plaintiff and defendant before the Courts
iof the Country. What is this but granting to
I the slaves important civil rights, and arming
him with the power of the Federal Courts
| against his master, in vexatious suits, involv
ing heavy costs ? Who are to pay the ex
penses of litigation on the negro's side of the
case ? A more insulting proposition has nev
er been submitted to the citizens of my State.
Does not this proposition confer upon the
slaves of the South the rights of citizenship.
Samvel Hoar, the Massachusetts Envoy to
South Carolina during the administration of
Gov. Hammond, asked no more than this,
j and he was instantly expelled from the State.
| Apart from all these propositions the North- |
I ern part of the proposed law cannot be en- j
: forced. Mob law, as heretofore, will prevent
, it.
Law never has been, and never will be eu
j forced, that are overruled by a public opinion
j stronger than the law. To make extradic
| tion laws of any avail to the owners of slaves,
| public opinion at the North must first be
J changed. Who will be responsible for this
change?
Abolition cannot be restrained in its reck- i
; less career by resolves written upon parch
! ment. When the history of these times shall
| be written, this fact will have a prominent
* place upon its page.
Who has submitted this report as a con
cession to the South, and which is the basis
upon which is to be organized the great na
tional part of office seakers and office holders,
j and whose special benefit this government is
I from henceforth to perform its functions ?
! Who has drawn up these articles of Southern
! capitulation and surrender? Henry Clay,
who on the late occasion, wrote and publish
ed a plan for the prospective emancipation
of the negroes of Kentucky. Who wrote a
a letter to a Free Soil Convention in the State
\ of Ohio, declaring that he was unalterably
I opposed to the extension of slavery into ter-
S ritory now free and who exclaimed, in his
I place in the Senate, since the commencement
of the present session. “God forbid, that I
should ever give my vote for the extension of
slavery.” And more still, who said yesterday
in the Senate, that it is idle for the South to
suppose that she can maintain her equality in
the Union. Mr. Clay is not the man to lead
the South out of the sea of trouble which sur
| rounds us. Uis the policy of the abolition
! party to present only weak issues to the South
I upon which they cannot unite for resistance.
| They are playing this game with consumate
| ability, and they are now aided by Southern
S men of the great office seeking national par
ity. Their policy is that of the skillful gen
| eral. They intended to take first, all the out
posts on the frontiers-.of the enemy’s country.
J Exclude slavery from all the territorial dis
tricts, and then to draw their parallels closer
around us. As soon as they see the spirit of
resistance rising, efforts are cautiously made
to lull the rising storm. The feelings at the
South are thus let down, and the fire of re
sistance put out. This is the most fatal pol
icy that can be pursued towards us. The
system of Republican Government and man
| ners formed at the close of the Revolutionary
[ struggle, is going rapidly into decay. Cor-
ruption stalks abroad at noon day with un
blushing boldness. Men are ready to sell the
freedom of their country for titles, equipage
and distinctions. The millions of public mon
ey that pour into the coffers of the Govern
ment now, is scattered broadcast over the
Union, to buy men to the support of its meas
ures. This is not new with the Governments
of the world. Kings and Emperors do the
same thing, and we will in the end see the j
evil and fallacy of supposing our government
agents are honester than those of other conn- ‘
tries. When Henry Brougham took his :
seat in the . British House of Commons, the ]
throne of England’s King soon trembled un
der the blows he struck for the rights of Brit
ish subjects. But British gold soon hushed
his voice! Henry Brougham was convert
ed into Lord Brougham by the King’s pat
j ent. Garters and crosses decorated his per
j son, and the great seal of the Kingdom and
i ten thousand pounds a year, silenced forev
!or the magic voice of the people’s great
| champion and advocate. The same policy is
pursued here now with a firm and steady step.
England and France, at no period of the j
reign of their King’s, ever played this game j
with more ability, or with greater disregard I
to the rights of the people, than the govern- !
ment here is playing it now. An ample mini- ]
her of Southern men fall into the vortext of j
ambition thus opened. If the people of the i
South would save themselves from ignominy :
and ruin, they should look to this in time. j
The abolition of slavery’ has at all times
i been demanded by a people living at a re- J
I mote distance from the place which slavery j
existed. The power which abolished slavery |
in the remote Isles of Europe, Asia, and A
: merica, held its Court three thousand miles
! off'. That is our condition now. The Aboli
| tion party of the North live at a remote dis- ;
tance from us, and carry on their schemes i
! without being amenable to our laws. They j
1 guardedly keep beyond our jurisdiction, so !
| that the penalties of our statues, framed to :
i protect the rights of our people, cannot be |
j enforced against the criminal disturbers of our j
peace. The powerful engine of the press as- ‘
: sails us at a thousand assailable points. The
: general Government, which I repeat, is now’ ,
I under the unrestricted control of the Aboli- j
; tionists, is turned against us by the fanatical
: functionaries of the North, and this engine
j too, the most powerful of all, pours in its
fire upon us, and we cannot return it.
We are thus defenceless, as far as this
’ Government is concerned, from the mode of
i warfare w r aged aginst us.
; Our ranks are continually tinned by deser
| tion in a struggle in which the odds against |
!us grow greater and greater every day. E- j
ven the right of petition, tnat we are apt to |
regard as sacred, but as now claimed by the j
North, and exercised without restraint, in- j
volves the monstrous absurdity of a people j
living fifteen hundred miles off, petitioning ;
Congress to relieve another people from an
evil which they do not feel, and the very exis- |
tence of which they deny.
The facts I have presented are facts of hio
j torv. They do not rest upon me, therefore,
for their authority. Can any sane man, who
will give due weight to the consideration*
here presented, for a moment suppose that
this abolition spirit will stop of its own aecord
All Europe and America are aware of the im
mense adventages of your institutions and posi
tion, and that, if permitted to go on in the march
of greatness, you will hold in your hands the
commercial trident of the seas, and control
the commerce of the world. You are, there
fore, to be held back here. Your greatness,
the fertility of your soil, your industrial pur
suits, your agricultural, mineral, and manu
facturing abilities and resources are not yet
half developed—they are but in their infancy,
and you are but in the infancy of your great
ness. In the Southern section of the Union,
constitutional liberty itself is destined to find
its last retreat—last resting place upon this
Continent. You have, within your own bor
ders, a self sustaining power that makes your
own will the law of your own future destiny,
and that of your children forages yet to come.
It is for you to say whether abolition shall go
on to its accomplishment, or not. If you uo
not arrest it, who will? The people of the
South alone have the moral courage to arrest
it The question is with them, and upon
them rests the responsibility of the decision.
The constitution of the United States is,
to all practical purposes, a dead letter. The
majority have repealed it, and it is among the
things of the past.
Another truth is clear. You will never
have peaee, security, or repose, while this
Central Government entertains jurisdiction
over the question of slavery. This truth will
be a part of the history of future times. If
the South be true to themselves, they havo
! nothing to fear, but everything to hope. But
I am profoundly impressed with the convic
tion, that the South have nothing to hopo for
from this Government.
I have no reliable means of information up
on which to found an opinion whether Mr.
Clay’s plan of surrender will become a law or
net. Any opinion I could give would be on
ly conjecture. There is a probability I could
| give would be only conjecture. There is a
I probability that the Abolitionists may divide
upon the question. Their difference of opin
ion only applies to the mode by which their
j plans are to be carried out, some of them pre
| ierring Gen. Taylor’s plan to Mr. Clay’s. The
| fate of the last certainly depends upon the
extent of this difference of opinion, which 1
have no means of ascertaining. Hopes are
entertained, however, that Mr. Clay’s plan
will be defeated. If this be done, the test
questisn will be upon the admission of Cali
fornia. I think the South ought to make the
admission of California the test question,
whether in or out of Mr. Clay’s plan of ad
justment.
1 have now expressed my views freely and
candidly, and without reserve. Any other
course would be alike unworthy of you as
well as myself. It is my duty to lay before
you every material fact involving your right*
and interests here, and I have done this as far
as my limits will permit.
In conclusion I have only to remark that
timid counsels will ruin any people. When
the rights of a State are at stake, it is the
part of wisdom to carry out with firmness and
energy, a determined will and purpose to de
fend them to the last. To act otherwise is to
invite insult and aggression. Believing as I
do, that this doctrine is not only right in it
self, but that you also approve and sanction
it, I shall, as far as I may be able, make it
the rule ofmy conduct here, and wherever my
duty calls me. He who yields, whilst there
remains a single right to defend, is at all times
unworthy of your trust and confidence, and
more especially so in times like the present.
The most animating occasions of human life
are calls to danger and hardship, not invita
tions to safety and ease; and fortitude and
courage cannot find a more appropriate field
of action than to lead a forlorn hope in the
cause of hope and justice.
My mind is undisturbed, therefore by des
ponding fears. There is nothing so lull of
peril as submission to insult and wrong.
I am fellow-citizens, with very great respect,
NO. 25.
Your obedient servant,
DANIEL WALLACE.
Memory.
What an inestimable blessing has been be
stowed upon us by our all wise Creator in
giving us minds endowed with this faculty of
memory! O! of how many pleasures should
we be deprived, w ere it not for the power w e
possess of retaining and recalling the past. —
How sweet it is to look back to the days of
i chi(dhood, days of innocent and pleasant
j passtime, and recall each scene hallowed by
the name of Home. And with that name
I comes a thousand tender rememberances, re
collections of beloved parents, and affection
ate brothers and sisters. And can the gen
tle reproof, the kind admonition, be forgotten?
I think not. Years may roll away, changes,
many and great, may take place, yet theso
will not be forgotten.
Long years have passed since I saw the re
mains of a beloved father consigned to the
narrow tomb, yet the instructions received
from the lips of that revered parent, and that
eye which spoke a language to me, that words
| could not speak, these will be remembered till
| this heart has ceased its pulsation. Not only
1 the loved ones that made up that family cir
cle but every spot connected with my child-
I hood’s home, is near to my heart. O, Memo
! ry, thanks to thee that I am still |>ermitted to
recall to mind the gladsome hours of youth,
w hen all was bright and fair to my inexperi
enced eye; and 1 dreamed not of caro or
change, but hoped, yea, expected, it w ould
: always last. Let us for a moment fancy our
! solves deprived of this faculty ot the mind. —
| No ray of the past w'ould then send its cheer
; mg beam to brighten the feature ; alt would
he dark and uncertain. O, then, let us prise
I this invaulable gift, remembering it was given
I for our use, and not abuse; aud may we so
I live, that when we view the catalogue of tho
i past, we may have no occasion bolt Irom
1 memory’s page the record ol misdeed, of wick
ed thoughts, or idle words. —Boston Cultivator.
*_
A Boston paper says that by the breaking
off of the bead of the letter h, a very tempting
advertisement to invest in certain Railroad
stock was entitled “Purchase of Railway
Snares.”
i Can’t get a Chance to Fire. —“Mike,
why don’t you fire at those ducks, boy—don’t
you see you have got the whole flock before
your gun f” “I know I have, but when I get
good aim at one, two or three others will
swim right betwixt it and me.”
“Joe,” said a Joppa dame to her hopeful
1 son, who followed the piscatory profession,
; “do, dear, fix up a little; you look very slov
: enly. O, what an awful thing it would be, if
j you should get drowned looking so!”
“These Califony fellers talk about going
round the horn!” soliloquized fekeesicks, the
other night, on the canal bridge—“ Ketch mo
going round the horn, I never went round a
horn in my life! Venever I find one in my
wav I allcrs drinks it up—l docs ”