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May 23, 1853. 21
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VOL. I.
Speech of Hon. J. C. Calhoun.
Ou the Slavery Question.
DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE,
March 4, 1850.
1 have, Senators, believed from the first
that the agitation of the subject of slavery
w ould, if not prevented by some timely and
effective measure, end in disunion. Enter
t.ini.ig this Oj inion, 1 have, on all proper oc
cur inis endeavored to call the attention of
the two great parties which divide the coun
try to induce them to adopt some measures
to prevent so great a disaster, but without
success. The great agitation has been pei -
mitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to
resist it, until it lias reached a peiiod when it
can no longer be disguised or denied that the
Union is in danger. lou have thus had forc
ed upon you the greatest and the giavest
question that can ever come under your con
sideration . How can tie Union be preserv
ed?
To give a satisfactory answer to this migh
ty question, it is indispensable to have an ac
curate and thoiough knowledge of the nature
and the character of the case by which the
Union is endangered. Without such knowl
edge it is impossible to pronounce, w ith any
ceitaiuty, by what measure it can be saved;
just as it would be impossible for a physician
to ptonouuce in the case of some dangerous
disease with any certainty, by what lemedy
the patient could be saved, without similar
knowledge of the nature and character of the
cause of the disease. The first question, then,
presented for consideration, in the investiga
tion I piopose to make, in order to obtain
such knowledge, is: Wh at is it that has en
dangered the Union ?
To this question ihere can be but one an
swer: that the immediate cause is the almost
universal discontent w hich pi evades all the
States composing the Southern section of the
Union, ‘ibis widely extended discontent is
not of recent uiigin. It commenced with the
agitation ofthe slavery question, and has been
incieasing ever since. The next question,
going one step further back, is: What caus
ed this widely diffused and almost univer
sal discontent?
It is a great mistake to suppose, as some
havedone, that itoiiginated with demagogues,
who excited the discontent with the intention
of aiding their personal advancement, or w ith
the disappointed ambition of ceitain poliii
cians wh re o.ted to it as the means of re
lieving tlitir fortunes. On the contrary, all
the great political inffuences of the section
were arrayed against excitement,.and exerted
to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The
great mass of the people in the South were
divided, as in the other section, into Whigs
and Democrats. The leaders and the p e >s
es of both parties in the South were very so
licitous to prevent excitement and to preserve
quiet; because it was seen that the effects of
the foimcr w ould necessa ily tend to weaker,
if not dest oy, the political ties w hich united
them with their respective parties in the oth
er s ction. Those who know the strength of
party ties will readily appreciate the immense
force which this cause exerted against agita
tion, and in favor of preserving quiet. But,
as great as it was, it was not sufficiently so
to prevent the wide spread discontent which
now pervades the section. No: some cause,
far deeper and more powerful, than the one
supposed, must exist, to account for discon
tent so wide and deep. The question, then,
recurs: What is the cause of this discontent?
It will he found in the belief ofthe people ol
the Southern States, as prevalent as the dis
content itself, that they cannot remain, as
things now 7 are, consistently with honor and
safety, in the Union. The next question to
he considered is: What has caused this be
lief?
One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be
traced to the long-continued agitation of the
slave question on the part of the North, and
the many aggressions which they have made
on the tights ofthe South duiingthe time. 1
will not enumerate them at present, as it will
be done hereafter in its proper place.
‘I here is another lying back of it, with
which this is immediately connected, that may
he regarded as the great and primary cause.
It is to be found in the fact that the equil
ibrium between the tw r o sections in the Gov
ernment, as it stood when the Constitution
was tfie Government put in ac
tion, has been destroyed. At that time there
was neatly a perfect equilibiium between the
two, which ofierded amj le means to each to
protect itself against the aggression ofthe oth
er ; hut, as it now stands, one section has the
exclusive power of controlling the Govern
ment, which leaves the other w ithout any ad
equate means of protecting itself against its
encroachment and oppression. To place this
subject distinctly before you, I have, Senators,
prepared a brief statistical statement, showing
the relative weight ofthe two sections in the
Government under the first census of 1790
and the last census of 1840.
According to the former, the population of
the United States, including \eimont, Ken
tucky, and Tennessee, w hich then were in
their incipient condition of becoming States,
but were not actually admitted, amounted to
3,929,827. Os this number the Not them
States had 1,977,899, and the Southern
1,952,072, making a difference of only 25,-
872 in favor of the former States. ‘I he num
ber of States, including \ ermont, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, were sixteen ; of which eight,
including Vermont belonged to the Not them
section, and eight, including Kentucky and
Tennessee, to the Southern, making an equal
division of the States, between the two sec
tions under the first census. There was a
small preponderance in the House of Repre
sentatives, and in the electoral college, in fa
vor of the Northern, owing to the fact that,
according to the provisions of the Constitu
tion, in estimating federal numbers, five slaves
count but three ; but it was too small to af
fect, sensibly, the perfectequilibiium, which,
with that exception, existed at the time. Such
w 7 as the equality ofthe two sections when the
States composing them agreed to enter into
a Federal Union. Since then the equilibri
um between them has been greatly distrub
ed.
According to the last census the aggregate
population ofthe United States amounted to
17,063,347, of which the Northern section
contained 9,728,920, and the Southern 7,334,-
437, making a difference, in round numbers,
0£2,400,000. The number of States had in
creased from sixteen to twenty-six, making
an addition of ten States. In the meantime
the position ot Delaware had become doubt
ful as to whitjh section she properlv be
®l)c Soutljmi Sentinel
longs. Considering her as neutral, the Nor
thern States w ill have thirteen and the South
ern States twelve, making a difference in the
Senate of two Senators in favor of ‘lie form
er. Accoidingtothb apportionment under the
census of 1840, there were 223 members ot
the House of Representatives, of which the
Northern States had 135, and the Southern
States (considering Delaware as neut.ai) 87,
making a difference in favor of the former in
the House of Representatives of 48. ’lire
difference in the Senate of two members, ad
ded to this, gives to the North, in the Electo
ral College, a majo: it} 7 of 50. Since the cen
sus of Is 10, four States have here been ad
ded to the Union : lowa, Wiscon: in, 1 lo;i
----da, and Texas. They leave the difference in
the Senate as it stood when the census was
taken ; but add tw 7 o to the side of the No; th
in the House, making the present majo;ity in
the House in its favor of 50, and in the tli
toral college of 52.
‘1 he result ofthe whole is to give the North
ern sections a predominance in every depart
ment of the Government, and thereby concen
trate in it the two elements which constitute
the Federal Government; a majority of States,
and a majority of the population, estimated
in the federal numbers. Whatever section
concentrates the two in itsel, possesses the
conti ol of the enti.e Government.
Lut we are just at the close of the sixth de
cade, and the commencement or the seventh.
The census is to be taken ti.is year, which
must add g. eaily to the decided preponderance
of the No. th in the House of Representatives
and in the elector al college. The prospect
is, also, that a great increase will be added to
its present preponderance in the Senate, dur
ing the peiiod of the decade, by the addition of
new 7 States. ‘1 wo Ter: ito. ies, Oiegon and
Minesota, are already in progress, and stren
uous efforts are making to b;ing in three ad
ditional States from trie Territory recently
conquered liom Mexico, which, ii successful,
w ill add three other ttates, in a shoit time, to
the Northern section, making five States; and
increasing the present number of its States
from fifteen to twenty and o! its Senators from
thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not
a single Territory in progress in the South
ern section, and no certainty that any addi
tional State will he added to it dining the de
cade. ‘1 he j rospeet then is, that the two sec
tions in the collate, should the efforts now
be made to exclude the South from the new
ly acqui.ed Tenito.ies succeed, will stand,
before the end ofthe decade, twenty North
ern States to twelve Southern, (considering
Delaware as neutral,) and foity Northern
Senators to twenty-four Southern. ‘lbis
great increase of Senators, added to the great
increase of members of the electoral college
on the part of the N o th, w ich n.u t take
place under the decade, will effectually and
irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which
existed w hen the Government commenced.
Had this destruction been the operation of
time, w ithout i .terfe.ence of Government, the
South would have had no reason to complain;
but such was not the fact. It w 7 as caused bv
the legislation of this Govemmnet, which
was appointed as the common agent of all,
and charged with the protection orthe*nter
ests and security of all. The legi.-lation by
which it has been effected, may be classed un
der three heads. The first is that series of
acts by which the South has been excluded
from the common tenitory belonging to all
ofthe States, as the members of the Federal
Union, and which have had the effect of ex
tending vastly the portion allotted to the
Northern section, and restricting within nar
row limits, the portion left the South. The’
next consists in adopting a system of reve
nue and disbursements, by which an undue
propo. tiou of the burden of Taxation has been
imposed upon the South, and an undue pro
portion ol its pr oceeds appropriated to the
North ; and the last is a system of political
measures by which the original character of
the Government has been radically changed.
I propose to bestow upon each of these, in the
or der they stand, a few remaiks, with the
\ie\v of showing that it isowing to the action of
this Government that the equilibrium between
the two sections has been destroyed, and the
whole powers of the system centered in a sec
tional majority.
The first of the se. ies of acts by which the
South was deprived of its due share of the
Terri to. ies, oiiginated with the Confederacy,
which proceeded the existence of this Govern
ment. It is to he found i:r the provision of
the Ordinance of 1787. Its effects were to
exclude the South enli ely from that vast fer
tile region which lies between the Ohio and
the Mississippi livers, now embracing five
estates and one Tenitory. The next of the
seiies is the Missonii Compromise, which ex
cluded the South from that large portion of
Louisiana which lies North of 30 deg. 30
min., excepting w hat is included in the state
of Missou. i. ihe last of the se; ies excluded
the South from the whole ofthe Oregon Ter
litory. All these, in the slang ofthe day,
weie w hat was called slave ten ito; ies, and not
free soil; that is, ten itoi ies belonging to slave
holding powers and open to the emigration of
masters w ith their slaves. By these several
acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025
square miles, an extent of country consider
ably exceeding the enti.e valley of the
Mississippi. ‘1 o the South was le;t the por
tion ofthe Tenitory of Louisana lying South
0f36 deg. 30 min., including the fetates of
Louisana-and Aikansas, and the territory ly
ing West ofthe latter and South of3o deg.
30 min., called the Indian country. This,
with the Tenitory of 1 loiida, now the State,
makes in the whole, 283,003 square miles.—
To this must be added the tenitory acquired
w ith Texas. If the whole should he added to
the Southern section, it would make an in
crease of 325,520, which would make the
whole let to the 50uth,609,023. But a large
part of Texas is still in contest betwgen the
two sections, which leaves it uncertain what
will be the leal extent of the poition of terri
tory that may be left to the South.
1 have not included the territory recently
acqui.ed by the treaty with Mexico. The
North is making the most strenuous efferts to
appropiiate the whole to hersel,f by exclud
ing the South from every foot of it If she
should succeed, it will.add to that from which
the South has already been excluded, 526,078
square miles, and would increase the whole
which the North has appropriated to herself
to 1,764,023, not including the potion that
she may succeed in excluding us from in
Texas. To sum up the whole, the United
States, since they declared their independ
ence, have acquired 2,373,046 square miles
of territory, from which the North will have
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 13, 1850.
excluded the South, if she would succeed in
monopolizing the newly acquired territories,
of about three-fourths of the whole, leaving to
the South but one-fourth.
Such is the first and great cause that has
destroyed the equilibi ium between the two
sections in the Government.
The next is the system of revenue and dis
bursements which has been adopted by the
Government. It is well known that the
Gove: nment has de ived its revenue mainly
f. oin duties on imports. I shall not under
take to show that such duties must necessari
ly fall mainly on the exporting States, and
that the South, as the great exporting poition
of the Union, has in reality paid vastly more
than her due proportion ofthe revenue; be.
cause I deem it unnecessary, as the subject
has on so many occasions been fully discuss
ed. Nor shall 1, for the same reason, under
take to show that a far greater poi tion of the
revenue hasbeen disbursed at the North, than
isher due share ; and that the joint effect of
these causes has been,to transfer a vasf amount
from South toNo.th, whieb, under an equal
system of reveuue and disbursements, would
not have been lost to her. If to this be add
ed that many of the duties were imposed, not
for the revenue, but for the protection—that
U, intended to put money, not in the treasury,
but directly into the pocket of the manufac
tures—some conception may be formed ot
the immense amount which, in the long course
of sixty years, has been transferred from
South to North. There are no data by
which it can be estimated with any ceitain
ty ; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to
hundreds of millions of dollars. Under the
most moderate estimate, it would be sufti
cientto add greatly to the wealth ol theNoith,
and thus greatly increase her population by
attracting emigration from all quarters of that
section.
This, combined with the great and prima
ry cause, amply explains why the North has
acquired a preponderance over every depart
ment of the Government by its disproportion
ate increase of population and States. ‘1 he
former, as has been shown, has increased in
fifty years, 2,400,000 over that of the South.
This increase of population, during so long a
period, is satisfactory accounted for, by the
number of emigrants, and increase of their de
scendants, which have been attracted to the
Northern section from Europe and the South,
in consequence of the advantages derived
from the causes assigned. If they had not
existed—if the South had retained all the cap
ital which has been extracted bom her by the
fiscal action ofthe Government; and, ii it
had not been excluded by the ordinance ot
’B7, and the Missouii compromise, from the
region lying between the Ohio and the Miss
issippi livers, and between the Mississippi and
the Rocky Mountains,north of 36deg. 30 min.
—it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she
would have divided the emigration with the
North, and by retainging her own people,
would have at least equalled the Noith in pop
ulation under the census of 1840, and proba
bly under that about to be taken. She would
also, if she had retained her equal rights in
those tenitoiies, maintained an equality in
the number of States with the North and have
preserved the equilibrium between the two
sections that existed at the commencement
ofthe Government, ‘lhe loss then ot the
equilib.ium, is to be attributed to the action
of this Government.
But while these measures w 7 cre destroying
the equilibiium between the two sections, the
action ofthe Government was leading to a
radical change in its character by concentrating
all the power of the system in itself. The oc
casion w ill not permit me to trace the meas
ures by which this great chagce has been
consummated. If it did,it would not be diffi
cult to show that the process commenced at
an eaily pe;iodof the Government;. that it
proceeded almost without interruption, step
by step, until it absorbed virtually its entire
pow ers; but without going through the whole
process to establish the fact, it may be done
satisfactory by a very shoit statement.
That the Government claims, and practi
cally maintains, the light to decide in the last
resot ton the extent of its powers, w ill scarce
ly be denied by any one conversant with the
polilical history of the country. That it al
so claims the light to reso;tto force, to main
tain whateverpporerw r er it claims, against all op
position, is equally ceitain. Indeed it is ap
parent, iiotu w hat w e daily hear, that this
has become the prevailing and fixed opinion
of a majority of the community. N o\v, 1 ask,
what limitation can possibly be placed upon
thepowereof a government claiming and
exercising such lights ? And, if none can be,
how can the separate governments of the
states maintain and protect the powers re
served to them by the Constitution, or the
people ofthe several states maintain those
w hich are reserved to them, and among oth
ers, the sovereign powers by which they or
dained and established, not only their sepa
rate state Constitution and Government of
the United States? But, if they had no con
stitutional means of maintaining them against
the right claimed by this Government, it nec
essarily follows, that they hold them at its
I lcasure and discretion, and that all the pow
ers ofthe system are in reality concentrated
in it. It also follows, that the character of
the Government has been changed in conse
quence, from a federal Republic, as it oi initi
ally came from the hands of its framers, into
a great national consolidated Democracy.—
It has indeed, at present, all the characteris
tics of the latter, and not one of the former,
although it still retains its outward form.
The result of the w hole of these causes
combined is, that the North has acquired a
decided ascendancy over every department
of this government, and through it a control
over all the powers of the system. A single
section governed by the will ofthe numerical
majoiity, has now, in fact, the control of the
Government and the entire powers of the
system. VVhat was once a constitutianal fed
eral Republic, is now converted, in reality, in
to one as absolute as that of the Autocrat
of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency, as
any absolute government that ever existed.
As then, the North has the absolute cont ol
over the Government, it is manifest, that on
all questons between it and the South, w here
there is a diversity of interests, the interest of
the latter will be saciificed to the former,
how 7 ever oppressive the effects may be, as the
South possesses no means by which it can re
sist, through the action of the Government.
But if there w 7 as a question of vital importance
to the South, in reference to w'hich there was
a diversity of views between the two sections.
this state of things might be endured, with
out the hazard of destruction to the South.—
But such is not the fact. There is a question
of vital importance to the Southern section,
in reference to w hich the \ ie'.vs and feelings
of the two sections are as opposite and hos
tile as they can posHhly he.
I rife, to the r 1 io be ween fia two acts
ir) tue Southern tec.uti, w..i,_. constitute* ..
vital portion of her social organization.—
Every po.tion of the Noith entertains views
and feelings more or loss hostile to it. Those
most opposed and hostile, regard it as a sin,
and consider themselves under the most sa
cred obligation to use eveiy effoit to distroy
it. Indeed to the extent that they conceive
they have power, they regard themselves as
implicated in the sin, and responsible for sup
pressing it by the use of all and every means.
Those less opposed and hostile, regard it as a
c ime—an offence against humanity, as they
call it ; and although not so fanatical, feel
themselves bound to use all efforts to effect
the same object; while those who are least
opposed and hostile,- regard it as a blot and
a stain on the character of what they call the
Nation, and feel themselves accordingly
l oand to give it no countenance or supp r. L .
On the contrary, the Southern section regards
the relation as one which cannot be destroyed
without subjecting the two races to the great
est calamity, and the section to poverty, des
olation, and wretchedness ; and accordingly
the} 7 feel bound, by every consideration ot in
terest and safety, to defend it.
This hostile feeling on the part ofthe North
towards the social organization of the South,
long lay dormant, but it only required some
cause which would make tire impression on
those who felt it most intensely, that they
were responsible for its continuance, to call
it into action. The increasing pow er of this
Government, and ofthe cont olofthe North
ern section over all its departments, furnished
the cause. It was this w hich made an impres
sion on the minds of many, that there was
little or no restraint to prevent the govern
ment from doing whatever it might choose to
do. Tills was sufficient of itself to put the
fanatical poition ofthe North in action foi
the purpose of destroying the existing relation
between the two races in the South.
The first organized movement towards it
commenced in 1835. Then, for the first time
societies were organized, presses established,
lecturers sent forth to excite the people ofthe
North, and incendiary publications scattered
over the whole South, through the mail.—
The South was thoroughly amused. Meet
ings were held everywhere, and resolutions
adopted, calling upon the North to apj ly a
remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and
i lodging themselves to adopt measures for
t lei. own prote tion, i it was not arrested. At
ttie meeting of Congress petitions poured in
from the North, calling upon Congress to
abolish slavery in the List.ict of Columbia,
and to prohibit what they culled the internal
slave trade between the States, announcing
at the same time, that their ultimate object
was to abolish slavery, not only in the Dis
trict, but the States, and throughout the Un
ion. At this peiiod, the number engaged in
the agitation was small, and possesed-little or
no personal influence. ■ • -
Neither party n Cungn ss’iad, at that ‘im ,
any sympathy with them, or tuei. cause. —
The members of each pa; ty presented their
petitions with great reluctance. Neverthe
less, as small and contemj ible as the paity
then was, both of the great parties of the
North dreaded them. They felt that though
small, they were organized in reference to a
subject w hich had a great and a commanding
influence over the Northern mind. Each
party, on that account, feared to oppose their
petitions, lest the opposite party should take
advantage of the one who might, by favoring
their petitions. The effect was that both unit
ed in insisting that the petitions should be
received, and that Congress should tyke ju.is
diction of the subject for which they prayed.
To justify their course, they took the extraor
dinary grounel, that Congress was bound to
receive petitions on every subject liow r ever
objectionable it might be; and whether they
had or had not ju isdiction over the subject.
These views prevailed in the House of Repre
sentatives, and paitially in the Senate, and
thus the party succeeded in their firet move
ments in gaining what they proposed—a pos
ition in Congress, from which agitation could
be extended over the whole Union. This was
the commencement of the agitation, which
has ever since continued, and which, as is
now 7 acknowledged, has endangered the Un
ion itself.
Ai f< r mysel , I belizvcd at that eaily peii
od, if the pai ty who got up the petitions snoyld
succeed in getting Congress to take jurisdic
tion, that agitation would follow, and that it
would in the end, if not arrested, destroy the
Union. 1 thus expressed myself in debate,
and called upon both parties to take ground
against assuming ju:isdiction, but in vain.—
Had my voice been heeded, and Cong; ess
refused to take jurisdiction,by the united votes
of all parties, the agitation which followed
w 7 ould have been prevented, and the fanatical
zeal that gives impulse to the agitation, and
which has brought us to our present pe:ilous
condition, would have become extinguished
from the want of something to feed the flame.
That was the time for the North to show her
devotion to the Union; hut unfoitunately
both of the great parties of that section w ere
so intent on obtaining or retaining party as
cendency, that all other considerations were
overlooked or forgotten.
What has shice followed are but natural
consequences. With the success of their first
movement, this small fanatical party began to
acquire strength ; and w ith that, to become
an object of couitship to both the great par
ties. The necessary consequence w 7 as a fur
ther increase of pou 7 er, and a gradual taint
ing of the opinions of both of the other par
tins with their doctiines, until the infection
has extended over both; and the great mass
of the population of the North, who, whatev
er may be their opi ion ofthe o.iginal aboli
tion party, which still preserves its distinct
ive organization, hardly eyep fail, when it
comes to acting, to co-operafe in carrying out
their measures. With the -increase of their
influence, they extended the sphere of their
action. In a shoit time after the commence
ment of their first movement, they had acquir
ed sufficient influence to induce the Legisla
tures of most of the Northern States to pass
acts, which in effect abrogated the provision
of the Constitution that provides for the de
livering up of fugitive slaves. Not long after
petitions followed to abolish slavery in forts,
magazines and dock yards, aud all other pla-
; ees where Congress had exclusive power of
legislation. 1 nio was followed by petitions
and resolutions of the Legislatures of .North
ern States and popular meetings, to exclude
the Southern States from all ‘luxitoiies ac
quired, or to be acqui.ed, and to prevent the
admission of any State hereafter into the Un
ion, which by its C onstitution, does not pro
hibit slavery. And Congiessb invoked to
do all this expressly w ith tne view to the final
abolition of slavery in the States. That has
.been avowed to be the ultimate object from
the beginning of the agitation until the pres
ent time; anu yet the great body of both par
ties at the Acttn, with the full knowledge of
the fact, although disavowing the Abolition
ists, have co-operated w ith them in almost all
their measures.
&ueii is tne b:ief history of the agitation,
as far as it has yet advanced. Now 1 ask,
•senators, w hat is the ultimate end proposed,
unless some decisive measure should be a
dopted to prevent it? Has any one of the
causes, w Inch has added to its increase fioni
its oiiginal small and contemptible beginning
until it has attained its present magnitude,
diminished in force? Is the oiiginal cause oi
tne movement, that slavery is a si , and ought
to be suppiessed, weaker now man at uie
commencement ? Or L the Abolition party
less numerous or influential, or have they less
influence or control over tao two great pai
lies of the North in elections? Or lias the
oouth greater means of influencing or con
trolling the movements ol ti.is Oovernmeut
now,tuau it had when the agitation commenc
ed ? ‘1 o all these questions but one answer
can be given; No, no, no. ‘iho very re
verse is true. Instead of being weaker, all
the elements in favor of agitation are strong
er now’ thaii they were in ife3s, when the ag
itation first commenced, w'l.ile all the elements
of influence on the pait of the South are
weaker. Unless something decisive is done
i again ask, what is to stop this agitation,
belore the great and final object at which it
aims—the aoolition of slavery in the .States—
is consummated ? Is it, then, not certain,
that if something decisive is not now’ done to
arrest it, the c?outh will be forced to choose
betweti abolition and secession ? Indeed, as
events are now moving, it will not require
the South to secede to dissolve the Union. —
Agitation w ill of itself effect it, of which its
past history furnishes abundant pi oof, ass
shall next proceed to show’.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disun
ion can be effected by a single blow’. The
coids which bound these fetates together in
one common Union are far too numerous and
powerful for that. Lisunion must be the
work of time. It is only tlnough a long pro
cess, and in succession, that the cords can be
snapped, until the whole fabiic falls asunder.
Already the agitation of the slavery question
has snapped some of the most important, and
has greatly weakened all others, as 1 shall
proceed to show.
The cords that bind the States togeather
are not only many, but various in character,
dome are spiiitual or ecclesiastical; some
political; others social. Some appertain to
the benefit conferred by the Union, and oth
ers to the feeling of duty and obligation.
The strongest of those of a spi.itual and
ecclesiastical nature, consisted in the unity of
the great religious denominations, all of which
originally embraced the whole Union. All
these denominations, with the exception, per
haps, of the Catholics, were organised very
much upon the piinciple of our political insti
tutions; beginning with similar meetings cor
responding with the political divisions of the
country, their organization terminated in one
great central assemblage, corresponding very
much with the character of Congress. At
these meetings the principal clergymen and
lay members of the respective denominations
hour all paits of the Union met, to transact
business relating to their common concerns,
it was not confined to what appertained to
the doefc. ine and discipline of trie respect
ive denomination, hut extended to plans for
disseminating the Bible, sending out mission
aries, dist. Uniting tracts, and establishing
presses for the publication of tracts, newspa
pers and periodicals, with a view ol diffusing
religious information, and for the support of
the doct. ines and creed of the denomination.
All these combined, cout ibuted greatly to
strengthen the bonds of the U nion. ‘1 he
strong ties which held each denomination to
gether loinred a strong cord to hold the whole
union together; but as powerful as they
were, they have not been able to resist the
exj lo.:ive effect of the slavery agitation.
l lie first of these cords which snapped, un
der its exj lo ive force was that of the power
ful Methodist Episcopal Church. ‘1 he nu
merous and strong ties which held it together
are all broke, and its unity gone. They now
form separate chuiches; and, instead ol that
feeling of attachment and devotion to the in
terests of the w'hole Church which was for
mei ly felt, they are now arrayed into two
hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about
what was forme, ly their common property.
The next cord that snapped was that ol the j
Baptists, one of the largest and most respec
table of the denominations. That of the
Presbyteiians is not enti.ely snapped, but
some of its strands have given away. That
of the Episcopal Church is the only one of
thefourgreat Protestant denominations which
remains unbroken and enti.e.
The strongest* cord of political character
consists of the many and strong ties that have
held together the two great parties wdiich
have, with some modification, existed from
the beginning of the Government. They
both extended to every portion of the Union, j
and strongly conti ibuted to hold all its parts
together. But this powerful cord ha3 iared
no better than the spi, itual. It resisted for a
long time the explosive tendency of the agi
tation, but has finally snapped under its force
—if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is
there one of the remaining coids which have
not been greatly weakened. To this, extent
the Union has already been destroyed by ag
itation, in the only way it can be, by snap- !
ping asunder the working cords which bind it
together.
If the agitation goes on, the same force,
acting w ith increased intensity, as has been i
shown, will finally snap every cord, when
nothing will he left to hold the States togeth
er except force. But, surely, that can, with
no propriety of language, be called a Union, j
when the only means by which the weaker is
held connected with the stronger portion is j
force. It may, indeed, keep them connected; j
but the connection will partake much more j
of the character of subjugation, on the part;
of the w eaker to the stronger, than the union ;
of free, independent and sovereign States, in
one t ederal Union, as they stood in the early
stages of the Government, and which only b
worthy of the sacred name of Union.
Having now, Senators, explained what it
is that endangers the Union, and traced it to
its cause, and explained its nature and char
acter, the question again recurs: How can
the Union be saved ? To this I answer, there
: is but one way by which it can be, and that
! is by adopting such measures as will satisfy
i the States belonging to the Southern section
I that they can remain in the Union consistent
|ly with their honor and their safety. There
is, again, only one way which that can be ef
| fected, and tiiat is by removing the causes by
| which this belief has been produced, bo
that, and discontent w ill cease, harmony and
kind feelings between the sections be restor
ed and every apprehension of danger to the
Union be removed. The question, then, is:
By what can this Ire done? But before 1 un
dertake to answer tnis question, I propose to
show by what the Union cannot be saved.
•It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on
; the Union, however splendid or numeious.—
The cry of “Union Union—the glo.ious Un
ion!” can no more prevent di union than the
; cry of “Health, health—glo.ious health! ’ on
the part ol a physician, can save a patient
| lying dangerously ill. fco long as the Union,
instead ol being regarded as a protector, is
regai ded in the opposite, by not much less
than a majo.ity oi tne states, it will be in
vain to attempt to conciliate them by pro
nouncing eulogies on it.
Besides, tnis cry of union comes common
; ly from those whom we cannot believe to be
sincere. Jt usually comes from oi.r assail
| ants, if they loved tne Union, they would
j necessn. ily be devoted to the Constitution.—
| It made tlie Union, and to destroy the Con
j stitntioii would be to destroy the Union. —
| But the only reliable anu certain e\idence of
j devotion to tiie constitution, i.-, to abstain in
tire one baud, from violating it, and to repel,
jon tne other, all attempts t • violate it. it is
I only by 1. i n.u ly ptr.on. i g these high de
ities that the Constitution c.n be pieserved,
and w ith it the U nion.
But how’ stands the proses: ion of devotion
to the Union by our assailants, when brought
to the tost ? Let tlie many acts passed by the
i\ oi them estates to set aside and annul the
clause of the Constitution providing for the
delivery of fugitive slaves, answer. 1 cite
this, not that it is the only instance, (for there
are many others,) but because the violation,
| in this particular, oi the Constitution, is too
i notoiious and pay able to be denied. Again:
! have they stood lortli fai hfullyto repd violu
j tions of the Constitution ? Let their course
| in reference to agitation of tne slavery ques
; tion, which was commenced and curried on
j for fifteen years, avowedly for the purpose of
abolishing slavery in the states—an object
all allow to be unconstitutional—answer.—
Let them show a single instance, dining this
long peiiod, in which they have denounced
the agitators or thiir attempts to effect what
is admitted to be unconstitutional, or a single
measure they have brought forward, for that
purpose. How can we, with all these facts
before us, believe that they are sincere in
their profession of dcvo'.ion to the Union, or
avoid believing thiir profession is but intend
ed to increase the vigor of thiir assaults, and
: to weaken the foice of our resistance?
Nor can we regard the profession of devo
lion to this Union, on the part of those who
are not our assailants, as sincere, when they
pronounce eulogies upon the Union, evident
ly with the intent of charging us with di un
ion, without uttering one word of denuncia
tion ag.ii ist our assailants. If fiiends of the
Union, thrir .course should be to unite with
us in repelling these assaults, and denounc
ing the authors as enemies ol the Union.—
Wliy they avoid ti.is, and pursue the course
Urey do, it is for them to explain.
Nor can the Union be saved by invoking
the name of the illusti ious Southerner whose
mortal remains repose on the Western bank
of the Potomac. He was one of us—a slave
| holder and a planter. We have studied his
! history, and find nothing in it to justi y sub
mission to wrong. On the contrary, his
great fame rests on the solid foundation,
that while he w’as careful to avoid doing
wrong to others, he was prompt and decided
in repelling wrong. I trust that, in ti.is res
pect, we have profited by his example. Nor
can we find any thing in his history to deter
us from seceding from the Union, should it
fail to fulfil the objects for which it was insti
tuted, by being permanently and hopelessly
converted into the means of oppressing in
stead of protecting us. On the contrary, we
find much in his example to encourage us,
should we be forced to the extremity of de
| eiding between submission and disunion,
j There existed then, as well as now, a un
i ion—that between the parent country and her
then colonies. It was a union that had much
to endear it to the people of the color ies.—
Under its protecting and superintending care
the colonies were j lanted and grew up and
prospered, through a long course of years,
until they became populous and wealthy, its
benefits were not limited to them. Their ex
tensive agiicultural and other productions,
gave birth to the flourishing commerce, which
liclily rewaided the parent country for the
trouble and expense of establishing and pro
tecting them. Washington was born and
grew up to manhood under that Union. He
acquired his early distinction in its service,
and there is every reason to believe that he
was devotedly attached to it. But this de
votion w: s a ration .1 oi e. He was a t uhed to it
not as an end, but as a means to an end.—
When it failed to fulfil its end, instead of af
fording protection, was converted into means
of oppressing the colonies, he did not hesi
tate to draw his sword, and head the great
movement by which that union was forever
severed, and the independence of these States
established. This was the gpeat and crown
ing glory of his life, which has spread his
fame over the whole globe, and will transmit
i„ to the latest posteiity.
Nor can the plan proposed by the distin
! guished Senator from Kentucky, nor that of
the Administration, save the Union. I shall
pass by, v\ ithout remark, the j lan proposed
by the Senator, and proceed directly to the
consideration of that oftbe Adti.ii istration. 1
however assure the distinguished and able
Senator, that in taking this course, no disres
pect whatever is intended for him or 1 ii plan.
1 have adopted it because so many Senators
of distinguished abilities, who were present
when he delivered his speech and explained
his plan, and who were fully capable to do
justice to the tide they support, have replied
to him.
The plan of the Administration cannot
save the Union, because i f can have no effect
whatever, towards satisfying the States com
posing the Southern-section of the Union, that
they can, consequently with safety and honor
remain in the Union. It is in fact but a mod
ification of the Wilmot Proviso. It p. ‘ooses
to effect the same object—to exclude the
South from all territory acquired by the Mex
ican treaty It is well known that the South
is united against the Wilmot‘Proviso, and has
committed itself by solemn resolutions, to re
sist, should it be adopted. Its opposition is
NO. 24.