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April 18
VOL. I.
[From the Southern Press.]
The Randolph Epistles,
WITH FACTS AND REFLECTIONS
FOR THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE.
NUMBER I.
The North's Triumph over the South—The revels
and rejoicings over her—The Resolves of Vir
ginia and the South—-The Results—Califor
nia arid the Wilmot Proviso—Utah and New
Mexico through a “kindred measure”—The
South without a foot of the acquisition—To pay
three-fourths of the price—California takes to
herself all the domain and all of the Gold Mines —
Free Access to the Mines icould have given
$600,000,000 of Enhanced Value to Slave Pro
perty— Through the action of Congress, the
North obtains, and the South loses all—Southern
Votes for the Admission of California —The
Effects —The Measure Unconstitutional, <f-c.
Fellow Citizens of the South:
One of yourselves—born among you—bred
amongyou—dwelling among you—and hold
ing an humble, but common share with you,
in the South’s rights or wrongs—prosperity
or adversity—in all she does, or has, or hopes
for, and who, in common with you, must
prosper or sutler, and stand or fall with her—
presumes to hold counsel with you, upon the
present gloomy aspect of her interests and
destinies. Having no great name of his own
to give weight to what he says, he must, as
aforetime, borrow that of another, over which
you have often honored him with your au
dience, on matters of eminent public concern,
in times gone bj\ Over that non de plume,
he has lately been proffering respectful coun
sel in your behalf, to so great a personage as
the Chief Magistrate of the Union, and even
now, he puts aside his unfinished “ Randolph
Epistles,” that he may hold closer and weight
ier communion with you.
Fellow Southerners!—the long agony in
Congress is over, and the struggle is past!
The North is triumphant—and your native
South has been utterly routed in the contest
—and is here, helplessly prostrate and tram
pled upon! Faithful and intrepid minorities in
both Houses, stood by her to the last—and
kept outnumbering hosts at bay—and would
finally have vanquished them, but Southern
desertions augmenting their forces, and in
spiriting their courage—in serried phalanx
and with overwhelming odds, they charged
once more, and all was lost! But even a
victory so thorough as this—could not suffi
ciently humiliate and disgrace the South—
without a public triumph and exultation over
her! Accordingly, from the slave-soil of the
District—and within ear-shot of Washing
ton’s tomb, one hundred and one salutatory
guns announced this memorable jubilee over
the prostrate rights and fortunes of his native
land—while illuminations and bonfires, and
rockets and joyous minstrelsy, gave light and
zest to the celebration, and oh! incredible
reality!—there were Southern members of
Congress who sanctioned and shared in these
exulting mockeries over right, justice, equali
ty, and their own native South!—And more
than this! The bruit goes, that no less than
eight of the aspirants to the Presidency—
five of them Democrats and three of them
Whigs—four of them Northerners, and four
of them Southerners—namely, Messrs. Web
ster, Cass, Dickinson and Douglas, from the
North, and Messrs. Clay, Hilliard, Cobh and
Houston, from the South, made night and the
thoroughfares of Washington, boisterous and
eloquent with their gratulations upon this
glorious achievement! Let the renowned
occasion, and these exultant exploits, men of
the South, sink deep down into your hearts,
and carve it in j our memories, should ever,
in coming years, a man among them, claim
the South’s electoral help towards their Na
tional promotion. If anything could enhance
the indignation and ire with which every
Southern patriot must contemplate revels and
rejoicings over such oppressive and wrongful
successes as these, it would be the paper
huzzas and vivas, w’ith w’hich those Southern
journals, the Union, Intelligencer and Repub
lic, {nourished and enriched as they have been,
through Southern patronage,) have hailed, re
counted, and applauded the passage of these
baleful measures, and these greetings and
gratulations over them. But let us pass from
these exasperating memories in quest of what
there be in these extraordinary proceedings
of Congress, of such advantage to the South
in fruition or in promise, that Southerners
should have supported, or that Southerners
should have rejoiced in them!
A vast majority of your Legislatures, with
Virginia in the lead, passed resolutions last
winter—didn’t they?—that the people of these
States respectively, would not submit to “ the
Wilmot Proviso, or any kindred, measure,”
but would resist the same, “at all hazards,
and to the last extremity” They had uo ob
jections to “the Wilmot Proviso, nor any
kindred measure”—h; and they ? further than to
the aim and tendencies of either, to deprive
their citizens of their equal rights in common
with the citizens of the Free States, to mi
grate with their property to any portion of
i the territory acquired from Mexico. None
; whatever. It was not then against the mere
name of the Wilmot Proviso, that so grave
| and imposing a menace was aimed—was it?
Most certainly not. Then it was the depri
; ration of their citizens of their equal rights
I in these Territories, which they would not
submit to, and would resolutely resist, “ at all
| hazards and to the last extremity,” whatever
‘■ the measure, or whatever the name, through
which that deprivation should be effected—
was it not so ? Exactly, and to a certainty ;
and for that very reason, and “to make as
surance doubly sure,” and for no other pur
pose whatever, they employed the alternative
language of “ any kindred measurewhich
any measure must be, that w'ould deprive
them of the rights they asserted to be theirs,
and w’hich they professed to protect. God
help the recreant and dastard State, w’hich
should have sullied her escutcheon with a brag
gart’s menace, by now’ “ eating her own
words,” and recoiling from her position in de
fence of her rights, and under the cowardly
equivoque, that though equally bereft of her
rights under the process resorted to, as if it
had been the Proviso itself; yet that the form of
words, through which the bereavement was
menaced, though substantially was not tech
nically the same. Foh! That might do for
vaporing Massachusetts, but such shuffling
paltroonery will never brand with its dis
grace, (may Heaven forfend the shame,) any
of the sovereign communities dwelling south
of Mason and Dickson’s fine. But passing
from tills, and we are at once reminded, that
Congress has, at last, taken final action upon
■ all the territory acquired from Mexico, and it
£lje Soutljcni Sentinel.
w’as about the disposition which was to be
made thereof, that all the State Resolutions
had reference, and this at once brings us to
the results.
What is certain is, that the Wilmot Pro- \
viso itself is now in full force and operation
throughout California, from the 32d to the
42d degree of north latitude, and that this act
has been wholly consummated through the
action of Congress, and that Southerners are
excluded entirely, absolutely and for ave,
from migrating and settling there with their
property.
We have the high authority of Messrs.
Clay, Cass and Webster, the first the origina
tor, and all of them the zealous and the
ablest supporters of these measures, for sta
ting, that the principles of the Wilmot Pro
viso, in the form of a Mexican interdiction of
slavery, is now in full force and operation in
these Territories, respectively, as now organ
ized by law ? —and explicitly recognized and
adopted as such by Congress itself, in its re
peated refusals to abrogate such Mexican
law's, or to empower the Territorial Legisla
tures to give police protection to slave pro
perty, or to prohibit them from legislating to
abolish or exclude slave property thither, j
should the Judicial power determine that the
Mexican anti-slavery laws had not survived
the cession in the Territories ceded.
Il is certain, that the State of California
thus admitted into the Union, and the Terri
tories of Utah and New’ Mexico thus organ
ized, cover and include every acre of the
Territory which was acquired by Treaty
from Mexico.
It is certain, that through the action of
Congress, the South has been entirely and
forever deprived of even a foothold with her
property, upon the least portion, north or
south, of those extensive and opulent do
mains, and is forbidden even to partake, with
her slaves, of the millions upon millions,
which foreigners, from all parts of the earth
and the seas, with theirs, (the peons of Mexi
co and South America, and the coolies of In
dia) have been permitted, (by those who call
themselves our brethren, God help us!) to spo
liate and enrich themselves from the public
treasures, which, by every right that confer
title among men or nation —by conquest and
by purchase, by the shedding of blood, and
the lavishing of treasure, and upon every
principle of justice, equality and the consti
tution, is and ought to be as much ours as
theirs. But our rights and privileges, do
mains aiid treasures, are all taken from us by
our brethren, passed over to the uses and i
the thrift of foreigners, and to amounts reach- i
ing already, (says common report,) to the I
w hole amount of the nominal purchase money
($15,000,000) which was proffered and ac
cepted for the whole acquisition! But be this
as it may,
It is certain, that the North has appropri
ated to herself and free soil, and destituted
and excluded the South forever, from every
foot of California, Utah and New Mexico,
from their dominion and domain, their cul
ture and their treasure.
thf. south pays three-fourths, the north one
fourth OF THE MEXICAN WAR-DEBT.
This would seem the utmost height, and
the whole extent, to which oppression and
wrong could reach, or would dare; but it is
neither all, nor the worst, and falls far short
of the reality. An $100,000,000 of the
debt we contracted to prosecute the w'ar
against Mexico—(and which, of course, is
the pioper measure of what these Territories
have cost us,) remains‘unpaid. But you are
ready to ask, what further interest can the
South have in that, inasmuch as the free
States having appropriated the whole acquisi*
tion to themselves—they will, of course, pay
the whole balance of the outstanding debt ?
Never, in your lives, were you the victims of
a grosser mistake. With the despotism of
numbers, your task-masters demand of you,
your full share of these $100,000,000 of
indebtedness, for which you w ill not have re
ceived a dollar’s w’orth of consideration.
And what, think you, will your share be? If
the Federal revenues w'ere cojlected through
direct taxation, under the constitutional ratio
of Federal numbers—(taxing three-fifths of
the slaves) —the North’s share of the amount
w'ould be three-fifths, or $G0,000,000, and,
consequently, the South’s share two-fifths, or
$40,000,000 —(an amount quite large enough
to pay for nothing)—but the revenues being
collected through the customs, more than re
verses the apportionment of indebtedness
between North and South upon the basis of
Federal numbers, for, with the revenue so
collected, the North will have to pay but one
fourth of $25,000,000 of the amount, W'hile
the South must pay the residue of three- ;
fourths, or $75,000,000 of this Mexican
\\ ‘ar-debt, and reap nothing of the fruits, j
save the memories she retains of that chival
rous honor, and those surpassing exploits of
her braves, which have given her name to
history and renowm, and of which, neither
detraction nor oppression can defraud or de
prive her. This w ill seem incredible to the
mass of you, I know', but it Inevitably results
from the principle and the fact, that the con
sumers pay the revenue collected through the
customs, as well as vast amounts besides, in
commissions, freights, exchanges, &e., and
that Southern consumption of foreign fabrics
and products, (not on the free list,) bear just
that proportion to Northern consumption of
the same articles, and the excess of the com
parative consumption, is fully and safely at
tested, through the excess in values of the
South’s over the North’s exports, which pays
for her excess in the consumption of the im
ports. But to make this surer, I resort to the
appendix of that admirable pamphlet, entitled
“The Union, Past and Future,” by Mus
coe Hunter Garnett, Esq., and give you an
estimate which he has drawui from the Trea
sury Reports themselves:
“ Taking the four years, ending June 30,
1845, and the gross amount of duties col
lected at the customs, amounted to $96,125,-
349. Os this amount upon the ratio of their
exports, the South paid $76,700,000, and
the North $19,425,349 —whereas, if the
same gross amount of revenue had been col
lected through direct taxation, and on the
principle of Federal numbers, the South
W’ould have paid less than half that it paid
through the customs, say but $37,849,356,
while the North would have paid treble, to
wit: $58,275,993, showing a difference
against the South, through the mode of col
lection, of just $38,850,644, w’hich w r as both
iniquitous and oppressive; yet Mr. Webster
was so disingenous and insincere, as to lavish
his praises on the free States some years age,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 26, 1850.
for their forbearance and liberality in not
taxing three-fifths of the slaves, well knowing,
at the time, that that forbearance and lrtreir-’
ality were rewarded, by a saving of more
than thirty-three and a third per centum to
the North, by taxing the South through the
customs instead o's net siaves”
THE PUBLIC DOMAIN AND GOLD MINES ESCHEATED
TO CALIFORNIA.
But through a remarkable piece of good
fortune, the discovery of extensive and seem
ingly inexhaustible deposits in gold dust and
other forms of bullion, it was apparently of
but trifling consequence, upon which section
the payment of the war-debt chiefly devolved,
for in the depths of these unexplored trea
sures, not only did rapid and thorough reim
bursement seem sure and near, but the day
seemed hard by, when the citizens of all the
States were to be dispensed with their contri
butions in support of Government, and have
a large superflux from the placers and the
mines, to meet all the reasonable wants of
the States, for public education, general im
provements, &c.; but, now, alas! through
precipitate and bungling legislation, both the
domain and the treasure are irretrievably lost
to the States, and California takes all. For
more than a century past, has the public code
of the world proclaimed as the law, that
when sovereignty was conferred upon any
people, all the rights of eminent and useful
domain passed with it as its muniment, unless
the same had l een reserved, through a public
Act to which such people had acceded, before
they were seized of the sovereignty which
proclaimed them a State. This is more em
phatically the case with anew State entering
into our Federation, for the Constitution,
while recognizing the right of this Govern
ment to hold public domain for all purposes
within a Territory , specially restricts the
holding it in a State to the enumerated uses
of “ forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards
and other needful buildings,”—and hence, if
Congress admits a State into the Union, be
fore disposing of the public domain within its
borders, or without obtaining an ordinance
es relinquishment from her, prior to her ad
mission, the domain passes with the sovereign
ty, and not even a right of sufferance over it
remains. Such was the opinion of our fath
ers before the Union was formed—for a spe
cial clause in the Ordinance of 1787, express
ly protected the public domain in the North
Western Territory from escheat, by T constitu
ting the Ordinance a compact to which the
States that were to be formed out of it, must
assent before their admission into the Union,
and thus relinquish all title or claim to the
public lands within their borders; and upon
this principle, and with this precaution, has
every Congress that has been convened since
the foundation of the Government until now,
affirmed the necessity of exacting from the
new States formed out of the public domains,
ordinances of relinquishment, prior to ad
mitting them into the Union, and why? No
reason can be assigned for it—but that in the
opinions of all these Congresses, by the con
version of a Federal Territory into a Sover
eign State, without such a compact, the title
to the useful as well as the eminent domain,
would pass as a muniment of the sovereign
ty conferred by 7 the act of admission, for the
Federal title lapsing for want of a reservation
—the useful domain would necessarily es
cheat to the Commonwealth of a State for
the want of an owner. The present Congress
was seasonably warned, and through the most
unanswerable demonstration from Mr. Soule
and others, that such would be the inevita
ble consequences; and that the domain and
treasures of California would be irretrievably
lost to us, unless she was sent back to her
Convention, to execute the Ordinance, before
her admission into the Union ; but, alas for
the country! an inexorable majority, fired
with a raving lust of dominion, and fearing,
that through a returning sense of justice,
there might be a reduction of her limits,
giving access to the South below the line of
30-30, in desperate haste, it rushed madly on,
and risking all, has lost all,
CALIFORNIA F,NTERSTHE UNION UNCONDITIONALLY, AND
IS SEIZED OF THE I’UBLIC DOMAIN AS OF RIGHT.
As to the jejune and impotent attempt to
impose a condition of admission upon Cali
fornia, to w'hich she has never assented, and
of w’hich she know’s nothing, and contained
in the same act of Congress w'hich makes
and receives her as a sovereign State into the |
Union, (where, in common with the co-States,
she may accept and reject at her own plea
sure, any proposals made to her touching the
disposition of property already her own,) it
could only be regarded as an arrant trifling,
aud the trashy’ product of a trashy mind,
w'ere it not for the solemn admission it im
ports, that in the opinion of Congress, the act
of admission, necessarily, and ex vi termini
includes all rights of domain w ithin the bord
ers of the new State, which are not specially >
reserved by an act to W'hich the Federal Go
vernment and the new State were parties, at
the time that the act of admission took effect.
And when was that? The first section of
the act of Congress informs us :
“Be it enacted, That the State of
California he and she is hereby admitted into
the Union, upon an equal footing with the
original States in all respects whatever.”
And when did that act become the law of
the land ? Last Monday, (September 11th,
1850,) when it received the President’s signa
ture, and w'as returned to the Senate. If
you want more practical proof—lo! see there!
in the Senate and in the House, sit Califor
nia’s senators and representatives, and invest
ed w’ith all the rights and powers which other
members, from other States, have and enjoy.
Then she’s a sovereign State in the Union.
Yes! The moment she became such, and 10,
instanti therewith did the public domain with
in her borders escheat to her, for the want of
capacity in this Government to hold them
longer, w ithout a relinquishment, and against
her consent. And what has become of the
condition of admission ? Why, California
will not even have heard of it, until she has
been a State in the Union for many w'eeks
time, and when she hears of it, she will also
hear, that she has been the absolute ow r ner of
that very domain from the very moment she
was admitted into the Union as a State. She
may relinquish it then, undoubtedly, that is,
| if she chooses, and if she should not, w'ho
could force her out of the Union for a breach
|of the condition ? Who ever heard before
of a condition binding any body, until it was
! made known and assented to by the party
j charged with its performance ? Who ever
} heard before, of a compact between sover
-1 eignties, dependent upon the performance of
a precedent condition, being executed by the
party to whom the performance was due, be
fore the other party w’as aw'are that any con
dition had been named ? Who, hut a fanati
cal free-soiler, intent upon the fraud of des
poiling the South, would not have known
that a waiver of the precedent performance
of a precedent condition, w’as equally a wai
ver of the condition itself? But could the
condition have been binding at all, then would
the section I have quoted, have borne an un
blushing falsehood upon its face, in declaring
that California was admitted “ upon an equal
footing with the original States, in all re
spects whatever,” w'hile there was a condition
onerous to her, w'hich had clogged the ad
mission of neither of them.
This duplicity’ in phraseology seems rather
peculiar to the realms of the West; for even
so ripe a scholar as General Cass, has spoiled
and blasted a compound w'ord of very fair
meaning, through the Janus-faced doctrine
of non-intervention. During the canvass
for the Presidency, the South was made to
believe that “ non-intervention ” w'as to prevent
the North from interfering, through Congress,
to the overthrow’ or prejudice of the South’s
equal right to migrate with her property, into
any portions of the ceded Territories ; where
as, since the canvass, the South has been
made to realize that “non intervention” means
—that it is the South who is not to intervene
or encroach upon a single foot of those Ter
ritories, to the overthrow’ or prejudice of the
North’s paramount right to appropriate the
whole of them exclusively to herself! At the
Baltimore Convention in IS4B, the friends of
Mr. Buchanan offered as a platform for the
party, that old, smooth-trodden turnpike of
36-30 —hut the friends of Gen. Cass outbid
them an hundred fold, by proffering to the
South the imposing platform of non-inter
vention, which w’as not only’ to secure her
equal rights with the North in those Territo
ries south of thirty-six degress thirty minutes,
but north of it, and the General had the nom
ination by heavy’ odds! But, w'o worth the
day! he lost the election and returned to the
Senate, and there for the instruction and war
ning of mankind, (though absolved from all
restraints by the patriotic Legislatures of
Michigan, that he might do the South justice
and give the Union peace,) behold him! as
another Delphic Oracle, with a fresh glossa
ry for non-intervention, utterly demolishing
both Mr. Buchanan’s platform and his own,
and taking counsel of Messrs. Clay, Webster
and the Free Soilers—stripping the South of
every vestige of her rights in the Territories,
and devoting the whole of them to free soil
and the free States, to the total ruin of his
party, and a final rupture of the Union!
There is gratitude for you, men of the South!
If Gen. Cass had doubted the power of Con
gress originally to have established the line
of the Missouri Compromise, (as w'ell he
might,) then should ho have striven, from the
time he doubted, to have restored to the South
all the territory of w'hich she had been un
constitutionally deprived—to w r it: to all that
is now lowa, Minesota, Oregon, Nebraska
and the North West Territory, being about
four-fifths of the w hole slave territory acquir
ed through the Treaties of Louisiana and
Florida—but without budging an inch or ev
en proffering his counsel to induce Congress
to retrace its steps, to insist on his scruples
and repudiate that line, when new’ territory
has been acquired, and mainly from the
South’s votes and contributions, and thus
strip her of the whole, is a senatorial revival
of that dexterous morality of the MacGre
gors, which graced the Scottish heaths in a
past century, to
Let him take who has the power,
Aral let him keep who can !
Henceforth and for aye—pass over Gener
al Cass’ Compound of “Non-Intervention,” to
the Compiler of the next edition of Webster’s
Dictionary, and define them thus:
“Non-Intervention. —A trap to catch
votes in.—The science of double dealing. —
The art of looking one way and rowing ano
therP
“Intervention.” —An Executive plan of
superceding the powers and action of Con
gress, by calling Conventions through milita
ry proclamations, and forming Free Soil
States out of the Federal Territories, and
passing the powers of Government into their
hands without the sanction of Congress.
THE ENHANCED VALUE OF SLAVE PROPERTY, THROUGH
A FREE ACCESS TO THE MINES.
Heavy as are these deprivations and loss
es, they are not all. Had the South been
fairly dealt bv, and shared in these Territo
ries in proportion to her contributions in men
and money towards their acquisition, conse
quences of immense importance politically 7,
and of incalculable value financially, must
have resulted from it. The South would
have had free access to the mines w'ith her
slaves, and her citizens, having ampler and
readier means of working them than all oth
ers, w'ould have migrated thither earliest, and
in numbers sufficient to have controlled the
destinies of the State. Thus would Califor
nia inevitably, and Utah and New Mexico,
through the force of position and circumstan
ces, have become slave States, and augment
ed and improved the South’s political domin
ion and destinies beyond estimate or meas
ure ! Now look at the collateral results up
on the enhanced value of slave property, com
ing from so vast a demand for slave labor, as
such a field for its profitable employment
would have created. The present market
values for men would have been trebled or
j quadrupled—but intending to be moderate, I
shall only estimate the average increase upon
I all conditions, at fifty per centum. The pre
; sent numbers of slaves in the Southern States
j are estimated to he 3,000,000, and allow-ing
them an average value of S4OO (which is
i much below the present average market val-
I ue) and w r e have an aggregate valuation of
slave property amounting to $1200,000,000,
to which a free access to the mines w'ould
have given an increase of fifty per centum,
and added $600,000,000 of value to the
slave property of the South! And now’ for
the results'.
Through the action of Congress, the South
is required to pay $75,000,000 of the SIOO,-
000,000 of indebtedness which the Territo
ries have cost, and without receiving one doit
of consideration for such a monstrous taxa
tion, w’hile the North, with larger numbers
and greater w’ealth, through a tortuous and
iniquitous taxation, is only to contribute
$25,000,000 of the debt, though, through the
despotism of numbers, she has applied and
appropriated the entire consideration for that
indebtedness, absolutely and exclusively to
herself!
Tell me, men of the South! of a civilized
people under the sun— except ouk loving
BRETHKEX OF THE FREE STATES who
would thus have served any other civilized
people under God’s protection, and in the
world’s peace ! Is there a nation of savages,
who, after stripping you of all you had, and
taken all they wanted, would keep the pro
perty, and yet make you pay for it, live times
the value at which it was rated when you be
came the purchaser! True, the Corsairs of
the Archipelago who capture your merchant
men, impose a heavy ransom on their restitu
tion—but then when the ransom is paid, the
property is restored to you. Point me to a
people on the habitable globe, who would
submit to be robbed and despoiled of their
share in a property, promising like this, the
total extinction of all Government taxes, with
large fortunes beside, to every unit of their
population; and who, after the spoiliation had
passed into accomplishment, would submit
to the further, the monstrous, and the debas
ing extortion, of paying $75,000,000 out of
the $100,000,000 of the money—cost of the
acquisition—without having a right of domin
ion or domain over an acre or a foot of it! It
cannot be done! There are no such people ;
and may God forfeitd that there should be in
this noble land of freedom and equality!
There is not a form of Government on the
globe, but this glorious Union of ours, which
would have sanctioned—nor a people who
inhabit it— but these noble brethren of ours,
who would have attempted—nor they upon
any other people bid their brethren —the
crushing down of such a people under the
weight of so many wrongs, and under the
stress of such foul oppressions, rank injus
tice and galling indignities!
Through the action of Congress, —in
sanctioning the unauthorized proceedings
of some 12 or 20,000 California adven
turers—most of them with brief residenc
es, without domicils, or the intention of hav
ing any, or of becoming citizens of the coun
try—intruders upon the public domain, and
despoilers of the public treasure, shutting out
the South from all access to the placers and
the mines, (where all other slaves but South
ern slaves, are permitted to go, by the Consti
tution of California ,) She is forever depriv
ed, not only of the $600,000,000 of enhanc
ed value upon her slave property, but of even
larger amounts, it may be, through the em
ployment of her slave labor thither, and in a
course of years ?
Through the action of Congress,-— in not ex
acting of California a Conventional Ordi
nance, relinquishing all title or claim to the
public domain within her borders, before re
ceiving her as a sovereign State into the Uni
on, that domain has been suffered to escheat
to the State*, with treasures, it may be, suffi
cient to build up cities, and support an Em
pire, which may, in the current half century,
wield the sceptre of dominion over this great
Continent, and command the commerce of
the world!
Through the action of Congress, —in receiv
ing California into the Union without a re
duction of limits, and organizing Utah and
New Mexico into Territories without abroga
ting the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery, the
South is deprived of every foot of the Mexi
can cession of Territory, which, without her
lavish contributions in men and money, and
above all, her ratifying votes in the Senate,
would never have been ours !
Yet so it is! And so is it recorded—-that
among all the Senators and all the Represen
tatives of the free North and the free West—-
not one man was to be found with that love in
his heart, or that justice in his dealing, which
would have spared the South and saved the
Union from the blasting recoil of that mortal
blow which cleaved an opening for California
unshorn of her dimensions, and without a qui
et claim of her treasures! In form, indeed,
the Union survives, and for a life-time have I
wished, in the Providence of God, that it
might have lasted forever; but how long can
it cling together, after all the affections which
formed it lie crushed and destroyed, under the
insupportable weight of these cumulated op
pressions! I must repeat it! Not a man of
the North, nor of the West, would rally to the
South’s side, to protect her rights from spoli
ation and her posture from disgrace, in the
admission of California, though it involved
her exclusion from the soil for which she had
so gallantly shed her blood, and lavished out
her treasure ! Ay, verily, every Senator and
Representative North of Mason and Dixon’s
line, and North West of the Ohio, voted per
sistingly, and to a man, for the admission of
the State, just as she came here, without a pre
cedent relinquishment or a reduction of limits!
But, woe upon our domestic broils and colli
sions, Southerners! for my indignant amaze
ment at this concentrated hostility to the
rights of the South, as I regarded it, was
soon lost in the wonder and the sorrow with
which 1 read, that no less than thirty-one
Southerners (four in the Senate and twenty
seven in the House) had joined with the
Northerners in this baleful and most perilous
experiment upon the forbearance and the
nerves of the South. From the bottom of
my heart should I rejoice, could I see in this
measure, no deeper wrongs to the South, nor
imminent hazards to the Union, —than were
seen (we are to presume) by these gentle
men, —but my calmest judgement instructs
me, that it is plenary to the brim of the one,
perilous to the brink of the other! But that I
may do such justice to all, as they have done
to themselves, —here are the affirmative votes
or the Southerners for the admission of Cali
fornia; —Let them speak for themselves:
In the Senate. —Messrs. Clay and Under
wood, Whigs—and Messrs. Benton and Hous
ton, Democrats.
In the House. — Of Tennessee, Messrs.
• Anderson, Gentry, Watkins and Williams,
; Whigs; Messrs. Ewing, Johnson and Jones,
Democrats. W higs, 4—Democrats, 3.
Os Kentucky. —Messrs. Breck, Johnson,
Marshall, McLean Moorfchead, and Thomp
son, Whigs,—and Mr. Mason, Democrat.
Whigs, 6—Democrat, 1.
Os Maryland. —Messrs. Bowie, Evans and
Kerr, W’higs,—-and Messrs. Hamilton and
| McLane, Democrats. W’higs, 3—Demo
i crats, 2.
Os Delaware. —Mr. Houston, Whig, 1. —
No Democrat.
Os Missouri. —Messrs. Bay, Bowlin, Hall,
and Phelps, Democrats, 4.—No Whig.
Os Virginia. —Mr. Haymond, Whig, I.
No Democrat.
Os North Carolina. —Messrs. Caldwell
; and Stanly, W’higs, 2.—No Democrat.
Totale.-'-In the Senate—Whigs, Kentucky
3*—Democrats, Missouri and Texas, 2—To
tals in the House, Whigs 17, —Democrats, 10.
Had these Southerners been united with
their Brethren, from the moment these terri
tories were acquired,—and remained firm to
our rights and united of purpose,—all the
probabilities are, that the South would have
had free access to the mines, and that the
public domain Mould liaVe been cared for,
and screened from escheat, —and to say
nothing of other most important results, both
political and momentary, —the consideration
alone, of the vast enhancement in value, of
the slave-property in those States respective
ly, which those Southerners represented,—
should have been temptation enough, to have
promoted a trial of the effects of union upon
the rights and fortunes of the South. Cast
an eye over the following table showing the
States which these Southerners represented
—the estimated number of slaves in each un
der the current census, in round numbers—
their present value, —and their enhanced value
upon the contingency of the South’s access
to the mines: Here it is.—
Estimated average additional
Ke, of values at values
slaves in present thre/ acceaa
each. rates. to mines.
Delaware 2,000 $1,000,000 $500,000
Maryland 85.000 42,500,000 21,250,000
Virginia 490,000 215,000,000 107,500,000
N. Carolina 200,000 100,000,000 50,000,000
Kentucky 200,000 100,000,000 50,000,000
Tennessee 220,000 110,000,000 55,000,000
Missouri 100,000 50,000,000 25.000,000
Texas 50,000 25,000,000 12,500,000
$322,750,000
This sum of $322,750,000 has been cer
tainly lost to these eight States through the
course that was taken in reference to Califor
nia, and in which, to the extent I have stated,
their Senators and Representatives have shar
ed. Had they united their strength to that of
the other members from the South, the results
could not have been more disastrous than they
have proved, and might bare entirely succee
ded, and enriched with these heavy profits—
the important States whose Representatives
they are!
The present number has been prolonged
much beyond the limits I had designed it to
reach, and yet does not embrace all the mat
ters I had intended to include in it. In the
course of another number, I propose to touch
upon topics of even higher interest than any
brought to notice in this: such as the meeting
of the Nashville Convention-Non-intercourse
—Secesssion —all embraced in that most vi
tal of questions which ever was submitted to
the Southern people:—ln the present position
of public affairs, What shall be done ?
RANDOLPH OF ROANOKE.
NO. 39.
Romance m Real Life.
SINGULAR RESURRECTION.
•
In the month of July last, a German
named Henry Sposser, who lived with his
family in the suburbs, started in a vegetable
cart for the city, and during the three or four
days that followed, was neither seen nor
heard from. At the end of that time, a body
was found floating near the Illinois shore be
low the city, and an inquest was held, at
which several witnesses identified it as the
body of the missing Sposser. The family
were taken over, and readily corroborated
the recognition, By mutual consent, a large
number of friends and acquaintances finally
accompanied the melancholy burthen to its
final resting place. Sposser’s effects were
afterwards sold or distribted among the fami
ly, and himself was only thought of to be
mourned for his untimely end.
Yesterday while a younger member of the
family sat behind his stand at the North
Market, quietly distributing bis vegetables
among the buyers, he was tapped on the
shoulder, and turning found himself face to
free with his supposed deceased brother,
Henry Sposser! To astonish the boy still
more, a stranger who had Sposser by the
arm, in dress, height, features, and expres
sion of countenance, resembled him to the
life—the graveyard apparently had made an
extraordinary arithmetical calculation, put
ting down one and turning out two. Fora
long while the boy refused to recognize his
brother, but by dint of persuasions, he con
sented to accompany him, with his friend
home, where the following explanation en
sued :
It seemed that after reaching the city, on the
day he was missed, Sposser had occasion to
go to the Levee, where, while he was watching
a New Orleans steamer that was backing out,
and just as the boat had fairly rid herself of
the surrounding fleet, he recognized his broth
er (newly arrived from Germany) sitting on
her after guards. Spite of all his shouts and
gesticulations to stop her, the steamer con
tinued on her course, and Sposser had at last
the mortification to know that his brother
was leaving the city without having seen his
relatives, under the impression, most proba
bly, that they had themselves removed from
St. Louis. The Grand Turk, lying by, had
raised steam and was also about to start for
New Orleans. Acting on the suggestion of
some bystanders who seemed confident the
Turk would overtake the other boat before
she would reach Jefferson Barracks, Sposser
went aboard, and in another five minutes
was on his way down the river. The two
steamers, however, unfortunately for him,
seemed neither to lose nor gain on each other’s
track, and Sposser, in the end, was taken to
New Orleans, hoping at every mile of the
route to overtake his brother in the next. In
the “Crescent City” they met, took passage
immediately on some other steamer for St.
Louis, and as we before said, reached
our city yesterday, both in fine health and
spirits.— St. Louis Intelligencer.
“Go out in the woods, Sambo,” said a
Southern master to one of his negroes, “and
cut me some crotces for a fence—to stick in
the ground like this;” making at the same
time an inverted A of two fingers on a table.
The negro took his axe, went into the woods,
was gone all day, and returned at last with
nothing but his axe in his hand.
“ Where are your crotches, Sambo?” asked
his master.
“Could n’t find none, massa, no how!”
“Could n’t find any!” said his master,
“why, there are thousands of them in tho
woods. Why, look at that tree; there are a
half dozen on that: could n’t you find any
like that!” pointing to a forked branch on the
tree.
“ Oh, yes, massa, plenty o’ dem kind; but
dey all crotch up: t’ought you wanted dem
kinddat crotch dovrtt! ,>
Our Jeems came out the other day with
rather a tall shirt collar, which “loomed up”
all the more from his wearing a narrow cra
vat. “Seems to me,” said a punning friend,
“you show a great deal of collar for a good
natured man.” “Well, I do,” said Jeems:
“you see,” he continued, (making a personal
application of the retort), “my case is very
much like that of a subscriber to the
rail road— mv collar is up because my stock is
bo low.” The other man “mizzled.”