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SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, SEPT. 26, 1850.
The “Southern Press.”— The Southern organ at
Washington is now successfully under way, and
proves itself equal to the most sanguine expectations
of its friends. It is the best paper at Washington,
and, indeed, is the only one published there which de
serves a place in the family of a Southern man. De
moted as it is, exclusively to the defence of our rights,
and conducted by editors of the first ability, Southern
men should see to it that it obtains an extensive and
sustaining patronage. Our Southern Rights Asso
ciation should subscribe liberally to it, and give it a
circulation among tiee readers who arc not able to
pv for it. Let every true Southern man who now
reads the Union, the Intelligencer, or tl e Republic,
immediately discontinue it, and order in its place, the
Southern Press, which is as able and far sounder on
the question of Southern rights than either of them.
Every reading man wants a Washington pap.-r,and
to every one we say, t ike the Press. The xceekly
costs only $2, and the tri-weekly $5. We will take
pleasure in making remittance*.
The Governor’s Proclamation.
We pnblish to-day Gov. Towns’ proclamation, or
dering a convention of the people of Georg’a. No
(Georgian will be ashamed of its tone ; it is bold,
manly and determined. The affected douht as to
what our Governor would do, is now silenced. The
world now knows, what his friends did before, that
he was a Southern man—Southern in birth and
Southern in feeling. His proclamation breathes the
almost unanimous sentiment of those who placed him
in power, and also of a very large portion of those
who opposed him. To doubt that Georgians know
their rights, or that they will maintain them, is a foul
imputation upon their honor. They have not been
bred to submission. That is not the atmosphere in
which we have grown to be a great people. It is no
new thing for us to be arrayed against the central
government. The allurement of federal office, the
hope of national honor, may prove too strong a temp
tation for the patriotism of our leaders, but the peo
ple are right. They are identified with Georgia in
their feelings, their hopes and their aspirations, and
Georgia’s honor in their hands is safe. It is for the
people, thank God, and not the designing aspirant for
office, to settle this question. Gloomy, indeed, would
he our hopes of success, if those who have been infec
ted with the federal poison at Washington, held the
destinies of our State, but we feel proud to-day, and
each succeeding day adds to our gratification, in the
conviction, that the noble hearted sous of our noble
Suite will stand by her in life and death against the
encroachment of our federal and Northern oppres
sors.
Judge Wellborn.
The Enquirer of Tuesday, contains the following
extract from a letter written by Judge Wellborn to
his friend in this city:
“ Washington, Sept. Id, 1850,
“Well, sin as von perceive, we have done what we
hare done, and I congratulate you as one opposed to se
cession or other violent measure of resistance, on a set
tlement which, in my opinion, the South can honorably
acquiesce in. The fugitive slave bill passed the House
the other day, by 30 majority, and without amendment.
It is exceedingly strong-”
The position of oar immediate Representative is
then no longer a matter of doubt. lie considers the
hills which have recently passed Congress, as not
only not injurious to, but absolutely a subject of
congratulation with the South. As we had occasion
to remark some time since of his colleagues, Messrs.
Stephens and Toombs, we preferred that Judge
Wellborn should have been with us in this contest
for Southern rights, but since he has chosen to array
himself on the other sale, we are perfectly content
with his choice, and shall hold him as we hold many
others with whom he now affiliates, a personal friend,
hut a political enemy. Our vote helped to swell the
small majority by which Judge W. now holds his
sent in Congress. It is scarcely necessary to say we
now regret that vote, as indeed do nineteen-twentieths
of those who contributed to his election. We have
heard it intimated, that he intends, upon his return
from Washington, to take the stump against the
friends of Southern Rights. Let him do so if he wills;
he will find those who, before, boro his banner tri
umphantly through the eampaign, ready and able to
meet him and to put him down. That he is a gen
tleman of ability, we will not, and could not. gainsay;
but that lie has the ability, in tins contest, to make the
wrong the right appear, we have no sort of ap
prehension. Rut while we do not think our pros
pects of success as at all dimned by the opposition of
Judge Wellborn (any farther than his individual vote
at the polls may go,) we do sincerely regret, that a
g*ir’o nan whose private worth we esteem so high
ly, should have permitted himself to be deluded into
the idea that the bills j ust passed by Congress are a
proper subject for his gratulations. That a scries of
measures which propose to adjust our quarrel with
the North on a basis which gives them all and leaves
us none, and goes still farther, to brand as an iniqui
tous traffic, the trade in slave property ; that a south
ern man could find it in his heart to ri-joieo at such
an adjustment, is, with us, not only a matter of sur
prise, hut of real mortification. We have no idea
that Judge Wellborn’s heart is wrong; we think
that it is right, but what is most remarkable is, that a
head like his, cool, calculating and generally correct,
should have been so filled with tlie cobwebs of sophis
try, and so completely led astray by unmeaning rant,
as to givei s deliberate sanction, to a scheme so deeply
dyed with shame. Our Representative may flatter him
self that his constituents may be as easily gulled as ho
has been-. Oh ! fatal mistake for his fame. It would j
puzzle even the ingenuity of as metaphysical a miud j
as he possesses, to satisfy the people, by any sort of j
special pleading, that there is one single concession |
made to the South by any or all of these bills. It |
will trouble even him to show that the South gains j
any thing, and that the North does not gain every j
thing by this adjustment. We do not say that the \
Judge does not believe lie can do all this and much j
more, but we do say that he will find it a little mere
difficult than he supposes.
Northern Sentiment.
We notice, with mingled feelings of surprise and
mortification, the readiness with which certain presses
at the South become the champions of public senti
ment at the North whenever it is charged with hos
tility to us and our institutions. We pity the igno
rance, and despise the sinister motives of those who
would thus delude our people into false security by
representing the tone of Northern sentiment to be
kind towards us, or at all disposed to do justice to tile
South. It is not our purpose to be as much in error on
the other extreme. We are disposed to do the
North the justice to admit that there may be found
in the free States, a very respectable number who
manifest a disposition of friendship to the South, but
that number is made up, first, of a class of intelli
gent commercial men who have the sagacity to
know that the trade of the South makes their for
tunes ; secondly, of aspiring politicians, who look to
Southern votes for office; and, thirdly, ofan extremely
limited number of men who have souls large enough
to accord all sections of the Union the rights guar
anteed to them by the constitution. All these may,
perhaps, amount to one ten thousandth part of the
population of the North; tlie overwhelming balance,
differing, it may be, in degree, but all united iu a feel
ing of hatred to the South and her institutions. We
have, first, a comparatively small party of red mouth
ed abolitionists, conscientious In their purposes and
honest iu expressing them, who avow their determin
ation to exterminate the institution of slavery iuime
datelyand everywhere. At the head of this partv
is, Wm. H. Seward, an U. 8. Senator from New
York. Then a better informed class of nti-sjavcry
men, who declare their fc'dfttlity to the institution,
and labor for its ext ruction, first by its immediate abo
lition wherever it can be constitutionally done, and,
secondly, by forever prohibiting its extension beyond
its present limits. The leader of this faction is j
Martin Van Boren, an ex-president of the republic.
The third party, under the lead of his Excellency, ;
President Fillmore, is more patient in the execution i
of liis designs, limiting his exertions to a simple pro- j
hibitiuu of the further extension of slavery, with the
intention of ultimately starving it out. And, finally, a j
host of Northern conservatives , who desire merely
to withhold from the South every thing like protec
tion and encouragement, h aving to the lapse* of time
and the partial administration of the government,
tlie work of ridding the evil. Tlie leadership of this
wing is divided between Mr. Cass and Mr. Clay.
Thus vve see the great body of the North, divided, it
is true, as to tthe means, but all agreeing as to the end,
the ultimate extinction cf the institution of slavery.
Are we asked for proof of these facts ? R-aily we
scarcely know the first step in a demonstration whose
unquestioned reality meets us in all around us. If
the tone of the press,if the denunciations of the pul
pits. if the popular elections, if the every day actions
of the people, if the reports of Congress—if all these
mean any thing, then we certainly are not asked to
go further for the evidence that all we charge is true.
A Southern man, unless he is backed by fortune, that
universal balm for Northern consciences, cannot be
received into the private parlor of a New England
gentleman. lie is branded with tlie sin of slavery
and denied the civilities of common life. A South
ern Methodist cannot kneel around the same altar
with his Northern brethren. A Southern Baptist is
not allowed to commune in a Northern church. And
why is this ? Has this been the work of a few fana
tics? These denominations number each about half
a million of communicants in the free States. Anoth
er religious denomination is now threatened with
disunion, and two years will not roll round ere the
Presbyterian, like her sister churches, is rent in
twain by this fell spirit of abolition. And sucli is to
be the fate of every similar association, religious,
charitable and social. Yet, we arc told, the North
ern people, ns a body, are kindly disposed to tlie South.
Ridiculous absurdity ! If they dared, they would co
ver with a coat of tar, every Southerner who crossed
Mason and Dixon’s line. And we are to submit
ourselves to the government of a people like these.
A\ e are to allow them, by dishonest means, to acquire
the power to ruin us, ami trust our property and
lives to their generosity.
Hit Them Again.
The Marietta Helicon certainly has been a very
inattentive reader of the Columbus Enquirer, or it
would have seen that our brief notice of Mr. Stephens’
Warrcnton speech was almost a literal transcript
from that paper. The Enquirer had been seized
with a fit of holy horror at the publication of the pro
ceedings of the Cazenovia meeting, and the article
which the Helicon remarks upon, in our columns,
was, with the substitution of a few words, the ravings
of our contemporary on that occasion. We should
have given our neighbor credit, but the alteration
was so slight that we did not think it necessary.
The Adjustment.
There appears to be, with a certain class of men in
tlie country, great cause of rejoicing iu what they
call the adjustment of tho difficulties between the
North and the South. It strikes us that there is
about as much cause for a freeman or a patriot to re
joice over this adjustment as there was for an Irish
man to rejoice over the adjustment between England
and Ireland when Mitchell and other Irish patriots
were imprisoned, and as there was for the people of
Hungary to rejoics at the adjustment of the difficul
ties between that country and Austria when Kossuth
and his compeers had been exiled after Georgey had
betrayed the cause of his country into the hands of their
enemies. In both these eases peace and quiet have
followed the adjustment, but they are the peace and
quiet of slavery and degradation. It is an adjust
ment whieli rivets more strongly the chains upon
Ireland, and which has destroyed even the hope of
freedom in Hungary, yet there arc in Ireland, no
doubt, many who rejoice in the glory of having ad
justed tlie difficulties between England and Ireland ;
and even Georgey took credit to himself for giving
quiet to his distracted country.
Such is even tlie case with our adjustment—with
this exception, that every man of the South whoso
heart loves liberty, will, whenever he comes to see
the thing in its odious deformity of injustice and in
equality, spurn with scorn and indignation this in
famous aud unhallowed surrender of Southern
rights. It will bring neither peace nor quiet. It
has brought none—it would not bring them even if
the South were so craven haarted and dastardly as
to submit to it. Even now, while its Southern advo
cates are boasting of having settled the agitating
questions which were threatening tlie Union, our
enemies are already marching forward in their ag
gressions, and showing us, what every reasonable
man ought to have known, that men never make
any thing by submitting to wrong. Already they
have passed the bill to abolish the sale of negroes in
the District of Columbia—upon this measure we
shall have something to say hereafter, —already have
they shown to us that the next step is to abolish
slavery itself in that District. Is there a man, in all
tliis South, who believes that this question will not ag
itate the country ? or is there any man who believes
that the North will cease tlie agitation of it until they
effect their purpose ? Has there been manifested
any thing of regard for our rights or our feelings
which will justify such a conclusion ? Surely not.
Oh, no! the agitation is even now begun, and it will
be kept up the more boldly for the cause that they
have now more power, and for the reason that they
feel now that they have hsx to fear from the South.
Then we say that this adjustment brings no peace
and quiet even if the South were willing tamely to
submit to it. But the South will not submit. The
lust for power at the North, and treachery at home,
may bargain away the rights and the power of the
South, but they have no power tct carry out the bar
gain. That glorious adjustment, as they choose to call
it, has rung the death knell of the Union between the
North and the South.
What have we gained by the adjustment? A
part of Texas turned into frec-soil. the whole of Cal
ifornia admitted as a State and slavery prohibited—
a territorial government provided for Utah and New
Mexico, with the law of Mexico against slavery not
only unropealed, but virtually recognized and esta
blished by Congress by its refusal to repeal it—and
this is called the adjustment of a controversy ! ! In
all this, what has the South gained 1 What of all
that she contended for, has the South not lost ? What
of all that tlie North contended for, has she not
gained? Aye, she has gained more than all. She
has got all the territory and a part of Texas to boot—
and for all this we do not even get the poor boon of
peace and quiet even if we are willing to have it.
Two years ago we could have had all, and more
than all that wo have got now, but for Toombs
and Stephens—thc-n we could have had a chance for
all the Territory, witlvonly the claim of tlie Mexican
law against us; the Clayton Compromise offered to
let us into the whole country, and leave the question
of slavery to be decided by the Supreme Court;
but these gentlemen would not trust the rights of
the South to such a precarious chance, not they!—
They would have the Mexican law repealed. But.
alas; the Mexican law, instead of being repealed, is
sanctioned and established by Congress. California is
a State with a Constitution prohibiting slavery, a part
of Texas is gone, and yet these gentlemen think the
South ha< r.o grievances to redress. We can tell
these gentlemen that they have mistaken the char
acter and temper of the people of Georgia; they have
overrated their power and influence in the State ; they
have miscalculated the strength of party ties, and tlie
power of party discipline—all these things have great
power, aud, under ordinary circomstanccs. are almost
irresistible jso cord* asd withes wcre strong enough
to bind common men, but upon the arms of Sampson
the withes were as a thread of tow which is broken
when it toucheth the fire, and the new ropes lie broke
from off his arms like a thread: and in the sense of
wrong and the spirit of resistance to oppression, there
is arising in the State of Georgia, and in tlie whole
South, a Sampson upon w hose arms personal influ
ence, and personal popularity, and party ties, and par
ty discipline, will be as the withes and the ropes upon
the arms of Sampson of old—and though, as of old,
the enemy may tamper with our Delilah?, yet the
spell will be broken and we shall neither sloop in
their laps nor let them shear us of our strength.
The Fugitive Slax r e Hill.
w e extract the following comments on this mea
sure, which has just becomes law, from the Manches
ter (N. II.) Democrat, for two purposes ; first, to
show the light in which our Northern brethren (fid
dlesticks) regard it, and secondly, as a specimen of
the good will which some of our Yankee friends car
ry back to tlieir fatherland after having scraped up a
small fortune in the South. The Editor of the Dem
ocrat is one Jonathan Harrison Goodale, who for
several years was tlie principal of the Wynn ton Male
Academy near this city, and after enjoying the gen
erous patronage and the kind hospitality of Southern
men, returned to his home in New England and now
vituperates and loathes us and owr institutions. When
men of such dastard hypocrisy give tone to tlie North
ern press, what can we expect of the masses ? Tlie
Demo-rat says :
“This law, however effective its provisions may ap
pear on the statute book, will not secure the return of a
large number of fugitives after they have /cached the
i free States. The sympathies of our people are with the
| man who flies from servitude, and very few could be in
j dueed to make any eflbrt to aid his pursuers. Many re
\ cognize a higher law than human statutes, and no act of
i Congress can secure their co-operation in apprehending
! runaway slaves. They have no wish to interfere with
( the rights of their slaveholding neighbors, but they have
no idea of aiding in returning to bondage one who has
hazarded his life to be free. The thought is revolting to
them. Their fathers have taught them that slavery is *
violation of all right and justice, and their own observa
tion has convinced them that it is constantly at war with
the civil and social well being of the white population,
both of the North and South.”
[YAXKEI CORRESPONDENCE.]
Boston, Sept. 15, 1850.
The Weather—lndustrial Bazaar—Congratulato
ry—More Steamships—Miss Cushman and the
Theatres—Death of Louis Philippe—Jenny
Lind — Encore — Encore — -c.
A week of something like the cool, pleasant Indian
summer weather lias succeeded the frequent rains
which have been for some time moistening our clay
in this part of the world. Three or four days ago
people got up in the morning and talked of a little
frost in the night. But we have not found any of it.
Our charitable mechanics’ exhibition is now open
in Fanueil and Quincy Halls, which, lying near one
another, arc joined by a flying bridge. The whole is
a bewildering bazaar of a million of things. “Pant
ing description would toil after them in vain.” You
go in and take your way through a phantasmagoria
of millinery, cosmetics, model work, grass-work,
flower-work, worsted-work, portraits, ploughs, press
es, furniture, cutlery, kegs of flour, false teeth, fire
engines, blankets, carpets, minerals, swords, clocks,
churns, wigs, pianos—let me take one breath—and
at it again : Salamander safes, stoves, vases, fiddles,
stationery, steam-engines, and scattered through all
and commonding and gracing all, at the various
stands, crowds of very pretty New England women
and girls—rather increasing than diminishing theeffect
of tho general bewilderment. A great deal of trum
pery to me. I mean tho moss work, millinery and
things—surrounding a good deal of what is serviceable
and praiseworthy. Almost every aspiring tradesman
has sent seme of his wares here, receiving, in return,
the benefit of the publicity and advertisement which
the newspaper notices bestow. There is a letter
printing press in Quincy Hall which prints a small
daily paper, called the Mirror of the Fair —a pret
ty little flimsy, with a remunerating circulation in the
two halls.
George Prince Regent .James is about to deliver a
series of six lectures on “Modern Civilization” in
tliis city. His accustomed burrowing in the medieval
histories for materials of romance must have given
him a good many ideas of the world's progress in the
more modern ages of the world.
The Cunards, the owners of tlie transatlantic
mail steamers, are about disposing of two of their
slowest goers,and getting up a pair of fast ones, in
stead of them. Collins, of New York, is stirring up
the enterprise of the British. His ships have beaten
all but one of the Cunardcrs, in the passage across
the Atlantic. Cunard is determined to lose no more
time, henceforth, in calling at Halifax, but run straight
across to Boston and New York, so as to compete
with our American ships without drawbacks. Here’s
the beginning of a mercantile rivalry which will
doubtless have the most beneficial results in the in
creased trade and personal intercourse between the
people of the old and new worlds. Tho third of the
five ships projected by Collins, is about to take its
place on the course, with the name of the Arctic.
Miss Charlotte Cushman lias been playing her
customary characters at the Howard Atlienamm, for
some time past. A powerful and muscular creature
is Charlotte—a sinewy delineator of dramatic passion.
She would have made a good wife for Forrest, in
stead of his present very opponent lady. They
would be a very well-matched couple, both in tlie
physical and intellectual way. A Mr. Buchanan of
Philadelphia, has been making his debut before a
Boston audience, at the Federal Theatre. lie has
been treated very leniently by our critics. lie
speaks a speech with good emphasis and discretion,
but will never be a Garrick or a Kean. Mr. Booth
has just ended his engagement here at tlie Museum.
Burr’s “Mirror” of the Northern Lakes, Niagara.
A<“., is doing a good business. He has made ail ar
rangement with the different railway companies, by
which every one who comes by railway to Boston,
from places hundreds of miles distant, gets an ad
mission ticket to the “Mirror” gratis.
The last mail brings us an account of the death of
that artful dodger of royalty—Louis Philippe, of
France—
Ilis last intrigue is wrought,
Ilis work of kingship doue.
Somewhere about the year 1795, the fugitive Duke
of Orleans was a sojourner in Boston, with his two
brothers, or at least, one of them—Montpensier.
Talleyrand was here at tlie same time ; and the ex
iles used to spend a good deal of time in the office
of Ben Russell, editor of the Ceniinel, where they
read the papers and watched, at a distance, the move
ments of the federal government. Louis Philippe
gave lessons in the French language, for some time,
at the house of a French tailor, iu Suite street. He
was born in 1773, and was, consequently, in his
77th year, at his death. lie was twice an exile and
fugitive from France; first, from 1792 to 1815; next
from 1848 to this year—about a quarter of a century
in all. In 1830 he was made King of the French,
and swore to the constitution of that year ; but vio
lated it in a hundred ways afterwards. He labored
sedulously to prevent the growth of democratic opin
ion in France, and to root his family and dynasty
deep into the soil of Europe. But the sudden gust
of 1848 showed that the Orleans family had no hold of
France. Their roots did not lie an inch below tlie
surface ; the breath of the people’s indignation blew
the tree and its branches away like chaff.
Thus he fell—so perish all
Who would men by man enthrall.
You have heard the great shouting at the North
here. You think, probably, it has been, because all
cause of intemeeive war between the North and South
has been removed in Congress. Not so. It is all
for Jenny Lind and her larynx! She has been re
ceived with more hallelujahs than Lafayette. The
people of the Empire city have been going about
crying—“ Jenny Lind, oh. Jenny Lind !”—just as the
citizens of Abdtra ran about, formerly, in the cani
cular, exclaiming, “Ob Love, oh,Eros, oh, the mighty
power of Love!” Day and night, they releive each
other, by detachments, before tlie hotel she lodges !
in. She lias given two concerts in the Castle Gard- >
cns. At the first, Barnum announced that he gave *
her portiou of the proceeds—over ton thousand dol
lars—to tlie charities of ihc city. At the next, it j
was announced that the profits of her engagement in
America, should go to found a system of school cdu- j
cation in Sweden and Norway. Well —no wonder j
the people hurrah ! lam hurraing myself, vigorously,
for several minutes. Let Oscar, of Sweden, that son
of a sou of an innkeeper, be deposed, and .Jenny
Lind proclaimed Queen, forthwith ! Barnum, be
good enough to see this done? God save Queen
Jenny Lind ! to whom Victoria, of England, is a poor
spirited Queen in comparison. \\ hen \ ictoria’s
people in Ireland were dying of starvation, she did
not give ten thousand dollars! How nobly this plain,
plebeian Swedish girl supports aud vindicates the
intrinsic dignity of human nature !
She is, indeed, rather plain. I strove against the
fact for a long time. But it mast be admitted. The
Liverpool Journal lixs the following concerning this
rare migratory bird—the “Swedish Nightingale”:
“Slie has a p'a'ii face, a good voice, and a kind
heart. Long may she live to perform acts of kind
ness—for both amiable and good she is; and that
she knows she is not what the world calls handsome
in person, the following anecdote will show: There
is a portrait of Jenny, engraved from a picture
partially copied from a daguerreotype, and then finish
ed from three sittings, which picture is now in the
possession of his Grace the Duke of Wellington. —
During tiio time the young artist was finishing this
portrait, lie experienced much civility from the kind
hearted Swede; she would open the door for him,
bring his pallet ar.d colors, talk, and make herself
perfectly agreeable.
“She showed no languishing airs, petulance, or
pride, hut was kind, with the simplicity of a lively and
| perfectly good-tempered woman. When the por
trait was finished, the artist remarked, doubting the
truth of the same, that ‘lie thought tlie nose was too
large.’ ‘No—impossible,’ cried Jenny—‘that can
not be. for mine is all over my face.” Again, re
marking upon her hair, she said, ‘You must put
plenty of green amongst your yellow, for my hair is
like half made hay.’ ‘And it is something like it,’
said the painter.”
That concluding remark of the painter settles the
business. Jenny Lind is as plain as her country
woman. Frederika Bremer. You arc aware, 1 sup
pose, that she gets half profits ; and that slio is tone
company Barnum wherever he wishes to take her in
America or in Europe. He intends to have her sit
the Industrial Show of London in 1851. Jenny is
to be here in Boston about the 26th inst. But we
have not a house to hold her! I had a column of Lind
iana to send yuu ; but I am come to the edge of my
paper— finis charter. Adios.
YANKEE DOODLE.
Muscogee Southern Itights Association.
Tlie Association met pursuant to adjourn
ment. There was present an audience almost
unequalled in number by any public collection
ever had in this city. The meeting was organ
ized by calling James R. Jones to the chair, and
appointing F. A. Wilkins, Secretary.
The committee appointed at the previous
meeting to make a selection of proper officers
for ths Association, submitted the following re
port—
The committee appointed at the last meeting,
charged with the selection of suitable officers
for the government of this Association, beg leave
to report that they have not bean able to see our
country friends, and, therefore, are not prepared
to offer any names from the country, but re
commend the following gentlemen as suitable
officers for the city.
For President, Van Leonard.
Vice-Presidents, upper town, Dr. Thomas
Hoxey; lower town, Coi. John Quin.
Recording Secretary, James W. Warren.
Corresponding Secretaries, William 11. Cham
bers, Cap!. John Forsyth.
Treasurer, Sterling F. Grimes.
Vigilant Committee for the city, Wm. Y. Bar
den, Edward Barnard, 11. T. Brice, James Lig
on, Wm. L. Stapler.
Upper Town, H. W. Van Veghten, Wm. C.
Gray, Willis I*. Baker.
liower Town, J. L. Morton, B. Coleman, J.
B. Brooks.
We ask further time to make the balance of
the report:
P. A. CLAYTON, ‘j
W. A. BEDELL,
D. P. ELLIS, !• Committee.
A. 11. COOPER,
A. S. RUTHERFORD,J
The report having been received, on motion
of’R. R. Howard, Esq., the ceremony of ballot
ing was dispensed with and the officers recom
mended were confirmed and elected by accla
mation.
Upon his induction into office, the President
addressed the meeting in a few appropriate re
marks occupying the true southern position.
Col. Quin made an acknowledgement of thanks
for the honor conferred upon him, and express
ed an assurance of cordial sympathy with tlie
purposes of tlie Association. The attention of
the meeting being unoccupied. Judge G E Thom
as introduced the lion. Geo. S. Hawkins of Fla.,
who made a short address, full of the spirit of
resistance.
He was followed by the Hon. Walter T. Col
quitt, who, in his own matchless manner, in a
speech of much length, unfolded the wrongs
and outrages committed upon the south, expos
ed the fraud of the California transaction, as
well of the other measures of pretended com
promise, and eloquently enforced tlie right and
duty of resistance. With tlie manly and pat
riotic sentiments of the speaker, tlie audience
evinced its sympathy in frequent thunders of
applause.
On motion of W. IT. Chambers, Esq., it was
ordered, that each member of the vigilant com
mittee be furnished with a copy of our constitu
tion for the purpose of obtaining signatures
thereto.
The meeting then adjourned till Wednesday
night, 2d October.
VAN LEONARD, President.
Jas. W. Warren, Secretary.
Public Meeting at Americus.
At a public meeting of several hundred per
sons in Americas, on 111- 7th inst., for a consid
eration and discussion of those questions in
volving the rights of the South in tho territo
ry recently acquired from Mexico, Mr. Newnan
Mcßain, Whig, and Mr. George Dykes, Demo
crat, were called upon to preside, and Dr. J. G.
McCrary, Whig, and Wm. B. Guerrv, Esq. Dem
ocrat, to act as Secretaries. After a few energetic
and pertinent remarks by Mr. Mcßain, explana
tory of the object of the meeting, A. A. Rob
inson, Esq., offered the following resolutions,
and occupied the floor fifty minutes in urging
the propriety of their adoption.
RKSOLVTIOXS.
The great interests involved in the political
questions which now engross the public mind
render it proper that the people, in their meet
ings, should express Their convictions as to tlie
rights involved, and as to the duty of the public
servants who have been selected to guard those
rights; therefore,
Resolved, That we approve most heartily tlie j
resolutions of the Southern meeting of ths j
members of Congress held recently at Wash- i
ington City.
Resolved , 2d, That in our opinion Congress is
under constitutional obligation to remove every ;
legal impediment that may arise from Mexican j
laws which serve in the least to embarrass the j
emigration of Southern men, with all tlieir pro- I
perty recognized by the Constitution, into the ;
newly acquired territories.
Resolved. 3d, That such legislation bv Con
gress would by no way infringe upon that poii- i
cy of non-intervention, which requires that Con
gress shall not legislate either to establish or \
prohibit slavery.
Resolved, 4th, That should Congress fail of j
their duty to abrogate entirely such Mexican I
laws as are directed against that ajecies of prop- i
erty which the constitution provided us the
means of acquiring, bv prohibiting for twenty
years any Congressional legislation against the
importation of it from abroad. Then as a peace
measure, we are willing to accept a secure amt
unembarrassed enjoyment of property, in that
portion of that newly acquired territory south
of tiie Missouri Compromise line.
Resolved, sth, That’ should all access to any
part of the territories with our peculiar proper
ty be denied us, and. thus all justice denied
us by a Congress acting Under a constitution
the very first sentence of which declares one ot
the first purposes of its adoption to be, “To es
tablish justicethen the remedy for the re
dress of our wrongs and for staying in future
the intolerable aggressions of our Northern
brethren we leave to be devised by the conven
tion which it will be the duty of the Governor
of our State under such exigencies to call—and
we pledge our support to any measure of redress
which will so unite our brethren of the South
as to render it practicable.
An animated discussion then ensued betweeii
E. R. Brown and W. 11. Crawford, Esqrs., on
the one side, and Maj. John 11. Howard, of Co
lumbus, and John A. Tucker, Esq., of Lumpkin,
| on the other: each speaker consuming an
hour and a half. The former two declined to
argue the resolutions proposed, insisting the
more periiuent questions to be whether we
should dissolve the Union on the admission ot
California. The latter two maintained the pro
priety of the resolutions, and also that if no
other measure of redress would secure a portion
of the territory equivalent to that south of 36-30,
then a dissolution of the Union would be ne
cessary in order to prevent further and worse
aggression.
After the discussion, the vote was taken upon
the resolutions and was almost unanimous in
their support—only three or four persons voting
in the negative.
The opposers of the resolutions excuse the
lameness of their vote on the ground (as they
say) that they had no right to vote because the
meeting was not called by them. But some of
their ablest tacticians admit that they made ef
forts to get as many as possible to vote against
the resolutions.
NEWNAN McBAIN, ) ■
GEORGE DYKIvS, \ Chav men.
Wm. B. Guerry, /c, , ■
J. G. M’Ckary, } Secretaries.
What will the South Do ?
We have heard much of secession—many
threats of the dissolution of the Union in case
California was admitted with her prohibition of
slavery. She has been admitted—is now in the
Union—one of the United States. What has the
South done ? She has held a Convention, and
talked loud, threatened and abused the North.
She has stimulated her members of Congress to
bluster and resort to ail manner of trickery to
prevent a decision of the question. She lias de
layed the action of Congress nine months. She
has made arrangements for the call of a South
ern Convention, to prescribe the course of pro
ceeding in case the bill became a law. But not
withstanding her opposition, her threats, her
conventions, her trickery, the bill lias become a
law, and the new an A free State of California,
has been admitted. What will the South do
now ?
It is said that Georgia had a confidential agent
at Washington, charged with despatching infor
mation of the admission, to enable the Governor
the more promptly to convene a convention of
the chivalry to determine on their future course.
The despatch has, doubtless, been sent. The
proclamation of the Governor may have been
sent forth, a convention may be convened, but
what will be done? Nothing. Resolutions
blown up to a red heat may he passed—some
of their hotspurs may get rid of their surplus
bile and gas, but there the matter will end.
There will be no dissolution —no overt act of trea
son. In a very short time all will be quiet.
The telegraphic wires inform us that on the
receipt of the passage of the bill at Charleston,
S. C., the people there were “furious.” A pub
lic demonstration was got up, and the flag of the
Union was “trodden under foot.” They tram
ple the Hag of the Union—the stars and stripes
of the Nation under their feet! This the Chi
valry does because they are in a minority in Con
gress ! This is done in the Nation of South
Carolina! But tiiis is not an overt act of trea
son, for which the actors can be arrested and
punished, nor will the Chivalry commit any
such act, with the halter in prospect. This be
ing hanged by the neck until one is dead, cools
their ardor. They may go to the verge of trea
son, but with them the better part of valor will
be discretion; they will stop short of actual
treason, and save their necks. In a few days
even the croakings of dissatisfaction will have
passed away, and the Government of the Union
will be moving quietly and steadily along as
heretofore. Nobody killed or hurt.
Reader! Who think you thus taunts the
South with her wrongs? For the life that is in
you, you could not distinguish it from the edito
rials of. the Columbus Enquirer for the last six
weeks; but the Enquirer does not boast the pa
ternity of this article. It is from the columns of
the Cincinnati Gazelle!
Results of the Adjustment.—Four New Uleetl
ing Wounds.
We take the following from the Proceedings
of the House on Monday :
NOTICES OF BILLS.
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, gave notice
that on to-morrow or some subsequent day, he
would ask leave to bring in the following bills:
A bill to alter and amend the revenue laws so
as to afford reasonable protection to American
labor;
A bill to abolish slavery in the Territory of
Utah;
A bill to repeal so much of the acts establish
ing territorial governments in New Mexico and
Utah as recognizes slavery in said Territories,
! and as pledges the nation to admit new slave
States into the Union : and
A bill to repeal and annul the fugitive slave
law, passed September, 1850.
This was not the entertainment to which we
were invited by the champions of the Adjust
ment. But let the South never be afraid—to
run. The renewed agitation will go on. The
Free-soilers and Abolitionists have begun—the
Tribune and Albany Evening Journal, Whig or
gans, have already joined them. The Whig
party at the North will promptly follow en masse.
The Democrats of the North wiii first call for
harmony—then they will equivocate—then at
tempt to surpass the Whigs in their zeal for
these measures—and then Messrs. Clay and
Cass will come forward with another grand
compromise to heal these four more bleeding
wounds of a distracted country. They will
propose to concede all to the North to stop agi
tation, and denounce, all southern opponents of
the healing measures as Ultras and Disunionists.
The Intelligencer will come forward in aid of the
harmony, and hear no discordant voice. The
Union will cant about the rights of the south
talk of modifications, lose some more subscri
bers, ask for more extra allowances—abuse Gid
dings, Root and Seward, go for the scheme on
the ground that the institutions of the south
must rely for support on the Northern Democ
racy, call for guns of rejoicing on the passage
of the new Compromise, and” declare fiercely
that any further aggressions on the south will
never be permitted—until they are attempted.
Listen to the language of the New York Com
mercial Advertiser, a leading Webster Whig pa
per : ° 1
The passage of the bill for the abolition of
the slave trade in this District is a most auspi
cious and gratifying event. It will do much to
quell the spirit ot agitation in regard to this in
stitution, and would the south but consent grace
fullij and cheerfully to the extinction of slavery
itsell in the District, they would soon receive
convincing assurance of the cessation of con
tention on this exacting and disturbing subject.
The vote was ayes 33, noes 19; majority 14.
Six Southern Senators, Messrs. Benton. Clay,
Houston , Underwood, Spruance and Wales voted
with thefree Slates. I lie two California Senators
contributed to swell the majority of this humane and
creditable measure.—Southern Press.
Analysis ot Votes given in House Representa
tives on the Passage ol’ California Bill.
FOR THE BILL.
Northern Northern j Southern
Democrats. Whigs. Democrats.
Albertson, la. I Alexander, N. V. Bay, Mo.
Bingham, Midi., Allen,* Mass. ! Bowling, Mo.
Bissell, 111. Andrews, N. Y. |Ewing, Teun.
Booth,* Ct. Baker, HI. Hall, Mo.
Brown, la. Bennett, N. Y. Hamilton, Md.
Bud, Mich. ißokeo, N. Y. Johnson, Tenn.
Cable, Ohio. j Briggs, X. Y. Jonea, Tenn.
Carter, Ohio. J Brooks, N. Y. Mason, Ky.
Dimmick, Pa. Burrows, N. Y. McLane, Md.
Disney, Ohio. Butler, Pa. Phelps, Mo.—lo
Doty, Wis. Butler, Ct.
! Dunham, la. jCalvin, Pa.
| Durkee ,* Wis. Campbell* Ohio.
| Fitch, la. Casey, Pa.
Fuller, Me. Chandler, Fa.
Gerry, Me. Clark, N. A .
Gilmore, Pa. Cole, \\ is.
Gorman, la. Corwin, Ohio.
Harlan, la. Crowell, Ohio.
Harris, 111. Dickey, Pa.
Hibbard, N. 11. DixOn, R. I.
Iloagland, Ohio. I)uer, N. Y.
P. King,* X. Y.j Duncan, Mass.
| Lcffler, lowa, j Lliot, Mass.
! Littlefield, Me. j Evans, Ohio.
Mann, Pa. ;Fowler, Mass. .Southern
McClermandjlll. Freedley, Pa. Whigs
McDonald, la. jGiddings, Ohio.
McLanalian, Pa.Gott, X. Y. Anderson,Tenn.
Morris, Ohio. Gould, N. Y. Bow - Md>
Olds, Ohio. jGrmucll, Mass. Brecfc Ry
Peaslee, N. Y. Halloway, N. Y. Caldw ’ e „, ‘iv. C.
Peck, Vt. ;Henry, \ t, n
I J ■ hvans. Md.
Potter, Ohio. Ilowe, Pa. . * r
... 5 Gentry, ienn.
Richardson-. 111. Hunter, Ohio, Tr 3 , r
’ ’ Hayniond, va,
Robbins, Pa. j Jackson, Y. Johnson Ky
Robinson, la. Julian* la. ‘ Ktrr M ’ d
Ross, Pa. King, R. I. Marshall, ’ Ky.
Sawtelle, Me. King, N. J. MoLcan K y.
.Stetson, Me. J. A. King, N. T. jMorehead
Strong, Pa. . Levin, (n. a.) Pa. Stau , N% c
Sweetscr, Ohio, Mann, Mass. , PI *
’ ’ ihonipson, Kyv
Thompson, Pa. Matteaon, N T- w* atkius . Tenu .
Walden. N. .ucGaugbev, la. . r P
’ . ’ William*, lenn.
Waldo, Ct. McKissock, N. Y. rT ... , T ~
, T ANARUS„ , ’ Houston, Del.-L
Wentworth, 111. Meadiam, Vt.
Whittlesey, O. Moore, Pa.
Wild rick, N. J. Nelson, X. Y.
Young, 111.—49 Newell, N. J.
Ogle, Pa.
Otis, Me.
Phoenix, N. Y.
Pitman. Pa.
Putnam, N. Y.
Reed, Pa.
Reynolds, X. Y/
Root,* Ohio.
Rose, X. Y.
Ramsey, X. Y.
Sackett, X. Y.
Schenck, Ohio.
Schoolcraft, X. Y.
Sehcrmerhorn, “
Silvester, N. Y.
Sprague, Mich.
Stevens, Pa.
Taylor, Ohio.
Thurman, N. Y.
Tuck, N. IT.
Underhill, N. Y.
Van Dyke, N. J.
Vinton, Ohio.
White, A r . Y.
Wilson, N. H.- 74.
Those marked thus (*) arc free-soilers.
AGAINST TJIE BILL.
Southern Democrats.
Ashe, North Carolina,
Averett, Virginia,
Bayly, “
Beale, “
Bowdon. Alabama,
Boyd, Kentucky,
Brown, Mississippi,
Burt, South Carolina,
Caldwell, Kentucky,
Cobb, Alabama,
Colcock, South Carolina,
Daniel, North Carolina,
Edmondson, Virginia,
Featherstou, Mississippi,
Green, Missouri,
Haralson, Georgia,
Harris, Tennessee,
Harris, Alabama,
llolladay, Virginia,
I loward, Texas,
Hubbard, Alabama,
Jackson. Georgia,
Inge, Alabama,
Johnson, Arkansas,
Kaufman, Texas,
La Sere, Louisiana,
McDowell, Virginia,
McMullen, Virginia,
McQueen, South Carolina,
Me Willie, Mississippi,
Meade, Virginia,
Millson. Virginia,
Morse, Louisiana,
Orr, South Carolina,
Parker, Virginia,
Powell, Virginia,
Savage, Tennessee,
Seddon, Virginia,
Stanton, Tennessee,
Stanton, Kentucky,
Thomas, Tennessee,
Thompson, Mississippi,
Venable, North Carolina,
Wallace, South Carolina,
Wellborn, Georgia,
Woodward, S. C.—l 6.
United States House or Representatives.
Tor Adsiis-
Statf.s. 1 | Against.
! SION.
iDcim. Whig. Dan. Whig.
Maine, - -J 5 l ;
New Hampshire, -j 2 2 j
Vermont, - - 1 2 j
Massachusetts, - -It) 6
Rhode Island, - -! 0 2 j
Connecticut, - -j 2 I 1 j
Xc\t York, - -i 2 29 j
Xew Jersey j - 1 3 j
Pennsylvania, - 8 ]3 j
Delaware, - - 0 j j
Maryland, - - 2 3
Virginia, - -J () 1| 12 I
North Carolina, - - 0 2 j 3 4
South Carolina, - -[ 0 q i 6 0
Georgia, - - 0 | 0 3 2
Florida, - -jo! 0 0 I
Alabama, - 0 0 5 2
Ohio, . -j 9 I0
Michigan, -j 2 I
Indiana, . .'g o
Illinois, . - 6 J
lowa, - 1 0
Wisconsin, - - 2 I
Missouri, - - 4 0 I
Kentucky, - 1 6 3
Tennessee, - -3 4 4
Mississippi, - - 0 0 4
Arkansas,- - - 0 0 1
Louisiana,- * 0 0 2
Texas, * 0 0 2
oO i 91 ; 46 10
Southern Whigs.
j
[Alston, Alabama,
j Cabell, Florida,
jClinginan, .North Carolina,
(Deberry, “
j Hilliard, Alabama,
[Morton, Virginia,
Outlaw. North Carolina,
Owen, Georgia,
Shepperd, North Carolina,
[Toombs, Georgia—lo.
[From the Southern Preas.]
THE PROSPECT.
We said,in our last, that if the present bills in
progress through Congress pass, and the South
ern States submit, the non-siaveholdiug States
can, in six years, amend the Constitution, do
away with the three-fifths basis of representa
tion, and abolish slavery ; and that, too, with*
out assuming any new position or principle, or
any which has not received the sanction of one
branch of Congress. We stated that we could
prove this position by plain mathematical rea
soning, and a fair deduction from the principle*
assumed by our enemies.
We are aware that many will be startled at
this statement, and that the public mind is not
fully awake to the real dangers which threaten
us.
When propositions for “compromise” and
“adjustment” were made in the United Stales
Senate, and advocated by Southern men, the
confiding spirit of the Southern people induced
many to believe that those propositions contain
ed something tangible and substantial, and that
a way would be opened to participate in some
degree, at least, in the advantages to be derived
from the vast territories conquered from Me.t
ico.
These delusions are dispelled, and the stern
trutli is forced upon all, that the whole of the
territories of the United States are devoted to
Free-soilistn.
We have laid before our readers the opinions of
Mr. Clay, Dll’- Webster, Mr. Badger, Mr. Atchi
son, and others, on this subject, but as we wish
tiiis matter to be well understood, we will give
the evidence of Mr. Chase, which is conclusive.
That gentleman said in the United States Sen
ate : ,
“It lias been said here, on every side of iU&
chamber, that every foot of the soil which tile
United States acquired from Mexico will be free
soil. Senators from the South have urged it,
and Senators from the North have not denied
it.”
This matter is hardly debateable. If Califor
nia is admitted, all inducements fora slavehold
er to move to any of the Territories is taken
away. Can any man point to a single individ
ual who contemplates moving with his negroe*
to New Mexico or Utah ?
It may bo said that the Wilmot Proviso is not
attached to the territorial bill in the Senate.
That is so. But it is expressly understood that
the proviso is omitted, because it is not necessa
ry ; it is not abandoned.
There were but .thirty-five votes on . that mea
sure ; Northern Senators absenting themselves
to avoid passing it. And why ? They feel sure
of the territory without it, but they will pass it,
if there is the least necessity therefor.
The Mexican laws are arrayed against us ;
the people of the territory have been incited to
declare against slavery; the territorial bill gives
the writ of “ habeas corpus” to the slaves, and thn
Judges are to be appointed by a President ad
verse to the South ; and, finally, if it were ne
cessary, a State Government would be formed
before a sufficient number of slaveholders could
go into New Mexico to have any influence in
the formation of a Constitution. Who will go
there ?
We assume, then, the position, that there is
not the least probability that another slavehold
ing State will ever be admitted into this Con
federacy.
It will be years before there will bo population
sufficient to divide Texas, and, at this time, a
majority of the North are opposed to carrying
out the compact of annexation.
Necessary to our argument is a correct under
standing of the present relative political strength
of the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States,-
There are sixteen uon-slavehoiding States,
and fourteen slaveholditig States. The former
have thirty-two votes in the United States Sen
ate, and the latter twenty-eight. In the lower
House ot Congress the Northern majority is up
wards of forty, and it is supposed that by the
census now taking, it will reach between sixty
and seventy.
But this should be borne in mind, thht tho
strength of the North is entire, whilst that of the
South is divided. There are four slaveholding
States which are tending to Abolitionism, and in
which it is not considered reprehensible for thejr
representatives to act in conjunction with the
enemies of slavery. But let the present meas
ures pass, and the South submit thereto, and it
will be evident to all that the fate of slaverv is
sealed, it will no longer be considered honorable
to be attached to a slaveholding State, and Abo
litionism will make rapid progress in the doubt
ful States. Maryland, Kentucky, North Caroli
na, and Missouri, are already considered luke
warm in our cause, and there are those who,
from the course of New Orleans, are deceived
as to the true position of Louisiana.
We look at things practically. The political
power is in the hands of the North, a Northern
man is in tho Presidential chair, and there is not
the least probability that there will ever be an
other Southern President—Southern in location
and principles. The power and patronage of a
government which collects and disburses thirty
five millions of dollars annually and control*
government contracts, foreign missions, and
thousands of lucrative and honorable office*,
will always be tremendous, and those powers
wielded by Northern men and Northern influen
ces, can at any time control the votes of at least
four Southern Senators for any purpose. It will
be well that it, in our downward course, thev
cannot control more in a few years; but we as
sume, what we. think tho present and ihj past
will justify, that four Southern Senators, at least,
actuated by ambitious or more unworthy mo
tives, can always be relied on by Northern
statesmen, let them propose what they may, ad
verse to slavery.
At this time we could point to more’ tliari rttio
Southern Senator who, for a prospect of tho
Vi le Presidency, or the certainty of a foreign
mission, and a little Northern pressure, might be
induced, from the most patriotic motives, for tho
sake of peace and harmony, and devotion to onr
glorious Union, to concede so much to the ten
der consciences of our Northern brethren as to
support a proposition to do away with the three
fifths basis of representation.
Let. it not be said that this is an unreasonable
calculation; nothing that takes place hereafter
will be half as extraordinary as that which ha3
already occurred.
Viewing tilings, then, practically, we estimate
the real relative political strength of the two sec
tions, as twelve slaveholding States to eighteen
non-slaveholding States; in which case, it will
only require six more non-slaveholding States
to make a two-thirds majority, which, with tho
casting vote of the \ ice-President, may amend
the Constitution.
We, will show that, in six years, six, nay,
twelve non-slaveholding States will be admitted
into the Union; but, previous thereto, we pro
pose to examine the positions and principles of
the Northern States, to see whether it is likely
that when they have the power they will amend
the Constitution, and do away with the three
filths basis of representation, and abolish slave--
ry.
We think that there is not a doubt but that
they will do so whenever they attain the pow
er; and further, they will, as they are now’ do
ing, by the hot-bed system, override the Consti
tution to force a majority to effect their objects.-
These doctrines are held in the North, and are
not peculiar to any party—That slavery is a
moral evil, a sin, and a curse, and is opposed
to the principles of our government, and ought
to be eradicated; that they of the North are dis
graced by their connection with the institution,
and are implicated in the sin, and responsible
tor its continuance and existence, if they do not
exert every constitutional power which they
can to oppose and destroy it.
The resolutions of twelve State legislatures,
and of innumerable conventions of the great par
ties, have in every form set fortli these princi
ples, and the representatives in Congress front
the non-slaveholding States have almost en
masse shown by their acts that they truly rep
resent the wili of their coil? tituents.
We do not deem it necessary to lav particu
lar resolutions before our readers, and will close
this branch by reference to Gott’s resolution,
which virtually declared slavery to be contrary
to “natural justice and the fundamental princi
ples ot our Government,” which resolution pass
ed the lower branch of Congress by nearly the
entire vote of the Northern States.
The passage of this resolution, more than any