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VTILKT WILLIAMS. WM. F. WILLIAMS.
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YOL. I.
“SPEAK GENTLY TO THE ERRING.”
Speak gently to the erring—
Ye know riot all the pow’r
With which the dark temptation earn#
In some unguarded hour;
Ye may not know how earnestly
They struggled, or how well,
Until the hour of weakne*# eame,
And sadly thus they fell!
Speak gently of theerrisg—
Oh ! do not thou forget,
However darkly staiseb by sin.
He is thy brother yet.
Ileir of the self-same heritage,
Child of the self-sans# God,
He hath but stumbled ia the path
Thou hast in weakness trod.
Speak kindly to the erring—
For is it not enough
That innocenee and peaee are gone,
Without thy censure rough ?
It surely is a weary lot
That sin-crashed heart to bear;
Ar.d they who share a happier fate
Their chiding* well may spare.
Spoak kindly to the erring—
Thou vet maystlead him back.
With holy words, and tones of love.
From mis’ry's thorny track ;
Forget not thou hast often sinn’d,
And siaful yet must be ;
Deal kindly with the erring one,
As God hath dealt with thee !
[From Arthur’s Home Gazette.]
Letter to a Young Wife,
FROM A MARRIED JLADT.
My dear Lizzie :—l have just received the
pleasing intelligence of your marriage with
one so worthy of your trust and affection.
Os course, you are very happy; for there is
no more perfect happiness for a young and
loving woman than to centre her heart’s best
feelings upon one being—to feel her destiny
bound up in his—to become, as it were, a
very part of bis life. Perhaps, at such a
time, my dear girl, it may seem unkind to
throw the least shadow over the bright sky of
your happiness; but I cannot refrain from
giving you some little advice now, at the
outset of your new life.
You are looking forward—are vou not ?
with perfect confidence to the future. You
think that the sea upon which you are launch
ed, will ever remain calm and untroubled as
nowj that you will go on forever thus, joy
ous and happy—thus, free from care and sor
row ; but, oh, remember, there is no sunshine
that is not clouded over sometimes ; no stream
so smooth as to be always undisturbed. Then,
make up your mind to have cares, perplexi
ties, and trials, such as have never troubled
you before; and bo prepared to meet them.
Aa yet, you are to your husband the same
perfect being that you were before marriage,
free from all that is wrong—your follies
even regarded as delightful. You are now
placed upon a pedestal—a very goddess ; but,
believe me, you must soon descend to take
your place among mortals, and well for you
if you can do it gracefully. Believe me,
dearest, 1 have no wish to sadden your spirit
—only to prepare it for the trials which must
come to perplex it.
You must learn to have your faults com
mented upon, one by one, and yet be meek
and patient under reproach. You must learn
to have those sayings which you have heard
praised as witticisms, regarded as mere non
sense. You must learn to yield even when
you seem to be in the right; to give up your
will even when your husband seems obstinate
and unreasonable ; to be chided when you
expected praise, and have your utmost en
deavors to do rightly regarded as mere du
ties. But, bo not cast down by this dark
side of the picture. You will be happier,
despite of all these trials, than 3 011 have ever
been, if you only resolve to be firm in the
path of duty; to strive to do well always;
to return a kind answer for a harsh word,
and, above all, to control your temper. There
may be times when this may seem impossible;
but always remember that one angry word
provokes another, and that thus the beautiful
gem of wedded affection is tarnished, until
what seemed to be the purest gold is found
only gilded brass. Amiability is the most
necessary of all virtues in a wife, and, per
haps the most difficult of all others to retain.
Pray fervently for a meek, forbearing spirit;
cherish your kindly impulses, and leave the
rest to your Father in Heaven.
I shall, if you like, write yon again upon
this subject. You know I have been wedded
long enough to have somo little experience,
and if it can benefit you, you are welcome to
it. Adieu for a while. Ever your friend,
CARRIE MERTON.
Dialogue.—“Well, my son, can you give
me some supper ?”
“I reckon not. We haint no meat, nor we
haint no bread, nor we habit no taters.”
“Well, you can give me a bed, can’t
you f”
“I reckon not, for we haint n<r flooring to
our house.”
“Well, you can ghe my horse something
to eat l”
“I reckon not, for we haint no hay, nor
we haint no corn, nor we haint no oats
neither.”
“In the name of human nature, how do
you all do here ?”
“Oh, very well, I thank you. How are all
your folks to hum ?”
Brotherly Love.—“ Jack, Jack!” cried a
sailor, on board of a ship at sea, to one of his
companions.
“Hallo!” replies Jack ; “what is it ?”
“A our brother's overboard!”
“Overboard ?”
“Yes ?”
“Blast the luck ! he's got my sea hoots and
monkey jacket on /”
Modest.—“ Pray,” said Mr. to a
gentleman who overtook him on the road,
“will you have the complaisance to take my
great coat in your carriage to town ?” “With
pleasure, sir; but how will you get it again ?”
‘‘Oh, very easy,” replied the modest applicant;
‘‘l shall remain in it.”
An Irishman’s Speech.—“Och, Jamie?
an’ did ve niver hear uv my great spach afore
the Hibernian Society?”
“No, Pat, how should I? for sure I was not
; on the ground.”
“Well, Jamie, you see I was called upon
by the Hibernian Society for a spach, and
! be jabers I rose with the inthusiastic cheers
i of thousands and tins of thousands, with me
j heart overflowing with gratitude, and my eyes
| filled with tears, an’ divil the- word did I
i spake.”
Union-loving Massachusetts.
The State of Massachusetts has never
been wanting in Fourth of July and Bunker
Hill Orators, who could talk fluently and
eloquently ot the Union —the glorious
Union—ot its historical glories n*id its in
numerable blessings. The Hon. Daniel Web
ster and the Hon. Caleb Cushing, two of her
most distinguished citizens, are always on
hand, upon occasion, to pour forth rhetorical
flourishes of this sort. The sentiments are
very pretty in themselves, sound well, and
when they get in print, read well, and are
circulated far and wide, not only as speci
mens of American oratory, but as evidonco
of Massachusetts patriotism. “ Oh, what a
Union-loving State is Massachusetts, what a
patriotic State is Massachusetts ! what noble
sentiments! what a magnanimous spirit she
displays!” exclaim the politicians and hum
buggers; and Massachusetts is lauded upas
the very pink and model of patriotic and
Union-loving States.
Only recently- wo see this game again play
ed off. It is not presumable, however, that
the gullibility- of the people is without limits,
and there is a chance that the patriotic pre
tensions of Massachusetts will undergo, soon,
somewhat of a severe scrutiny. At a recent
public dinner, given at Boston, to Amin Bey,
the Turkish Envoy, Mr. Webster was one of
the distinguished guests of the occasion, and
in reply- to a toast complimentary to himself,
indulged in one of his customary tributes to
the Union. He has a feyv stereotyped phrases
on this theme for all such occasions, and in
due time they get into the newspapers, and
are passed round as patriotic Massachusetts
sentiments. That the}- are Mr. Webster’s
sentiments, we do not doubt—his pure, honest,
patriotic sentiments. That he is a patriotic
man at heart, and a lover of the Union and
the Constitution —an American in the best
sense of the term, we cordially concede.
But we deny that his sentiments are the sen
timents of Massachusetts. On the contrary,
there is no Americanism—no patriotism per
vading the public mind of Massachusetts. It
is a State composed of narrow-minded bigots
and intolerant fanatics. They are so steeped
in fanaticism, and carried away with false
systems of ethics, of religion, of political
morality, and philanthropy, that they are in
capable of acting an honest part, and of
performing the plainest obligations due under
the federal compact, to her sister States of
the South.
The people of Massachusetts have as little
to boast of in their history of a tolerant and
enlightened spirit as any- civilized race on this
continent. Driven by religious persecutions
to settle in a land yvhere they could enjoy
freedom to worship God, the Pilgrims early
learned to refuse to others that religious tol
eration the}- had themselves so early prized.
The Quakers, driven from Old England by
the spirit of intolerance, did not find that they
had much improved their condition by com
ing among the descendants of the Pilgrims,
and they yvere driven to seek repose from
persecution to a more Southern latitude.
Tho hunting of Indians with blood hounds,
and their extermination by fire and sword,
was one of the earliest, and raciest of amuse
ments in psalm-singing Massachusetts. At
another time, the burning of beautiful young
maidens, and feeble old women and inoffen
sive men, at the stake, for witchcraft, after
the solemn mockery- of a trial by jury-, are
among the beauties of Massachusetts history.
In the nineteenth century, tho people of
Boston and its vicinity, enjoy tho exclusive
honor of having burned the shelter from over
the heads of a number of helpless and unpro
tected nuns, and turned them out half naked,
at dead of night, amidst tho snows of winter.
From Massachusetts have emanated somo
of the bitterest and bloodiest and most atro
cious sentiments that the abolition mania has
ever belched forth. It was an Ex-President
of the United States, an honored son of
Massachusetts, who, in his place in the Con
gress of the United States, uttered th senti
ment, “ Let Abolition come, though il cost, five
hundred thousand — yea, five hundred million
of lives.” Act he lived still to be honored,
and to be re-elected, timo after timo, to his
seat is Congress.
But a few weeks ago, the Hon. Josiah
Quincy, President of Hartford Collego, one
of the most honored and distinguished names
of Massachusetts, presided at a meeting in
Boston, the avoyved object of yvhich was to
aid in defeating the fugitive slave law—a law
enacted to carry out a plain constitutional ob
ligation. He then and there boasted that
since the enactment of tho law of 1798, no
fugitive slave had ever been arrested and de
livered up in Massachusetts, and declared
that none ever would be under the new law.
The lion. Mr. Winthrop announced in the
United States Senate, that the law could not
be enforced in Massachusetts, as it yvas con
trary- to public opinion.
More recently we have had a striking illus
tration of the truth of these Assertions in the
treatment received by Knight and Hughes,
two citizens of Georgia, yvho proceeded to
Boston, to arrest, under the law, tho fugitive
slaves from Georgia, Crafts and his wife.
Our readers are all familiar with that treat
ment. They narrowly escaped with their
lives. They were mobbed, arrested, and im
prisoned, on frivolous grounds, and held to
bail in enormous sums, to answer actions of
slander, for having asserted that said Crafts
and his wife were slaves.
Such, people of Georgia, is the Union
loving, law and constitution abiding State of
Massachusetts. In a city containing one
hundred and forty- thousand inhabitants, not
only a constitutional law of Congress in pro
tection of the constitutional right of the
Southern slaveholder, cannot be enforced—
there are not only not law-abiding citizens
enough to enforce it, hut those who go there
to claim this benefit, under tho Constitution
and laws of the land, are in danger of losing
their lives. ,
This will be a case for the consideration
of the Convention of the State of Georgia,
which assembles next month. The refusal
of a Northern State to surrender a fugitive
slave to his owner, a citizen of Georgia, was
one of the contingencies provided by the
Legislature for the call of a Convention.
| The present outrageous conduct of the citi
i zens of Massachusetts, it is to be hoped, will
I evoke the sovereign power of Georgia to a
[ course of exemplary retaliation and satisfac
tion. The strongest and most summary
measures, whether by reprisals, by discrim
inating taxation, by- non-intercourse laws, or
! by the refusal to allow legal process to be
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 21, ISSO.
enforced in our State to recover debts due in
Georgia to citizens of Massachusetts, would
be measures not too harsh. It is only- thus
Massachusetts can be taught that she cannot
nullify the Constitution and Laws of the
United (States with impunity. The Federal
Government has shown itself in the present
instance powerless, or unwilling to vindicate
its own authority, and do justice to the citi
zens of Georgia. No other alternative, there
fore, is left, but for the State of Georgia to
take into her own hands the vindication of
the rights of her citizens.— Constitutionalist.
[From tka Narr Orlaan* Dsilj Dalts.J
*O/1. SOULE.
Eds. Delta: Asa member of the Demo
cratic party, we have viewed the hostility
which has lately sprung up towards this Sen
ator, on the part of some of his political
friends, with no little surprise and mortifica
tion ; the more so, as we have been unable,
alter a careful consideration of the causes of
dissatisfaction, to perceive any thing in his
course to authorize the apparently pertinac
ious, not to say vindictive, opposition of those
who, as members of the same great party,
may have acted heretofore in unison with
him. It is not a subject of wonder that poli
ticians of a different creed should denounce
Mr. Soule, and find nothing to admire in his
course, either here or at Washington. Nor
is it a matter of surprise that the \\ big press
should fan the flames of an opposition which
is rapidly transcending the bounds of moder
ation, and assuming the complexion of a bitter
persecution. A ready- solution is found for
this in those uncompromising and rancorous
political prejudices which see “ Helen’s
beauty in a brow of Egypt,” and refuse to
acknowledge that “any thing good can come
out of Nazareth!” but that Democratic vo
ters should permit opinions and arguments
from such sources to shake their allegiance to
their party, or make them waver in the sup
port of their Senator, betrays a degree of
moral indecision and infirmity of purpose at
once lamentable and disgusting.
One of the press of this city, tho most vio
lent in its attacks upon this (Senator, profes
ses to be neutral in politics, and under the
garb of neutrality is doing more harm to the
Democratic party, than if it candidly- pro
claimed itself the organ of a party for which
all its political articles seem to bo written
and the power and strength of which it is do
ing much to enlarge. We had hoped the
spirit of that paper was so well understood
by this time, that while the Whig party- was
congratulating itself upon tho talent and
strength displayed in its columns, the Demo
cratic party would look with distrust and
alarm upon the fire-brands it was attempting
to throw into its ranks, as replete with de
struction, and designed to destroy that har
mony of action and paralyze that strength
which has made the party- invincible hereto
fore in their contests throughout this State.
We trust the disposition to bear so heavily
upon Mr. Soule, which wo have noticed
above, is confined to very few. Certainly a
kinder and a more grateful reception should
have awaited his return home, after his ardu
ous and self-sacrificing labors in behalf of his
country. And we feel assured that there is
a feeling of gratitude, deep-seated in tho
hearts of Southern men, and an intelligent
sense of fairness which will not “willingly
let” the able and earnest efforts of the dis
tinguished Senator pass into oblivion. And
if that gentleman is to be made a victim to
his zealous and earnest advocacy of South
ern rights and Southern institutions, we be
lieve thousands will not number those who
will be ready to stake their fortunes on the
“hazard of the die,” and fall gallantly fight
ing by- his side.
Wo have no personal acquaintance with
Mr. Soule, nor do wo wish to be understood
as writing his apology, nor as enforcing the
propriety of his course, but we are too loyal
to our party, and we love our principles too
well, to stand calmly by and see tho one
weakened by dissensions and tho other en
dangered in a vortex of individual animositv
and passion. The timo wss when Demo
crats were willing to sacrifice their personal
differences upon tho altar of tksir ssuntry,
and sustain with united voises, and an undi
vided front, the measures of tkeir party. —
Hare those days
“Gone, glimmering through the dream of things that
were’’ T
have we forsaken the faith of our fathers?
and arc we running thoughtlessly- in the pur
suit of strange gods? Defeat, disastrous
defeat, confusion and deep mortification will
be the inevitable result; and at our repent
ant leisure we will condemn that folly which
could let
“such things be,
And overcome as like a summer cloud,
Without our spocial wonder.”
We h ave heard it urged that Mr. Soule
ought to have given a more courteous and
satisfactory reply to tho letter of seventy
eight signatures. We thought at the time,
and we think now that that letter was in bad
taste, and in bad time, and calculated to do
much harm. We admit the doctrine of a
paramount responsibility on the part of a
Senator to the sovereign State ho represents,
and the right of the people of that State to
instruct him through the proper channels.—
Yet we do think that some degree of discre
tion ought to be used, and some regard paid
to the time and circumstances under which it
is done.
That which is perfectly proper and deco
rous upon suitable occasions, and entitled to
the greatest respect and consideration, de
generates into impertinence and folly when
out of place, and like “sweet bells jangled,
sounds harsh and out of tune.” What was
to be gained by the letter of seventy-eight
signatures'? What gpod was to be effected
bv it at the time ? Mr. Soule was not a can
didate for another office. He was not be
fore the public soliciting the suffrage of the
people. The Legislature was not in session
to instruct him if his views had not concur
red with a majority of that body. Nor was
he in his seat, about to vote upon a measure
in relation to which he was interrogated. It
does seem to us as if the letter was intended
to produce somo of that mischief and dis
traction which have flowed so copiously from
it. It does seem as if it was intended to en
trap and embarrass the Senator, rather than
elicit information upon his sentiments and
purposes. Many- Southern men had looked
with a jealous eye upon the Compromise bills
so lately pending before * the Senate, and so
| far from seeing in them that justice to the
South which the friends of those measures
contended they possessed —they’ recognized
in them only that spirit of determined and in
sidious aggression which had characterized a
Northern ma jority, from the date of their op
position to the admission of the State of Mis
souri into the confederacy; and that portion
of our fellow citizens, now that the measures
in question have acquired the force and effect
of laws, still conscientiously- doubt their effi
cacy, either to allay the agitation which yet
continues to exist, both North and South, or
to prevent whatever encroachments in tho fu
ture, a dominant and distant section may- see
fit to make upon their rights.
It is difficult to tell how much farther
those persons are disposed to carry their op
position to the so-called adjustment measures
of Congress; this is certain, however, there
is a good deal of opposition this side of se
cession, and Southern men can do much to
defend and retaliate without being justly ac
cused of favoring a dissolution of the Union.
We think, therefore, that the timo selected for
interrogating Mr. Soule—if done in a friendly
spirit, was most ill-judged—as an answer
either way would have alienated a portion of
his constituency-. If the intent of the letter
was unfriendly, they were justly rebuked. —
In either case, Mr. Soulo has violated no rule
of his party-, and we see no reason why a faith
ful and able servant should be sacrificed.
D.
[From tha Rome Southerner.]
SI It. now ELL COBB.
This official, sleek, fat, and well fed, with
his pockets full of thousands of treasury pap,
comes among us with the cry of persecution.
Thore was once a celebrated demagogue in
Athens, (we mean the ancient city,) who ex
hibited to the dear people, self-inflicted
wounds, to enable him by- moving their sym
pathies, to win their favor that he might be
tray their liberties through their own instru
mentality. That demagogue succeeded, and
so may Mr. Howell Cobb. Time will deter
mine. Mr. Cobb stepped, as it were, out of
Collego into Congress, from the floor of Con
gress, where the pay is 88 per day-, into the
Speaker’s Chair, where it is 816, and is look
ing still higher at this time, if we are to be
lieve bis organs. He looks to be about 35
y-ears of age, and having been in Congress,
wo believe about ten years, where his pay
and mileage have probably not fallen short
of 82000 per annum, until this year, when it
has probably reached six or eight thousand,
we think his persecutions have not been
intolerable. Judging from his apparently
healthy- condition, wo should say- that his
sufferings have not been very severe, even
mentally-, otherwise they would re-act upon
his physical condition. He would grow lean.
Besides, there is a ready way to escape tlieso
persecutions whenever they do really become
intolerable. Retire from office. We do not
think Mr. Cobb very likely to adopt this rem
edy, if he can help it. But what are these
persecutions, and whence do they come?—
They consist in the denunciation of his
course in Congress, by a portion of the inde
pendent freemen, and public press of Geor
gia. And who and what is Howell Cobb,
that his acts are not to be called in questiop ?
lie has been in Congress, as we have said,
about ten years; and notwithstanding the
ceaseless and violent assaults which have
been made during all that time, upon the
character and interests of the people of Geor
gia, wo have yet to learn that he has ever
opened his mouth in their vindication or de
fence. When did 110 doit? Where are his
speeches ?. V\ e challenge their production.
But while he has been thus recreant to his
duty to us, he has conciliated the favor of tho
majority, or office-giving section, by refusing
to append his name to a Southern Address,
and voting for tho Oregon bill, with the Wil
mot Proviso or inhibition of slavery incor
porated into it. Mr. Cobb knows that these
acts of omission and commission made him
Speaker. His appointment of tho most rab
id abolitionists and frec-soiiers upon tho com
mittees of tho House, while it disgusted ma
ny- of his Southern constituents, won for him
the applause of moderation from the aboli
tionists themselves. They boasted that ho
had done better for them than their own
Speaker Winthrop. Shall wo not begin to
inquire into his conduct “when the roicksd
praise” him 7 Mr. Cobb tried to be very se
vere on editors, but succeeded only in being
vulgarly abusive. For ourselves, we hold bis
praise or censure in equal scorn. As independ
ent journalists we owe a duty to tho public.
We mean to discharge it. That duty -e
----quiresusto point out tho course of officials
to our readers. We are as free to approve
or condemn that course as other citizens.—
The motives of the attack are obvious enough.
He would discredit those who testify against
him, and so avert public attention from his
acts. It is the trick of the cuttle-fish, which
muddies the water to elude pursuit.
lie said there never was a time from the
foundation of the Government when the
South had less cause of complaint than now!
Among these items of Southern triumph, ono
was that the Wilmot Proviso, or anti-slavery
restriction, was virtually removed from North
ern Texas, where, if we mistake not, it went
by- his vote. So far as Mr. Cobb is concern
ed then, bis victory is in part the undoing of
his own work. Speaking of Mr. Cobb’s
great measures, tho London Times says,
“slavery may, in consequence of these meas
ures, be considered as doomed in the United
States.” The New York Sun says, that Mr.
Cobb’s victory fixes “the doom of slavery
in tiie United States. Its final sup
pression is near at hand.” The Portland
(Me.) Inquirer, speaking of Mr. Cobb’s vic
tory-, says, “slavery is also about to be driven
from the District, and flic whole system is
shaken to its foundation/’ “It is already
circumscribed, exposed, condemned, and
must fall.” The Albany Atlas, the Van
Buren organ, says, “slavery is cut off from the
Pacific. It is a great, triumph.” The New
York Tribune says, “if the North acquiesces
in the adjustment just effected, it is with
the clear understanding that slavery
is not to spread over one inch of our
acquisitions from Mexico, beyond THE
NEW settled limits of Texas. Let
slavery advance one foot, and all trill be in
commotion again.” Yet, Mr. Cobb says, that
all this is a Southern victory, and that slave
ry may advance, not only beyond the “new
settled” boundary of Texas, but beyond
36 30 to the 42d degree of North latitude! —
He is contradicted at all points. He claims
the victory for the South. It is claimed at the
I North as a victory by the abolitionists and
; free-Eoilers. Which is to be believed ? The
tree-aoilers and abolitionists are sustained in
their claims by neutral and impartial prints,
such as the New Y ork Sun, and London
limes. But this is not all. Mr. Duer, one
ot the Fillmore party, as we now consider
Mr. Speaker Cobb, addressing his constit
uents, said that slavery “is prohibited by
laws NOW IN FORCE, AND WHICH CON
GRESS HAS LEFT UNREPEALED.”
Mr. Cobb knows that such is the opinion eve
ry where at the North. He knows that such
was the avowed opinion of Mr. Clay, the au
thor of the measure. That is, or teas the
opinion of Toombs and Stephens, who have
now coalesced with him to make anew party
in Georgia.for purposes best known to them
selves. Oh ! but you do not believe they are
of force, says the quibbler. Admit that we
do believe that the Constitution of the Uni
ted States faith fully carried out by the judi
ciary, would sweep away Mexican laws, Mr.
Cobb knows that the chances would be
against us before the federal Court as now
constituted, especially considering that infirm
ity of judges and politicians which inclines
them to lean to the power that dispenses pat
ronage. He knows that the doubt will ex
clude us as effectually as the Wilinot Provi
so. His new coadjutors, Toombs and Ste
phens, believed it; and for that reason defeat
ed the Clayton Compromise, which gave us
what ho calls non-invention for the whole
Mexican Territory, California included. —
We havo been defrauded out of California,
the only part of the territory where slavery
was certain to go, and now Messrs. Cobb and
Company have the effrontery to attempt a
justification of their betrayal of Southern in
terests by saying we acted on your opinions,
not upon our own convictions ! How dare
they act upon any man’s convictions of duty
but their own ? Seeing that the rights of
their constituents were disputed; knowing
as they did, or ought to have known, and as
Mr. Chase declared in the Senate, that it was
there said “on every side of the Cham
ber, THAT EVERY FOOT OF THE SOIL WHICH
the United States acquired from Mex
ico would be free soil,” how dared they
acquiesce in any system of measures, which,
in their own opinion, not ours, left those rights
in doubt ? Mr. Toombs, a member of this
new coalition, said in February, “we demand
an equal participation in the whole country
acquired, or a division of it, between the
North and the South.” Have we got either ?
There is not a member of this coalition who
will not have the effrontery to say so, and
they combine as much of that quality as
any equal number of men, within the whole
range of our acquaintance. Where then is
the victory ? We have recovered the prin
ciple lost in 1820, and again and again by
Mr. Cobb’s vote in the Oregon territorial bill,
and tho bill applying the Missouri line to
Texas! California is gone. Oregon is gone.
We have lost the only territory where slavery
was likely to go —but we have got the princi
ple ! The abolitionists and free-soilers have
got the whole Pacific coast, all its magnifi
cent harbors, all the vast prospects of Asiatic
commerce, all the golden placers of Cali
fornia ; they have thus “circumscribed, ex
posed, and condemned” slavery, and “blocked
its march to the West;” and we are invited
to raise a shout of triumph, because Protocol
Howell, and Hamilcar, have recovered tho
principle ! The abolitionists claim the victo
ry because they have got the land. Cobb and
coadjutors, Toombs and Stephens, claim it
because they have got the principle! But
we may go into Utah North of the Missouri
line ! Slavery may grope its way towards
tho North pole, along the snowy ridges of
the Rocky Mountains in company with griz
zly bears, and savage Indians! So it is pre
tended we may even get some land, as well
as the principle. Wo have already shown
that this is disputed. But even if it were not,
Davy Wilmot and Joshua R. Giddings them
selves, might well trust to the Mountains, the
deserts of sand, tho Salt Lakes, the roaming
hordes of savages and surrounding freo-soil
territory to exclude us from this isolated and
worthies* region, lying more than a thousand
miles from the shores of tho Pacific, and
thousands from those of the Atlantic ocean.
Who but Howell Cobb, and those Siamese
twins of politics, Toombs and Stophons,
eoald boast of such a victory !
• • • • •
Extract* from Chancellor Harper’* Memoir
oa Slavery.
It has been supposed one of the great evils
of slavery, that it affords the slave no oppor
tunity of raising himself to a higher rank in
society, and that he has, therefore, no induce
ment to meritorious exertion, or the cultiva
tion of his faculties. The indolence and
carelessness of the slave, and the less pro
ductive quality of his labor, are traced to the
want of such excitement. The first compen
sation for this di*advantage is hite security.—
If he can rise no higher, he is just in the samo
degree secured against tho chances of falling
lower. It has been sometimes made a ques
tion whether it were better for a man to be
freed from the perturbations of hope and fear,
or to be exposed to their vicissitudes. But I
suppose there could be little question with re
spect to a situation in which the fears must
greatly predominate over the hopes. And
such I apprehend to bo tho condition of tho
laboring poor in countries where slavery does
not exist. If not exposed to present suffer
ing, thero is continual apprehension for the
future—for themselves—for their children—
of sickness and want, if not of actual star
vation. They expect to improve their cir
cumstances f Would any one person of or
dinary candor say, that there is one in a
hundred of them who does not well know,
that with all the exertion he can make, it is
out of his power materially to improve his
circumstances ? I speak not so much of
menial servants, who are generally ot a su
perior class, as of tho agricultural and man
ufacturing laborers. They labor with no
such view. It is the instinctive struggle to
preserve existence, and when the superior
efficiency of their labor over that of our
slaves is pointed out, as being animated by a
free man’s hopes, might it not well be re
plied—it is because they labor under a stern
er compulsion? The jaws interpose no ob
stacle to their raising their condition in so
ciety. ‘Tis a great boon—but as to the great
mass, they know that they never will be able
to raise it—and it should seem not very im
portant in effect, whether it be the interdict
of law, or imposed by the circumstances of
society. One in a thousand is successful.
But does his success compensate for the suf
ferings of the many who are tantalized, bas
lied, and tortured in raih attempts to attain
a like result? If the individual be con
scious of intellectual power, the suffering is
greater. Even where success is, apparently
uttained, be sometimes gains it but ic’die—
or with all capacity to enjoy it exhausted
worn out in tho struggle with fortune. If it
bo true that the African is an inferior variety
of the human race, of less elevated charac
ter and more limited intellect, is it not desi
rable that the inferior laboring class should
bo made up of such who will conform to
their condition without painful aspirations
and vain struggles ?
The slave is certainly liable to bo sold.—
But perhaps it may, be questioned whether
this is a greater evil than the liability of the
laborer, in fully peopled countries, to be dis-‘
missed by his employer, with the uncertainty
of being unable to obtain employment, or tho’
means of subsistence elsewhere. With us,
tho employer cannot dismiss bis laborer with
out providing him with another employer.—
His means of subsistence are secure, and
this is a compensation for much. He is also’
liable to be separated from wife or child—-
though not more frequently, that I am aware
of, than tho exigency of their condition com
pels the separation of families among the la
boring poor elsewhere—but from native char
acter and temperament, the separation is
much less severely felt. And it is one of the
compensations, that he may sustain these re
lations without suffering a still severer penal-’
ty for tho indulgence.
The love of liberty is a noble passion—to
havo the free, uncontrolled disposition of our
selves, our words and actions. But alas!
it is one in which wo know that a largo por
tion of the human race can never be gratified.
It is mockery to say that the laborer any
where lias such disposition of himself—
though thero may be an approach to it in 1
some peculiar, and those, perhaps, not tho
most desirable, states of society. But unless
he be properly disciplined and prepared for
its enjoyment, it is the most fatal boon that;
could be conterrcd—fatal to himself and
others. If slaves have less freedom of ac
tion than other laborers, which I by no means
admit, they are saved in a great degree from
the responsibility of self-government, and the’
evils springing from their own perverse wills.
Fhose who have looked most closely into’
life, and know how great a portion of hu
man misery is derived from theso sources—”
the undecided and wavering purpose—produ
cing ineffectual exertion, or indolence with
its thousand attendant evils—the wayward
conduct—intemperance or profligacy—will
most appreciate this benefit. The line of a
slave’s duty is marked out with precision,
and he has no choice but to follow it. Ho is
saved the double difficulty, first of determin
ing the proper course for himself, and then of
summoning up the energy which will sustain
him in pursuing it
If some superior power should impose ore
tho laborious poor of any other country, this
as their unalterable condition—you shall bo
saved from the torturing anxiety concerning
your own future support, and that of your
children, which now’ pursues you through life
and haunts you in death—you shall be un
der tho necessity of regular and healthful,
though not excessive labor—in return, yon
shall have the ample supply of your natural
wants—you may follow the instinct of na
turo in becoming parents, without appre
hending thatthis supply will fail yourselves or
your children—you shall bo supported and
relieved in sickness, and in old age wear out
the remains of existence among familiar
scenes and accustomed associates, without
being driven to beg, or to resort to the bard
and miserable charity of a workhouse—you
shall of necessity be temperate, and shall
have neither the temptation nor opportunity
to commit great crimes, or practise the more
destructive vices—how inappreciable would
the boon bo thought! And is not tins a very
near approach to the condition of our slaves'?
Tho evil* of their situation they but lightly
feel, and -would hardly feel at all, if they wem
not sedulously instructed into sensibility.—
Certain it is, that if their fate were at the ab
solute disposal of a council Os the most en
lightened philanthropistsm Christendom, with
unlimited resources, they could plaee them in
no situation so favorable to themselves, as
that w’hich they at present occupy. But what
ever good there may bo, or whatever mitiga
tion of evil, it is worse than valueless, because
it is tho result of slavery.
Enemihs. —llavo you enemies? Go
straight on, and mind them not. If they
block up your path, walk around them, and
do your duty regardless of their spite. A
man Who has no enemies is seldom good
for any thing, he is made of that kind of ma
terial which is so ca*ily -worked that every
one has a hand in it. A sterling character,
ono who thinks for himself, and speaks na he
thinks, is always sure to have enemies. They
are necessary to him as fresh air; they keep
him alive and active.
Contempt.- —There is no action in the be
havior of ono man towards another, of which
human nature is more impatient, than of con
tempt, it being a thing made up of these two
ingredients, an undervaluing of a man upon
a belief of bis utter uselessness and inability,
and a spiteful endeavor to engage the rest of
the world in tho same belief, and slight es
teem of him.
A Happy Man. —The editor of the Pitts
burg Chronicle says: “Talk about enjoyment
of wealth—it never can be enjoyed! An
abundance is a heap of misery. A man who
owns a house, a small farm, a wife, a big dog,
a cow, two or three fat pigs, and a dozen
children, ought to be satisfied. If he aint, he
never can be.
A Kind Spirit. —Perform a good deed,
speak a kind word> bestow a pleasant •mile,
and you receive the same in return. The
happiness you bestow upon other*, is reflect
ed back to your own bosom.
04/“ Tho editor of a newspaper being chal
lenged, coolly replied, that any fool might
give a challenge,but that two fools wtr needed
for a fight.
04r* In the East they have armies of lo
custs that quite darken the sun. In England,
they have no locusts, but they have tax-gath
erers; for it is doubtful if any thing could
block out the light more effectually than the
window tax.
There is no connection between genius and
an aversion or contempt for any of the com
mon duties of life. To spend some fair por
tion of every day in any matter of fact occu
pation is good for the higher faculties.
GENTLE WORDS.
Ue sent]* words, for who can tell
The blessings they impart!
How oft they fall—aa manna fell—
On some nigh-fainting heart!
In lonely wilds, by light-wing'd birds,
Rare seeds have oft been sown ;
Aori hope has sprung from gentle words,
Where only griefs had grown.
NO. 47.