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SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, NOV. 21, 1850.
ELECTION FOR THE CONVENTION.
VOTERS WILL REMEMBER THAT
NEXT MONDAY, 25th inst.
THE ELECTION OF DELEGATES TO THE STATE
CONVENTION TAKES PLACE.
Southern Rights Nominations
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Election 25th of November.
Muscogee County.
Hon. ALFRED IVERSON.
Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD.
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
WILLIAM Y. BARDEN.
Harris County.
GEORGE A. B. DOZIER.
THOS. A. WILLIAMS.
JESSE GUNN.
HOPSON MILNER.
Stewart County.
Dk. I. W. STOKES.
WILLIAM NELSON.
Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY.
JAMES HILLIARD.
Randolph County.
RICIFD DAVIS.
CHARLES IIARRISON.
S. P. ALLISON.
Dr. S. P. BURNETT.
RICHMOND COUNTY.— Georg* W. Lamar;
James M.Smythe; Datid F. Dickinson ; John C.
Snead.
IiIBB COUNTY. —Leroy Napier; Charles
Collins; Thomar A. Brown; Robert A. Smith.
MONROE COUNTY. —Thomas L. Battle;
Daniel Goddard; David Ogletreb; William C.
Redding.
COBB COUNTY.— John Dunwodt, Sr.; I. N.
Jleggie; John S. Anderson; John I*. Arnold.
TWIGGS COUNTY.— Benjamin B. Smith;
Dr. Henry S. Wimberly.
CLARK COUNTY— Charles Dougherty;
Wilson LuMrKiN; IsaacS. Vincent; John A. Lowe.
TIIOMAS COUNTY. —James L. Seward; E.
R. Youno.
CASS COUNTY.—Dr. B. 11. C. Bonnar; Tho
mas G. Dunlap; J. W. B. Summers; Nathaniel
Nicholson.
MURRAY COUNTY.—GenI. John Bates;
William Gordon.
COWETA COUNTY.—G. D. Greer; L. M.
Smith; R. S. Burch; Dr. Page.
MERIWETHER COUNTY.—O. Warner; Al
fred Wellborn; John H.McMath; Geo. A. Hall.
DeKALB COUNTY.—A. F. Luckie; Dr. T. M.
Darnel; Judge E. A. Davis; Dr. William Gilbert.
MARION COUNTY.— Dr. N. M. Holland; E.
Q. Brown.
FLOYD COUNTY.—CoI. Joseph Watters;
Dr. A. Dean.
PAULDING COUNTY. —George Garrison;
Joseph 11. Dodds.
CHATHAM COUNTY.—Hon. Jno. M. Ber
rien; Dr. James P. Screven; R. T. Gibson; Dr.
C. P. Richardsone.
LUMPKIN COUNTY.—Cent. Jno. D. Field,
Col. W t illiam Martin; Raymond Sandford; John
W. Keith.
EARLY COUNTY. — Judge Thos. Slight, Dr.
Josiah Vinson.
WASHINGTON COUNTY.—M. C. William
son; Green Brantley; James W. Trawick ;
Thomas J. Wartiif.n.
FORSYTH COUNTY.— Ed. Ferguson; J. A.
Green.
BURKE COUNTY.— Edmund Palmer ; W. W.
Hughes; John C. Poythrf.ss; John Whitehead.
TATNALL COUNTY.— De La Motta ; Shes-
TALL.
HOUSTON COUNTY.—Dr. E. J. McGehee ;
F. W. Jobson ; Sol. Fudge ; Morris Pollock.
LINCOLN COUNTY. —Alexander Frazier ;
Aaron Hardy.
CHEROKEE COUNTY.— John W. Lewis;
Eli McConnell; Samuel Tate; J. P. Brooke.
HANCOCK COUNTY.— William D. Wynn ;
D. W. Lewis.
MORGAN COUNTY. —Jesse C. Paulett ;
John Durden.
WTLKINSON COUNTY. —Samuel Beall ;
Samuel Brags.
I T Mr. JOHN B. SLATON is duly Authorized
to act as Agent for this paper. Hi* receipts for sub
scriptions will be good at this office.
O* Wc would call the attention of our readers to
the advertisement of the Honorary Secretary of the
American Art-Union.
“The People’s Money."— The sensibilities of
some of our Submission presses seem to be conside
rably disturbed at the thought of the $30,000 which
our last Legislature has squandered upon the ap
proaching Convention. They are perfectly horrified
at the profligate spirit which could appropriate so
large an amount of “the people’s money” to defray
the expenses of a Convention of Southern men who
meet ts confer on the subject of their grievances,
and to devise the mode and measure of redress.
And yet these same presses count it a very little
matter to give up the whole of California, Utah, New
Mexico, and a part of Texas. The difference be
tween the two eases, and that which may serve to
reconcile the latter to the consciences of our con
servative friends, is, that the $30,000 will be paid to
Southern men, and in the other instance the pay all
goes to tho North. How genuine must be the devo
tion which such men feel for the interests of the
people I
Encourage your own Manufactures. — The plan
ters are now laying in their supplies of negro shoes,
and we would suggest to them that, in all cases where
it is practicable, they should buy the home-made
article. It is just as good, and costs no more money.
You thus encourage the mechanic arts in your own
midst—keep your money at home—and if long prac
ticed on, the policy will bring the North to its senses.
There is no good reason why another negro shoe
should ever be bought in a free State, and there are
good reasons, plenty of them, why we should never
buy any thing from the North that can be made at
the South. Let the work begin in the shoe trade.—
We annually trade to the amount of millions with
the free States for the single article of shoes. Let
ns keep this money here, and in a short time we
shall have immense manufactories in our midst, sup
plying our demand, and in their turn creating anew
demand for the products of our planters and the
wares of our merchants.
Fire.— Quite a destructive conflagration occurred
in Albany, Ga., on Tuesday, the 12th inst., supposed
to have been the work of an incendiary. Eleven
buildings were destroyed, and the loss is estimated at
about $30,000. Wc are happy to learn from the
Patriot , that the business and growing prosperity of
the place will not be interfered with by the fire.
The “Slave Hunt” in Boston. —lt is known to
our readers tliat Messrs. Knight and Hughes, who
went on from Macon, in this State, to recapture two
fugitives in Boston, were compelled to leave the lat
| ter city without their property. The negroes were
j found, and identified, and the process placed in the
hands of the United States Marshal, but he dared
not attempt its service. It is boasted by these law
and order people, that no violent resistance was op
posed to the execution of the law, and yet so alarm
ing were the demonstrations, that the slave owners
were forced to leave in double quick time. It is even
heralded in honor of Boston, that no fugitive ever
has been, or ever will be, recaptured there. Think of
this, Southern men, before you determine, by your
votes, that Georgia has no grievances to redress.
Great Whig Meeting at Boston.— Boston,
Nov. 9th. —There was a large and enthusiastic Whig
meeting in Faneuil Hall last night. The speakers all
went for a modification of the Fugitive Slave Bill ,
but denounced any nullification of the laws. •
Boston, Nov. B.— William and Ellen Crafts, fugi
tive slaves, were yesterday married by the Rev. Theo
dore Parker, and it is said that they have left for
England, via Halifax.
Fugitive Slaves at the North. —A pamphlet
published at Washington estimates the number of
slaves who have escaped from the South, in the last
forty years, at 61,624, or 1,500 annually, and the
total loss $27,730,800. The main element in deter
mining these results is the difference between the
actual increase of the free black population of the
North from one census to another, and what the in
crease would have been had it been confined to nat
ural causes. The author states that the slave popu
lation of the South doubles once in 30 years—that
the free negroes of the South double once in 25
that the free negroes of the North and West double
once in 40 years from the natural increase alone—
that the free negroes of the South are the most sta
ble and least migratory of any class of population in
the United States, leaving out of question their mi
gration to other Slave States—that considerably more
of the free negroes migrate from the free States to
the Slave States, than from the Slave Status to the
Free States —and that forty-nine fiftieths of all native
negroes of the Slave States who are found in the
Free States were fugitive slaves when they left the
Slave States.— Savannah News.
O’ Bennett, of the Herald , was severely beaten
in New York, a few days since, by a Mr. John Gra
ham, late candidate for District Attorney in that city.
The provocation was, severe attacks upon Mr. Gra
ham in the columns of the Heratd, but so far as we
have been able to ascertain the circumstances of the
assault., it was most cowardly and brutal.
The Fruits. —A Southerner who made claim on
oath to his slave in Pittsburgh, was committed to
prison for perjury, and the slave went on his way re
joicing. After remaining in jail four months , the
claimant was released on SIOOO bail.
The Army in Boston.
We have heard some considerable talk of late about
Mr. Fillmore’s sending tho Army and Navy round
to Boston to teach the down-easters a little regard for
law and order, and all that. We never imagined
that Mr. Fillmore would do any such thing, and
hence we were not at all surprised at the Republic ,
his organ at Washington, in formally disclaiming for
his Excellency, all such hostile intentions. Boston is
one of the last places our Fresident wishes to send
the army to, but if he is going to let loose the dogs
of war any where in this Union, he couldn’t please
us better than by giving our puritanical, convent
burning, witch hanging, abolition brethren of that
quarter the first benefit.
The Coming Election.
Before Our next publication, the people of Geor
gia will have decided at the ballot box, the position
which our State is to occupy iu the present crisis.-
No election since the organization of the State has
been fraught with consequences more important to
us and to the Union. By it, we may stay the tide of
Northern injustice, and place the South where she
once stood, the proud coequal of the North in a glo
rious confederacy of sovereign States; by it, we may
invite new outrages, open new avenues to wrong, and
commit the South to a policy of present shame and
future ruin. Voters of Georgia! you must turn
the scale in which hang the destinies of yourselves
and your children. If you have ever been called on
to take part in an election which demanded a cool,
unprejudiced and rational exercise of your high pre
rogatives as freemen, you must feel that the weighty
matters involved in the present contest, assign to it
that place of prominence. What are the issues made
by the two parties who have presented candidates for
your votes? The names of the parties, and the
personal popularity of the candidates, are insignificant
things; the principles they embody, and the position
they will occupy in the convention, are the only sen
sible tests. What then, we ask, are the issues made
between the two parties in Georgia? The first
great point of difference is this: one party believes
that the South has been injured by the North, and
that wc are threatened with still greater wrongs.—
The other party believes that the South lias no cause
of complaint in the past, and no cause of apprehen
sion in the future. Which is right ? We ask you if
there is no wrong in the fact, that the South endured
more than her share of a long and bloody war, and
is now shut out from every inch of territory which
we acquired from the enemy ? We ask you if there
is no wrong in the fact, that in the District of Colum
bia, which was ceded by slave States to the Union
solely for government purposes, the people of the
South are not allowed to trade in their property,
while Ohio hog raisers and Connecticut pedlers may
traffic there as much as they please ? We ask you
if there is no wrong in the fact, that when our peo
ple go North seeking to recapture their stolen proper
ty, they are met with mobs, threatened with violence,
and forced to leave without their slaves ? We ask
you if there is no cause of apprehension in the grow
ing spirit of abolition at the North ; in the complete
subjugation of our government to abolition control ;
in the rapid strides which Congress is making to
wards this end, ahd in the boldness with which our
rights and our very existence are threatened ? All
these are questions which every honest planter in the
land may answer for himself, and his own honest
heart is a better touchstone of truth in matters like
these, than the polished intellect of the selfish poli
tician.
The next issue between the two parties is a corol
lary of the first. Os course, the party which be
lieves that the South has no cause of complaint, is op
posed to all resistance—the other party holds that
some sort of resistance is necessary. If you agree
that any injustice has been done the South, then you
must send delegates to Milledgeville who will say so.
and who will declare to the North that we will not
in silence submit to her impositions. But if you be
lieve that we have no cause of complaint, elect men
who will in the face of the pledges given by our last
Legislature, proclaim to the North and to the world,
we are satisfied ; we have obtained all we have ask
ed, and demand nothing more. It is with the people
to decide the nature of that convention. It is with
them to say whether it shall present a bold and man
ly front to Northern aggression, or whether like
spaniels, we shall fawn upon the hands that smite us.
We believe the issue rests in safe hands; we are
willing to trust the honor of Georgia in the hands of
her sons at the ballot box, or upon the tented
field, and when they betray it, then we will be pre
pared, but not before, with our hands upon our
months, and our mouths in the dust, to acknowledge
that the spirit of our forefathers has been buried with
them.
Southern Men, to the Polls !
The absence of one man from his post on the 25th
may lose the day to the South. Every man has the
rights of a freeman involved in that contest, and in
the immortal language of one of England’s heroes,
“every man is expected to do his duty.” The victo
ry is ours if we will but put forth our hands and
grasp it, but the mere glory of a triumph is not to
be our reward. The rights, the honor, it may be,
the very existence of the South, these are involved
in the struggle, and may hang upon the vote of one
man in the corning election. How important then
that every son of Georgia who has a voice in the
settlement of this controversy, should rally to the
rescue on Monday next!
And though all Georgia beside should fail, let
Muscogee do her duty. Let her at least be heard
upon the floor of the convention, in deep toned rep
robation of Northern injustice. Our candidates are
warm hearted Southern men, wide awake to our
rights and true as steel in their defence. No South
ern man need fear to follow in the lead of such men
as Howard, and Crawford, and Bardf.n, and
Iverson. The Southern Rights party has honored
itself in their nomination ; let Muscogee honor her
self in their election.
But Muscogee will not be alone. Tier sister coun
ties of Western Georgia are right side up. From
Harris and Talbot and Meriwether and Stewart and
Randolph we have news to cheer us in the contest. —
Our fellow citizens in those counties are animated
with the right spirit. The banner of Southern
Rights is in good hands, and we have no fears as to
the result. To the polls, then, and the day is ours !
The Inviolable Rights of the People.
When the abolitionists first sought a hearing in
Congress, their petitions were very promptly and
Very properly rejected. Who does not recollect
the indignant howls with which these fiends made
the land to resound at the so called violation of the
ancient and sacred right of petition ? Again and
again did they thrust themselves upon both houses
of Congress, and again and again were they spurn
ed with merited contempt. But they succeeded at
length. Men reasoned thus: By rejecting them we
array not only the abolitionists, but many others
who think we deny the right of petition in refusing
to hear them. We will admit them, and then treat
them with silent contempt. All this noise about the right
of petition being silenced, abolition will be robbed of
its most effectual weapon, and wc shall hear no more
of this matter. So said some of our own people,
Alexander 11. Stephens among them. It was so
determined; the petitions were admitted, but the
matter did not stop there. Gathering new encour
agement from their triumph, the petitioners set to
work with renewed zeal, and from that day to this,
have gone on gathering new strength and influence.
The Fugitive Bill has become a law, and again the
North is vocal with howls of indignation. Another
of the sacred rights of the people has been violated,
and the odious measure must be repealed. The
watchword resounds from every hamlet, town and
city, throughout the North. American citizens
have the right of trial by jury guarantied among
their sacred and inalienable rights, and we will not,
say they, submit to its surrender. The agitation is
to be renewed at the next session of Congress, and
the most formidable element in the strife is to be
this same cry of popular liberty, and its safeguard,
the right of trial by jury. As before, the fanatics
will succeed ; the fugitive act will be repealed, or at
least so modified as to give the slave a jury trial, thus
effectually defeating its intention. And is the Union
to be dissolved when this is done ? Mr. Stephens
has said so, and lie may be as good as his word, but
wc do not believe it. He may not be bold enough
to vote for such a modification, but when it shall have
become a law, he will come home and champion it.—
Mr. Stephens has done these things, and it would not
be strange if he did them again.
The Triumph of Southern Rights.
lie who has attentively marked the history of
popular sentiment at the North, cannot be mistaken
as to the ultimate tendency of public opinion at the
South. We have seen a power there which a few
years since was ridiculed for its insignificance, grad
ually acquiring importance, unlil now it overshad
ows all others, and reigns the supreme element in
Northern politics. We mean, of course, the power
of anti-slavery. In the great State of New York,
it has made William 11. Seward, an avowed aboli
tien'st, United States Senator, and in the recent elec
tion has returned twenty-eight free-soilers, out of a
delegation of thirty-four, to the lower House of
Congress. In Massachusetts, it has broken down the
power of the Whig party, defeated the election of a
Governor by the people, and holds the sceptre in the
State Legislature. These are but the first fruits of
anti-slavery in New York and Massachusetts. It
has but entered upon iis career of triumph in these
States, a triumph to which it is destined throughout
the entire North.. Nor is it strange that such should
be the case. The issue which it presents has, of
all others, tho strongest hold upon the popular
mind ; for however various and different in degree,
may be the shades of sentiment on this question
at the North, it is vain to deny that a feeling of
hostility to the institution of slavery pervades all
classes, sects and parties, in that section. Nearly
every Northern man is at heart an anti-slavery man.
He is so by education and prejudice, and it would
be most remarkable if he were not. Asa matter of
course then when the question is raised, and he is
forced to take sides either for or against it, ho ar
rays himself on the side of anti-slavery. Thus it
lias been, and thus it will be. The demagogue
Seward had the sagacity to foresee this result, and i
his platform is to-day the very Gibraltar of North- j
ern polities. He is the strongest man for the Presi- j
dency in the North, and every day adds to his pop- j
v.larity.
In the South, the opposite cause is producing the j
opposite result. Pro-slavery has just entered as an
element into the politics of the country. It has
been dragged into the arena by the champions of
anti-slavery. It has for the first time in the history
of this government, rallied a party in the South.—
That party is now at work in Georgia, and as the
anti-slavery party in New York, it may be doomed
to defeat at first, but like that same party, it will
rise and triumph in the end ; and for similar rea
sons. An overwhelming majority of Southern men
are pro-slavery, and when the question is made a
practical issue, and they are forced to take sides,
they must rally under one banner, the banner of
the South. No matter then whether we triumph or
are defeated in the approaching election, as certain
as the sun shines in heaven, just so certain are we
destined to ultimate triumph. The day is coming,
and is not far distant, when the Southern Rights
party will control every county in the State ; when
the miserable eatspaws of national leaders, and the
disappointed expectants of national honors, will find
themselves the very bottom dregs of the stagnant
pool of party. These gentlemen of enlarged patri
otism, with souls too large to recognize the petty
distinctions of States and sections, are doomed to
an early extinction. Henceforth there is but one
stepping stone to preferment at the South, and
that is the platform of Southern Rights.
Judge Berrien.
This gentleman declines being run as a candidate
for the Convention. He thus states the ground of
his declension:
“ My official duty will require me to be at Wash
ington during the sitting of the Convention. This is a
duty which I owe to the whole people of Georgia ,
and the daily intelligence which we receive of the
agitation in the non-slaveliolding States, and especial
ly of the disposition which they evince to evade, or
if that be impracticable, to resist the enforcement of
the Fugitive Slave Law, seems to me to render it
proper that Southern Representatives should be early
and steadily in their seats in the approaching session
of Congress. It is true that it is not usual in that
body to transact much business before Christmas,
but this is a peculiar crisis, in which it would not be
quite prudent to judge of coming events by the re
collection of past usage, and the rule some time since
adopted, by which the unfinished business of one
session is continued to the next session of the same
Congress, may furnish a motive for proceeding at
once to its consideration, as soon as the committees
are appointed. If any measure hostile to the inter
ests of Georgia, should be brought before the Senate,
while I was absent from my seat by any act of my
own, I would feel that I had neglected a duty which
I owed to my constituents —to the whole people of
Georgia.”
Massachusetts and Mr. Webster.
Whiggery has been killed in Massachusetts by its
Southern spirit! Heavens! llow delicate must
be the stomach that nauseates at the faint trace of
patriotism to be found in Massachusetts “W hjggery.
Mr. Webster has made a few soft-soder speeches
about tho Union, and the result is, he has killed his
part}’ in that State as dead as a herring. The late
election amounts to a direct repudiation of his course.
The Legislature has to elect a Senator in his place,
and the Coalitionists, i. e. the Democrats and Free
soilers, have the majority, and will, doubtless, run in
an opposition Senator. But the issue has been more
directly made. Horace Mann had the impudence to
attack Mr. “Webster's Union positions, and for this
want of good breeding, the M big Convention in
Mr. Manx’s district, refused him the nomination, and
gave it to a Mr. W alley, (a Webster Whig.) Mr.
Mann was not to be thus easily disposed of, and he,
accordingly, entered the field on his own hook. The
election is over, the votes are counted, and Mr. Mann
leads Mr. Walley some 2500 votes, and is elected
by a clear majority of 154 votes over all opposition.
Those few run-mad fanatics who have to bear the
blame of all the mischief that is done at the North,
must either have multiplied wonderfully of late, or
else they possess the singular art of multiplying votes
at the ballot box.
The Union—How to Save It.
A severer blow than the Union has ever received
from “Northern fanatics and Southern fire-eaters,”
would be inflicted by the triumph of the subrnis
sionists in the election next Monday. Let no man
deceive himself with the hope, that he may serve
the Union by contributing to the election of sub
mission delegates. The eyes of the North are
now turned with intense anxiety to the result of
our movement. They know that our Legislature has
declared that the admission of California would be
an outrage ; they know we have pronounced the Dis
trict slave trade bill a fraud upon our rights ; they
know that we see our property stolen and carried to
the free States, and that our efforts to recapture it
have proved unavailing; they know all these things
and they now anxiously await our action, to see
whether we are prepared to endure them good na
turedly. If our election should indicate a disposition
to do so, they are at once emboldened. New schemes
of wrong will be immediately concocted, new de
inands made, and once more our powers of endu
rance will be tested. Thus, to use one of Mr. Toombs’
Southern expressions, we shall find “that concessions
to unjust demands, are fruitful of nothing but future
aggression.” True, the Union may yet be saved, if
we are to bow before all future aggressions, as we
are exhorted to do now. The Union need never
be destroyed so long as we submit to all the North
demands, but if we are ever to find any of Mr.
Toombs’ points of resistance, or Mr. Stephens’
grave-stakes, the farther we retreat the worse for us.
The man who is for the Union “at all hazards and
to the last extremity,” is of course consistent in sub
mitting now, but the man who wishes to preserve
the Union without at the same time surrendering
every thing else, must not hope to do it by a spirit
of tame submission. Say to the North now, while
you may, thus far, but no farther, and you may save
the Union with your rights. Your silence may de
ceive the North into the idea that you will submit to
still greater exactions, and when she has thus, by
your own encouragement, gone one step further, it
may not be in her power to retreat. We ask you
honestly to glance back over the events of the last
two years, and answer us, if the South lias made one
demonstration of resistance which has not checked
the spirit of Northern fanaticism ; if every impulse
which has been given to the sentiment of Union at
the North, lias not been the result of what has been
-called in derision, the ultraism of Southern “firc
caters',? The great Union demonstration in New
York was the result of the movements now going on
in South Carolina, Georgia and Mississippi. Let
Georgia swallow her brave words and quietly submit,
and who shall estimate tho immediate reaction which
will take place in public opinion at the North ? The
evil goes farther ; it forever discredits whatever the
South may say about resistance hereafter. No State
can ever be more positively committed to resistance
than Georgia now is ; and if we are to cave in , the
words and resolutions of tho South, and of our
State especially, are to become bye words of contempt
and ridicule. Shall this bo so ? Is Georgia to be
so degraded that her name shall become a term of
reproach to her sons at home and abroad ? It is
with you, Georgians, to say, and you must settle the
question at the polls on the 25th. Remember, the
honor of our State must be maintained.
Judge Lumpkin’s Address.
The selection of this distinguished son of
Georgia, to deliver the Annual Address before
the South Car ilina Industrial Institute, is in good
taste, and a richly merited tribute, as well to the
useful public services, as to the ability and ac
j complishments of the orator. The compliment
j to the State which proudly claims him as one
j of her master spirits is peculiarly appropriate.
Georgia takes the lead of most of her sisters in
the active development of her domestic re
sources and the successful prosecution, of all
the great projects of industry and enterprise
which it is the object of the Institute to foster.
Her example has not been lost upon us, and
time will show that in all that appertains to their
mutual interests, South Carolina and Georgia
will he linked together hand in hand, as sisters
of one family, in one common cause.
The visit of Judge Lumpkin will, we feel con
fident, be greeted with that hearty and general
welcome which the citizens of Charleston so
well know 7 how to extend. His long identifica
tion with every good work of moral and practi
cal improvement, high position and influence,
and, above all, devoted attachment to the rights
and institutions for the maintenance of which
we are contending, and his extreme jealousy of
the former, evinced even on a very recent occa
sion, as President of the State Temperance So
ciety of Georgia, abundantly entitle him to our
regards and hospitalities. Let our citizens prove
their appreciation of the orator, and the noble
cause which he advocates this evening, by turn
ing out in large numbers to hear, and profit by
what they hear.
Judge Lumpkin arrived in our city on Satur
day evening last, and took lodgings at the
Charleston Hotel.— Charleston Courier.
Has the South been Cheated ?
The submission leaders tell the people of
Georgia that the South has great reason to re
joice at the action of Congress on the slavery
question—that the South has gained a great vic
tory, and that Southern rights have not, for thir
ty years, been as secure as they are now. What
is the impression of candid minds in the North
oil this subject? When w T e find influential
journals acknowledging that” the North has cheat
ed the South,” it should cause Southern men to
doubt whether they have any thing to rejoice
over, and nothing to excite their indignation.—
The New York lftrald says:
“The Nortli cheated the South in the admis
sion of California. The North w r ere convinced
of it—they felt ashamed of it, and alarmed
about it; and they endeavored to make up in
their own self-abasement, in the passage of the
fugitive bill, the atonement for their greediness
in seizing the whole of the gold region. In one
word, according to the Northern idea of the fu
gitive bill, and the Southern idea of California’s
admission, the North attempted to atone for an
act of fraud by an act of disgrace. They first
drive the South to the wall, and out of California
entirely, and then bow down in the most abject
humiliation to offer the impracticable indemnity
of the fugitive bill.
“If California had been honestly divided,
the South would have been appeased ; but this
fugitive law, while it affords no security to the
South, no indemnity for their*fexclusion from
California, only exasperates the abolitionists to
drive the South to revolt. The adjustment is
tending in that direction.”— Augusta Constitu
tionalist.
The Appeal to the Pocket.
The Southern apologists for the North, who
never lose an opportunity of stultifying them
selves, are venturing a small sneer at us for inti
mating that interest was the motive principle of
the late New York movement.
It is notorious to every one who reads the
New York papers, that the prints which first
brought forward the suggestion, and afterwards
pressed it through, did level their appeals prin
cipally, if not entirely, at the merchants’ pockets,
the newly discovered seat of patriotism.
We have cited most abundant proofs of this,
which the very patriotic “pacificators” take very
good care to suppress, on the insane ostrich
policy which they have all along pursued.
So they do not inform the Southern people of
these facts, they suppose they will never find
them out, and be prepared meekly to turn the
other cheek to the smiter, when additional in
sults are to be offered to propitiate the “con
science” of the National North.
We have no objections to make to the modus
operandi by which the Northern press may seek
to create a reactionary movement against a
policy which, in the words of one of them, “ will
cause the grass to grow in the streets of New
York city,” but we will not aid the canting hy
pocrisy which suppresses facts, and indulges in
pleasing fictions in their stead. This was the
tone of the New York press.
The New York Mirror of the 12th inst. said :
“The New York merchants, whose pockets are
threatened by the organization now being form
ed at the South, binding the planters not to trade
icilh-a city represented in the Senate by an Aboli
tionist, are beginning to wake up to the dangers
of disunion. They can discern, through the
keen commercial sagacity for which they are so
remarkable as a class, that an anti-intercourse
league at the South, and a determination to
stop the machinery of government at Washing
ton, is nothing less than a practical dissolution
!of the Union. Such a consummation would
instantly convert our ‘ princes’ into beggars, and
New York stocks, New York real estate, and
New York merchants would instantly fall ‘like
Lucifer from Heaven.’
“ We have abundant evidence that our com
mercial men are beginning to foresee that this
will be the inevitable ‘condition of things,’ if
Seward and his abolition minions are not speed
ily checked in their mad career.”
The same air was played with variations by
its affiliated presses.
The Southern people are sick of the slang of
professional politicians and partisan hacks,
whose purblind eyes cannot compass a larger
area than the party platform. They want the
truth, and the whole truth—they want the nak
ed facts, not the skillful glosses which are put
upon them, in order that they may be made to
suit, respectively the Northern and the Southern
market—and cheat the latter.
Those facts we have given, and shall continue
to give them; and the wincing of the jades
whose galled flanks have been exposed, encour
ages and incites us to continue the good work
of detecting and exposing sham patriots and
sham patriotism.
The conservative element of Northern society
has doubtless been aroused by the recent alarm
ing strides which radicalism has made on their
free soil. They have good cause to tremble at
the successive bounds of the tiger they have
unchained—-and the instinct of self-preservation
and selfish fears, may well spur on the merchant
princes of the Northern cities to put down the
agitation so pregnant with loss and danger to
them.
Let them, if they can, restrain and prison this
raging beast. Abolition—it is their duty and
their interest so to do—for never would it have
been so powerful or so dangerous but for their
connivance or protection. Yet it does not be
come Southern men to pour out hysterical pro
fessions of gratitude and sympathy for such ac
tion on Ihe part of such persons,—for low, in
deed, will they have sunk when they will be i
ready to beg as a boon, or accept as a charity, j
the performance of a simple duty on the part of
their Northern brethren. We do not believe
that the South has sunk quite as low as that yet,
or that she is vet prepared to be “ thankful for
the smallest favors,” as some of her nominal
organs are in her behalf, adopting the motto of
the poet:
“ Contented with little,
And canty with more.”
The appeals made to the pockets of the mer
chants have been succeeded by some of the
same sort addressed to the manufacturers.
New England at present being in rather a
stormy state, the New York Journal of Com
merce thus essays to pour oil on the troubled
waters. It will be observed that the appeal is
not made to the memories of Bunker Hill, &c.,
usually so forcibly resorted to for ornamental
purposes, but a severely practical application to
the pocket.
We call attention to the fact merely as such,
not for any invidious purpose, since the Journal
doubtless understands how to come home to the
business and bosoms of those it addresses:
“ Manufactures Extra. —The manufactures
of New England are just at present engaged in
making a rope to hang themselves with. By
their attempted nullification of an act of Con
gress intended as a peace offering to the South,
though no more than is demanded by the Con- j
stitution, they are doing what they can to hasten j
the day when the South, as a separate and ex- j
asperated nation, will lay prohibitory duties upon !
Northern manufactures, &c., and upon cotton j
exported to the Northern States, or establish a
non-intercourse law, while on the other hand
they will adopt a system of free trade with
England, receiving her manufactures, and send
ing her their cotton, free of duty. This would
make a pretty, kettle of fish for Northern con
sciences, wouldn’t it? Well, it is just what
they will have, and that speedily, if they persist
in their higher law doctrine of defamation and
abuse. We do not mean that the manufacturers
of New England are more generally implicated
in the rebellion than other citizens—possibly
they are not as much so. But so long as no
counteracting influence is exerted, either by
themselves or others, there is danger that the
language and acts of a few will be taken as the
language and acts of the community, and pro
duce effects accordingly.”
It is very evident to every observer, that in
terest has more to do with these movements
than principle, and equally evident that the agi
tation at the South has caused this reactionary
agitation at the North. So long as the South
was supposed to stand like a passive sheep,
ready to be sheared of her golden fleece, North
ern conservatism slumbered—but when agita
tion roused her to a knowledge of her rights and j
the insidious plots against them, and resistance
became the rallying cry throughout the South—
then Northern conservatism awoke to convul
sive and men of property began to feel the i
tingling of the pocket-nerve most painfully.
It will be well, indeed, for them, and for their
section of the confederacy 7, should the sober
second thought of such prevail over the fraud, ;
the folly and the fanaticism which wages war on
the Southern States and the Constitution, at one
and the same time. If it does not —if Seward
ism is to be the higher law of the North, then,
indeed, will they verify the truth of the Oriental
adage, that “ curses, like chickens, come home
to roost.”— Southern Press.
(fCr We see it written that there’s a score
of men of wit to every one of discretion.—
A hundred can tell a good joke about the
Sheriff'to ten that know how to keep him out
of the house.
The Southern Convention.
We take the following interesting extracts
from a privatejetter from one of the delegates
in attendance upon the Nashville Convention
Nashville, Texx., Nov. 12.
Yesterday there were present about 120
delegates. This morning there was a con
siderable accession, and l presume the num
ber present would make about 150, though
they have not yet been officially taken, as
there are many new members, Ailing vacan
cies, as well as new original appointments.
From our State there were present on Mon
day, Gov. McDonald, Dr. McWhorter, Gen.
Bledsoe and Mr. Snead, and during the night
there arrived and were present at the session
of this morning,in addition to them, Dr. Dan
: iels, Judge Jones, Gen. Bethune, CoU. Stell
| and Benning, and Mr. Parker, so we are now 7
; ten in number, and expect an increase during
j to-morrow and next day. The States repre
sented are Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee,
Georgia, South Carolina and Virginia.
Nashville, Texx., Nov. 13.
The Convention having been called to or
der by Gov. McDonald, the Chairman, new
delegates were admitted from the following
States -.—From Georgia, 7 ; Mississippi, 9;
Florida, 3 ; and South Carolina, 2.
The various States represented were then
called, after which resolutions w 7 ere submitted
i bv the Hon. C. C. Clay, of Alabama, and
j Mr. Dupont, of Florida.
The document from Alabama is very
i lengthy, and of the most ultra character. It
denounces the compromise of Congress, de
clares the right of secession inalienable, and
more than intimates its necessity. It also re
commends a general southern convention, to
i take measures for redress, &c.
The resolutions were referred to a com
mittee, and after some unimportant talk, the
body adjourned till ten o’clock to-morrow 7 .
The following States are represented:—
Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia,
South Carolina, Virginia, and Florida. There
are, in all, about sixty delegates present.
Nashville, Texx., Nov. 14.
Yesterday was the first commencement
of business by the convention, by calling on;
the state delegations, in alphabetical order,
for resolutions; which are presented without
argument, and referred to the select commit
tee on resolutions. There were preambles and
resolutions, from the follow ing states : —Gov.
Clay, Alabama ; Gov. Duval, Florida ; Judge
Thompson, Mississippi; Col. Hunter and
Judge Jones, Georgia; Gen. Pillow Tenn.;
Judge Cheeves, South Carolina; with counter
resolutions by Gen. Donaldson, of Tennessee,
on the submission side ; and Gen. Claiborne,
on the southern rights side.
The resolutions are the same in sentiment,
varying merely in phraseology, from Florida,
Mississippi and Alabama—maintaining the
right of secession, and the pledge of all the
south to aid a seceding state, should coercion
be resorted to; and recommending a southern
Congress to assemble next spring or summer.
Georgia more mild; and in Tennessee the
majority for submitting to the past, but resist
the future. Gen. Donaldson is for submis
sion to the last. Gen. Claiborne dissented
from both verbally, and maintained high re
sistance ground. The resolutions of Caro
lina merely asserted the right of secession,
and were supported by Judge Cheeves in a
written speech of 2-1-2 hours—this will be
printed, and I will forward you a copy as
soon as I can. It w 7 as a speech of great abil
ity in reason and argument.
The committee cannot report on the mat
ter already referred before Saturday or Mon
day next, and hence I suppose the convention
will sit for several days yet.
Nashville, Nov. 14.
The convention, agreeably to adjournment,
assembled this morning at 10 o’clock.
The President asked the secretary to read
a letter received from Mr. lloules, an absent
! member of the Tennessee delegation. The
letter is written in strong terms of secession.
The states being called, resolutions were
offered by Messrs. Jones and Hunter, of Geo.
Davenport, of Mississippi ; Pillow 7 and Don
aldson, of Tennessee, and Cheeves, of South
Carolina.
Mr. Cheeves’resolution is as follows:
Resolved, That secession by the joint ac
tion of the slaveholding states, is the only ef
ficient remedy for the aggravated wrongs
which they now 7 endure, and the enormous
evils which threaten them in the future, from
the usurped and now unrestrained pow 7 er of
the Federal government.
Mr. Cheeves then delivered a w 7 ritten
speech, which occupied three hours. The
speecli fully and ably review's the subject of
secession, and recommends it as the only al
ternative. It had already occurred—the Ru
bicon Was passed, and the Union w r as virtually
dissolved. What was the Union?—lt was a
bond of fraternity—it had now 7 become one of
hostilities. We could not expect to live with
a people w ho, on every occasion, and in the
halls of legislation, denounced slavery as a
crime, and its participants as criminals. Was
j not the face of every Southern man suffused
: with shame at such results? He said that w r e
! could hope for nothing from any change that
the North could give. It would only bring an
increase of their power and our danger. Our
disgrace and shame would follow. We should,
as a party, unitedly contend for the interests
of our bleeding country.
If Virginia would lead in the matter, no
blood w r ould be spilled, and he had no doubt
that in a little time every Southern State
w'ould follow, except, perhaps, Delaware,
wdiose interests w 7 ould deter her. And even j
in the possibility of an invasion from the ■
North, to coerce us, where was their army
and money? All their militia put together
w 7 ould find it difficult to take Charleston or i
Savannah—and if they did, what would they
do with it? Perhaps they calculate upon the
assistance of our slaves —but in that they
would be disappointed. They would serve
their masters at home, w'hile they were on
I terms. We want but union, and the enemy
are ours—and the Union, thank God, dis
solved.
The South w 7 ould, perhaps, suffer the usual
casualties of war, but they w r ere dangers which
a free people, w 7 ho were not disposed to w y ear
the yoke, would meet manfully.
The right of secession w 7 as unequivocal.
He appealed to Y irginia to take the lead in a
united secession, and he would warn the peo
ple of the South to beware of alien counsel
lors, who are not our friends. They did not
sympathize with us.
In conclusion, he would pray God to in
spire Southern men with the spirit of freemen,
then they would act as men who, knowing
their rights, dare maintain them. United,
we can scatter our enemies like the falling
leaves of autumn. California will become a !
slave State, and we will form the most splen- ■
did empire on which the sun ever shone.
Submit! The very sound curdles the blood.
May God unite with us.
At the conclusion of the speech the Con
vention adjourned until 10 o’clock to-morrow
morning.
The Late Elections.
Since the adjournment of Congress, elec
tions have been held in Pennsylvania, New
York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan. Wisconsin,
lowa. New Jersey and Vermont —in nine
Northern States, containing nearly half thp
population of the whole Union, and indicating
most unquestionably the sentiments ot the
entire North.
The recent measures of Congress, for the
final settlement of the controversy between
the North and South, were known to the
people of all these States—and the elections
may be regarded as their verdict on the
Compromise.
The main argument of the friends of the
Omnibus was, that its passage would termi
nate the controversy, would put down agita
tion, would arrest or appease aggression.
In Pennsylvania, the most violent, vindic
tive and insulting member of Congress was
Thaddeus Stevens. He opposed the mea
sures of Compromise as too much for the
North to grant, and towards the close ot
Congress gave notice that he would introduce
bills to repeal the Fugitive Slave law—to
prohibit the extension of slavery into the
territories—to abolish slavery ih the District
of Columbia.
lie lias been re-elected. David W ilmof,
who lias gained a name as the originator ot
the territorial spoliation, and given it one,
retired, to be replaced by Galusha A. Grow,
who is endorsed by V ilinot himselt as a dis
ciple, and who therefore holds his seat as a
pledge from Pennsylvania that the Proviso,
instead of being dead, is alive and growing.
In New York, a junction was effected be
tween the two fragments ot the Democratic
party, on the basis of waiving their difference
of opinion and nominating a majority ot the
State ticket from the Barnburner or Frce
soil faction. The result is, the allies have
elected thirteen members of Congress, and
we learn from the Now York Evening Post
that ten of them are avowedly in favor of
repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave
law. The Whig Convention nominated a
ticket and passed resolutions which were
deemed by one-third of that body itselt so
aggressive towards the South, that they se
ceded and called another Convention. But
such was the demonstration of opinion in
favor of the course of the majority, that tho
speeders did not dare to change the ticket.
And vet the ticket was considered so indica
tive of aggression that a powerful demonstra
tion of the commerce and property of New
York city, was made against it. But with
out success. The whole ticket or nearly all,
is elected. And we are to presume that the
Whig delegation in Congress from that State,
is of the same complexion. And we are to
conclude that in New York at least one-half
of the Democratic party and about seven
eighths of the Whigs repudiate the Compro
mise and pronounce for further agnation and
aggression. Preston King, the leading Free
soiler of that State, is re-elected. And it is
now certain that the Hon. Daniel S. Dickin
son, senator from New York, and the only
man in Congress from that State disposed to
do justice between the two sections of the
Confederacy, will have no chance of re-elec
tion. Such is the attitude of the Empire
State of the North—the State which alone
will have under the new census nearly half
as many members in the House of Repre
sentatives as all the States of the South.
If we turn to tho Empire State of tho
North-west, the State of Ohio, we find that
Mr. Miller, the only liberal member in the
present Congress, is left out, and Joshua R.
Giddings is re-elected. In place of Mr.
Root, another leading Free-soiler from that
State, Dr. Townsend is returned, equally bit
ter and inflexible in the faith of his predeces
sor, and the man to whom, when in the le
gislature of Ohio, the country is indebted for
the election of Mr. Chase, the Free-soiler, to
the Senate of the United States. Os all the
Whig delegation in Congress from Ohio, who
voted for the Compromise measures, two only
were candidates for re-election, Messrs. Hoag
land and Taylor, and the former is defeated
in a district that gave him a large majority
before. Mr. Taylor comes from a district
inhabited by people largely of Virginia ori
gin. Judge Wood, an avowed provisoist, is
elected Governor of Ohio, and the Free
soilers have the balance of power in the
Legislature which elects a senator next win
ter.
In Illinois, John Wentworth retires to make
way for Mr. Maloney, who is described as of
the same faith. And two or three others
have been elected from that State still more
ultra in opposition to the South than their
predecessors. Col. Richardson, who threat
l ened the South with sundry Illinois regiments,
but who was, nevertheless, not so ultra as a
great majority of the North!® members, is
defeated for his moderation.
Governor Doty, a Northern ultra from
Wisconsin, who attempted to anticipate the
Compromise In 7 a bill to admit California, is
elected by a majority of two thousand.
Durkee is re-elected. He proclaimed in this
very canvass on the slump that he would not
obey the Fugitive slave law even if pronoun
ced, Constitutional by the Supreme Court.
In Michigan, Mr. Buell, a candidate for
Congress, of General Cass’s own town and
I district, who with him supported the Compro
mise, is on that account defeated by about
two thousand majority, although Genl. Cass
took the stump in his support. And every
paper in Michigan but one, repudiates the
Compromise as too liberal to the South! And
the Democratic party of that State, in conse
quence of being somewhat identified with that
measure, has lost largely in the late election.
In the extreme Eastern States the party
| which is in a majority, generally forms a coa
lition with the Abolition party proper, or at-
I tempts to outbid it in ultraism. All these
| elections have been going on whilst an unpar
! alleled excitement existed against the Fugi
tive slave law—so that the question was dis
tinctly made. No law ever passed by Con
gress has encountered such a storm of popu
lar indignation as that has in the North. Yet
it is the only one of the late Compromise
measures which pretended to respect a Con
stitutional right of the South.— So. Press.
A friend who has just returned from
the Eastern States, where he has been spend
ing several weeks, informs us that the reports
from that section, so far from being exagge
rations, have not conveyed half the truth.
He states that the excitement on the sub
ject of the fugitive slave bill is unparalleled,
and the determination to resist it alpiost uni
versal among all classes of the population,
especially in Massachusetts.
In New Bedford alone eight hundred run
aways are congregated, and are opeidv coun
tenanced and sustained by the people. Sym
pathizing meetings have been held, and the
most respectable citizens do not hesitate to
counsel them to remain and resist, with as
surances of aid either open or secret. This
is one of the most intelligent communities
in New England.
In conformity with these counsels the ne
groes have determined to remain.
Our informant, a gentleman of intelligence,