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TitiM CPU
BY J- G. M’WHOUTER.
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ALTERATIONS.
Os the tines of holding Courts made by
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CHATTABOOCUEE CIRCUIT.
Superior court of Stewart shall be held
on the 2d Monday in January and July.
Randolph on the Thursday thereafter.
Lee 3d Monday in January and July.
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Marion 4th Monday January and July.
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SOUTHERN CIRCUIT,
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Flint Circuit.
The Superior court es Bibb to be held
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Inferior court of Bibb, 3d Monday Au
gust and February.
Houston 4ih Monday July and Janua
ry-
Congress of the United States.
IN SENATE— Wednesday, Jan. 30,
SPECIAL ORDER OF THE DAY
The Senate then proceeded to tho ape
ejal order of the dty being the, bill to
rtlake further provisions for the collection
of the duties on imports
Mr. Wilkius (Chairman es the Judi
ciary Committee) resumed his opening
speech c»o the bill, before reporting which
a summary view is given of the cl«se of
his remarks on Monday (emitted in «wr
last from want of time) io tho following
brief sketch.
Adverting to another circumstance, as
tending ta show the excitement prevail
ing id South Carolina against the general
Uuverement —he said that in every part
of the stftte, the blue oockade, with the
Paunetto button; was generally worn.
That bit of ribbon, and the button, were
uo trtfling sign of the military spirit pre
valent among the people.
1 1 seemed to him, indeed, from nil
these fac's, Ituewu to us officially and by
rumor, that it was impossible to avoid a
collision with South Carolina, while her
Ordinance remained in force, and that
those gentlemen who represented that
the passage of any bill by us would defeat
tbn Ordinance, and proveut a collision,
had mistaken the sense of the Ordinance
and the intention of dispeople of South
Caro lina.
[M . Miller here interposed, and said
ho had not expre,ssod the opinion of Nel
liflcation would be abandooed’upou the
passage es a bill of any character in refer
ence to the Tariff. If Congress passed
a bill altering the tariff acts of 1828 and
1832, be was of opinion that such act
would set aside the Ordiuance, which
was specific in its application in its appli
cation to the Tariff act ot 1.328 and 1832.
Even if a bill more oppressive than the
existing acts should pass, the Ordinance
now existing would thereby be defeated,
aud South Carolina would be under the
necessity of assembling another Conven
lion, and passing another Ordinance.]
Mr. Wilkins found, he said, that he
was uut far from right. What prospect
then was there of abandonment, by South
Carolina, of he* present position ? She
offers us but two modes of adjusting (he
(natter in dispute.
The first is by she total abandonment
of the protective system; by the admis
sion of the whole list of the protected ar
ticles free ot all duty, and raising the
wh.de i etemie, dei ived front duties on
imports, exclusively, from the unprotect
ed articles. The consequences of the
adoption of this policy would be most fa
tal and disastrous to the industry of the
Northeru States. It would put the Id
boring classes of Pennsylvania on a foot
ing with the paupers of the old world.
It would prostrate at once and forever
the polciy which Pennsylvania had long
cherished, and Sooth Carolina had uni
ted with her in establishing and maintain
ing, and under which she was prosperous
aud happv. The admirable speech made
bv the Senator from South Carolina, in
1816,iu favor es the protective policy
was «• graved eu the hearts of the people
of Pennsylvania. In the dwelling nf the
farmer, the mechanic, aud the maoufac
tui.-r, ii hung upon the wall, by the side
of Washington,s Farewell Address. He
well remembered that speech, for it had
a powerful influence on his own mind in
relation to the policy of the protective
system.
[Mr. Calhouo here said, I (bunk-the
ge o'Umau for alluding to 4>e Speech.
1. has been much and very often misrep
resomod, and I shall tako aneatly oppor
luuity to explain it ]
Mr. Wilkins. I shall be happy to
witness the exhibition of the seuoator*S
ingenuity in explaining the speech in
such a manner as to make it accord with
his present views. I should not have al
luded to it, had notthe senator remarked
upon the bill from our committee as a bill
•‘of abominations.”
[Mr. Calhoun it requires no apologv'J
Mi. Wilkins proceeded to the state the
the consideraiions which rendered a com
pliauce with the terms proposed by South
Carolina improbable, if not imposs.ble.
For his own part, he was free to say that
ho could nut bring his mind to assent to
so destruciive a measure. He spoke on
ly for hrmself. What were the views
of otlters of this body on this subject, he
did nut know, for he was nut in the hab
it of making inquiries as to the opinions
of others on such topics. Much as he
loved the Union —much as he deprecated
any collisions between the State and Fed -
eral Governments much as he whs dispos
•and to- respect the opinions and withes of
a sister State, he would not himself as
sent to a total destruction even of iuciden
tal protection to our domestic iudustry.
He would, however, go far, very far, e
ven to the sacrifice «f much of that pro
tection which we claim as just and neces
sary; but to the point proposed by South
Catoliua as her ultimatum, he could not
go-
He did not believe that there was any
probability of the assent, on the part of
Congress, to the first proposition of S,
Carolina. There was bat one other pro
position made by South Carolina for the
adjustment of this controversy, and that
was even less hopeful than the former.
It was by the call of a general convention
of the States, and the submission to them
of an ultimate arbitrament on the dis
puted powets. Mr, W. was of the opin
ion that the decision of tho State repre
sentation assembled in convention on the
matters iu controversy, would not differ
from the judgement of the representatives
assembled in Congress. He did not think
it ut all probable drat the convention would
either alter the constitution in respect to
the powers of the government over rhe
subject of revenue, or that the protective
laws would be pronounced by them un.
constitutional, and null and void. But it
was not at all probable (bat twu-thirds <>/
Congress and three foruths of the States
would ngree to the call a General Con
vention. The People were averse to any
change in the constitution, and were of
epinien that it could not be amended for
ihe better. For his own part, it was his
earnest hope, & confident belief, that n<>
change would ever be made iu (he terms
of our admirable compact.
Os resuming the floor to-day. Mr.
Wilkins einbiaced the opportunity to state
that, «n a proper occasion, he should
move ene or two amendments to the bill,
ene of which would be >o limit some of
its provisions to the end of the next ses
sion of Congress: the provisiuns which it
contain* for amendments to the judicial
system, he presumed, there would be ue
objection to leaving, us they are in the
bill, unlimited.
When the Senate adjourned yesterday,
Mr. W. continued, I was spanking of the
Tariff System—of this system, for the
protection of American industry, which a
vast portion of the American people be
lieve to be intimately connected with the
prosperity of the country. Asa justifi
cation of the adbeienct), as far as practi
cable, to this system, he had inference
to the conduct of getr.lemeu from the
South in regard to it. At one period,
he now added, Maryland had been con
sidered a Suuthoin State, as she was still
a slave-holding State : ft uni the chief city
of that Stale, directly after the meet
ing of Congress, under the Constitution
of 1787, a memorial was transmitted to
Cougiess, reciting the weakness and
inefficiency of the old Confederacy, and
its inadequacy to protect the manufactur
ing interest, aud rejoining that we had
now a Government, possessing power tw
protect domestic industry, aud praying
the interposition of Congress for that pur
pose. Another incident be mentioned,
which, he said, many members would re
collect, of a member of Congress from S.
C. having, in the year 1809, offered a
resolution proposing that all the members
of Congi oss should appear, at the com
mencement of the uext ensuing session,
clad entirely in clothing of American
manufacture. He had already adverted
to the agency of the Souih in passing the
tarifflaw of 1816, and now, said ho, let
mo make a personal reference, in connec
tion with it, to another gentleman from
South Carolina, oow a member of this
body (Mr. Miller) which reference I
make with ail possible respect for that
gentleman. When the bill of 1816 was
under discussion, that gentleman, then a
member of the other House, made a mo
rion, deeply interesting to Pennsylvania,
and for which I, as one of her sons, feel
grateful to him, to raise the duties on
hammered bar iron (which the bill propo
sed to raise from nine to sixteen dollars
oer ton,) to 2Cf dollars per ton. Thus
amended, the hill passed the House, but
the duty was reduced in the Senate to 16.
On ihe final passage of the bill, iecluding
that and other duties, three members only
from South Carolina were present, and
they all voted /or the bill Strange rev
olution of opinion! Jt ; 8 now contended
by the same gentleman, that a duty of 18
dollars upon the same article, (two del-
Ur S below his own proposition,) as fixed
by the Tariff of 1832, is- so onerous, op
pressive, and tyrannical that the whole
country is to be involved in a civil war if
not only that, but every other protective
duty he not abolished!'
Mr. W. said, he had also spoken, yes*-
terday, in justification of the strongest
provisions of this bill, of the talked of
resistance to the laws in South Carolina.
He had understood the Senator frumSouth
Caroliua,[Mr.Calhoun,]tbe other day ac
knowledging 'hat there was military ar
ray in South Carolina, but contending
that it followed and did not precede the
a ray of force by the United States.
[Mr. Calhoun said he had admitted
that there was roilitaiy preparation, not
Mi. Wilkins said, ts we examine the
measures taken by the Administration in
reference to the present crisis, it would be
found that they were not at all of that
military character to justifiy the measures
of South Carolina which it was. alledged
had followed them.
[Mr. Calhoun said that South Carolina
was undoubtedly preparing to resist force
by force. But, let the Uuited States
withdraw its forces from her binders, and
lay this bill upon the table, and het pre
parations weuld cease.]
Mr. Wilkins resumed. That is, sir,
ifw# do not oppose any of her move
ments, all will be right. If we fold our
arms, and exhibit a perfect indifference
wether the Laws of the Unton are obey
ed or not, all will be quiet! This, I ad
mii, would be an admirable mode to a
void collision and prevent disturbance :
but is it one that we can submit to? The
moment we fail to counteract the Nullifi
cation proceedings of South Carolina, the
Union is dissolved; io this Govermetit of
laws, union is obedience, and obedience is
union. The moment South Carolina —
[Mr. Calhoun.—-Who relies upon
force in this controversy ? I have insist
ed upon it that Seuth Carolina relied al
together on civil process, and that, if the
General Government resorts to force,
then only will South Carolina rely upon
force. If force be introduced by eiiher
party, upon that party will fall the respon
sibility.]
Mr. Wilkins.—The General Govern
ment will not appeal in the first instance,
to force. It will appoal to the patriot
ism of South Carolina—to that magnani
roityof whicty she boasts so much.
[Mr. Calhoun. I am sorry that South
Carolina can not appeal to the sense of
justice of the Geneial Government.) Or
der/ Older! (from one or tw<> members.)
Mr Wilkins.—The Government will
appeal to that political sense which ex
hurts obedieuce to the laws of the coun
try, as the first duty of the citizen. Ii
will appeal to the moral force in the com
munity. If that appeal be iu vam. it
will appeal to the Judiciary. If the mild
arm of the Judiciary be not sufficient to
execute the laws, it will call out the ctv.l
force to sustain the laws. If that be in
sufficient, God save and protect us from
the last resort. But if the evil does come
upon ihe country, who is responsible for
it I I {force he brought to the aid o law,
who, 1 ask of gentlemen, is responsible
for it to the People of the United S ates?
That is the question. Talk of it as you
please, mystify matters asyou vill, ’hcor
ize as you may, pde up abstract prnpogi
tions to any extent, at last 'he question
resolves itself into one of obedience » rre
sistance of the laws—in other words, of
union or disunion. Wherein, said Mr.
W. consists out liberty t What is the foun
dation of our political institutions which
we boast of; which we hold up to the
world for imitation, and for ihe enjoy
ment of which the votary of freedom
pants in every country cf the g obe—
I what is it? It is that of a governmen
where the People make the laws, and
where the People obey the laws which
themselves have made. That is our sys
tem of government, and by a large ma
jority of the People it is respected ac
cordiogly. Why, Sir, said Mr. W. if
you were to cany into effect the ultra
doctrine of South Caroline at this mo
ment, repeal your protective system, shut
up our factories, stop our wheels, extin
guish our fires, &e.—nay, ruiu us by
your legislation—yet woeid the People
of Pennsylvania obey the laws, and abide
y<-ur decision. But then they would ap
peal to tire People, ihey would endeavor
to bring public opinion to act upon Con
gress, and bear them back into the right
course. Titey would appeal to moral in
fluence, and to that alone.
I know, said Mr. W. that the gentle
man ftom South Carolina cannot antici
pate the application of force in the case
presented; but I pray him, again and a
gain, to avert to one particular paragraph
of the Ordinance. There were several
cases in which the use offeree is referred
to in the Ordinance, in which Mr. W. ad
milted the right to use it. if, for exam
ple, as incase supposed, Congress inten
ded to everrun and subdne the S'ate of
South Carolina and overturn their liber,
ties, he had admitted the right of resis
tance by force. But, come down to ihe
contingency in which the Ordinance de
clares that force shall be used, and it is
in the event of the attempt by the United
States to enforce the execution of the
Revenue Laws. “Enforce’' is the word
employed iu the Oidinance. For the
meaning of this word it was not necessary
to resort to fJuhnson or Webster : the
law may be “ enforced” by execution, by
judicial process, a simple demand of pay
ment of duties by an United S'ate* Offi
cer. I« needs not the Iron grasp of
power, the naked sword or the fixed bay
onet, to constitute enforcement of the
laws. You enforce the laws every day
and every hour of every day, in the most
tranquil state of society. This enforce
ment of the laws it is which is, after the
Ist of Febuary, to be constructed into an
atttempt to put down the people of South
Carolina, and to justify the calling lorth
of thousands upon thousands of armed
men to resist it.
Mr. W. here referred to the Charles
ton Mercury, which he held in his hands,
containing the proceedings of a great
meeting held at Charleston, S. C. ou the
21st instant, among which weie i number
of resolutions, adopting the cockade to
which ho had reference yesterday, in-*
termingled with notices of “ Call to arms!’
“ Attention, volunter* ! ” &c. and one of
those Resolutions (which he read) declares
that the parsons assembled at this meet
ing not only the affirm do right of ihe
State peaceable to secede from the Union
but are prepared, if need be, te peril tlioir
lives in the assertion of this claim,
Yes, Sir. said Mr. W if not prevented,
‘secession is at baud; for the very mo*
ment that the Marshall of the District
calls out the pos*e comitatus , and heads
that posse to enforce a judgement of the
Federal Court to compel the payment
of duties on imports (after the first of
February) theo has the contingency; oc
curred of an attempt t« enforce the laws;
then has secession become the alternative.
With regard to secession, Mr. W. wont
on to cite cases to shew the consequences
to which the admission of this right in a
tty State would lead, should other States
adopt the heresy affirmed by the meeting
whose proceedings he had read. This
view of the subject he followed by sav
ing, that Nullification, unless merged in
revolution, was not to be stopped. The
hprorable member had told the House,
that laying this bill on the 'able, and
passing the bill depending in the other
House, would put a stop to nullification.
But whai suretv was 'here even of this 1
After the fitst of February, Nullification,
with all its attributes and incidents, was
to be in full operation in South Caroli
na. What would be its political oppeiac
tion 1 Where would it end ? Ho put
this question plainly to the gentleman
from South Carolina. A Convention of
the States was out of the question ; an a
meodinent of the Constitution was out of
the question : where was the contest to
end ? Why, the laws must be suspended.
South Carolina, whilst represented on
this door (abiy as she is, and he hoped
long would be,) participating in the mak
ing of laws, would be obeying just such
of them as she pleased, and no more—
cutting and carving with her own sword
to suit herself! What a state of things
was this !
[Mr. Calhoun here said, that South
Carolina would be con tern to maintain
this comes! upon the principle of protec
tion, paying wi'houi objection whatever
taxes might be required *o be levied for
the purpose of revenue.]
Mr. Wilkins. If South Carolina ap
peals to the Federal Judiciary, she can
bring up thrT question of the validity of
any nan of tho rev riue laws for decision,
bv the Federal Courts. Mr. W. had no
doubt of the influence > f the Senator
from South Carolina over the people of
hat State, bu no one had power to say
* hat c urse that Sta : e would take if the
suggestion of the Senator should be adopt
ed. Wo muxi take this matter as we
fi and it. The merc hant', of Charleston may
import goods free of duty, and merchants
of Baltimore, New York, &c. must pay
duties. The people of South Carolina
are exempt from all taxation, by dulies
on imports, which is the only taxation
known t< our laws; and (he people of the
rest of the Union; are compelled to pay
(axes. Sou-h Carolina participates in
the benefi s, but nut in the burdens of the
Government. The O'dmance io this
effect, Sonin Carolina :s pledged to main
tain, and it declares that no power shall
prevent free ingress and egress into and
from her ports. Every stream of water
in the limits of the State, accessible from
<he ocean, is made a free port.
Wherever goods are introduced and lan
ded, all obligation to pay the dunes van
ishes before the magical iufluouce of Nul
lification.
The State of S uth Carolina is quoad
the teveuuelaws out of the Union As to
the revenue system, our feliuw-cirizens
of South Carolina aie gone from us.
What then 13 to prevent the goods impor
ted into the State from being distributed
into every part of the interior and along
he coast? A legalized system would l>e
introduced,he would not say of smuggling,
for he would not impute so opprobrious
a crime to the authorities of that State,
but tree ports make free goods, and nul
liflcation makes free ports. Well, sir,
what will prevent the goods from being
sent to other States? Take the marks
off from the goods, and they may be soot
any where. If nullification exempts goods
from duties in South Carolina, it exempts
them every where. They are milked
“State rights,” and the vessel is called
“State sovereignly.” They will not be
imported under the glorious flag of the
Union, but under the flag of South Car
olina. South Carolina has got her Or
dinance. Now we shall see h»w she will
put it iu execution, how it works practi
cally, it will make general confusion; de
feat equalityin public burdens, and demo
ralize the community.
As nullification is now about to go in
to full operation, what is to stay the hands
of South Carolina, and prevent her from
executing her present purpose? He was
aware of the wide range of discussion
which the question connected with this
subject would lead to. But this w»S the
time for bringing those questions before
Congress for decision. They should
decide now in one way or other. I am
young and stout, said Mr. W. and am
willing to see the quesrion tried, and te a
bide the end of rt. The whole question
comes to a single point. What is the
consitutional relation of a single State
to the United States? If the Govern
ment is merely an ‘‘alliance” of States,
a federal league between several district
and independent sovereignties.from which
any one may withdraw, there is an end
of the question and of our bill.—For
South Caiolina, leaning upon her sover
eignty and reserved rights, has exercised
the power which she claims of obeying &
disobeying a law of the Union, jusr*as
she may construe tt, to be constitutional
or nncons'itutionai.
An attempt on his part to thrown a’ny
additional light on this subject w .uld be
as unect-ssary as to contribute a drop of
water to the ocean. It was enough for
him -hat he bad a few well settled princi
ples on this point, which he had Biways
enters med, and which had been acted ue
from this foundation of the government
to the present time. The Constitution
whs forrnpd by the People It was adop
ted by the States, which, like individuals,
surende ed a porrioo of their sovereignty
for ihe security of the res*. Those pow
ers which are thus surrendered, however
limited in number, are supreme in extent
and applicat ion. Tho second paragraph
in the 6- h aiticle of the Cooslimtisn was,
as If appeared to him, framed to meet
this very case—to meet State legislation
Sta e nullification—to meet the case of
State legislation which attempts to over
throw national legislation:—
“This Constitution,and the laws of the
United States which shall be made in pu
rsuance thereof, and all treaties roede or
which shall be made under tho authority
of the United Slates,shall be the supreme
law of the land, and the Judges in every
State shall be bound thereby, any thing
in the Constitution or Laws of any State
to the conirary notwithstanding.
This supremacy of power was necessa
ry For the general welfare, because it con
sists in the use of powers which could not
be confided to, nor exercised by, any one
State. We always bad a Union. The
great object ®f the people, from one pe-
I riod to another, has been to render the
i Union “more perfect.* Virginia took
flu* lead in the attempt, and her States
men were among its foremost champions.
Experience had manifested the want of
a supreme power to bear immediately up
on the people of the States. The laws
of ihe Old Confederation boro on the
States alone. Hence the Constitution
begins, “We, the People;” and ibe con
clusion of the 8h section of the Ist ar
ticle, giving power to Cengress “to make
all laws which shall be necessary and pro
per for carrying into execution ihe foie
gfting powers, and all other powers vest
ed by this Constitution in the Govern
ment es the United States, or in any de
partment or rfficer thereoff,” and the em
phatic conclusion declareing such laws to
be the supreme law of the land,in the ag
gregate sense of the terur
We owe allegiance bcPh to the United
States and to tire State of which we are
citizens. Are there, sir, any citizens who
owe no allegiance to the United States.?
have the People ofSuuth Carolina aban
doned the proud title of citizens «f the U
nited States? Has the General Govern
ment any power or quality of political
sovereignty as all ? If it has, that power
uiu«f be brought io bear directly upon the
People of the Slates, and of each State,
The Government of ihe United States
forms a part of the Government of each
State, enteis into it, and supplies what
ever may be wanting in S ate powers.
You cannot bring about obedience to the
laws, if their obligation and binding
are not directly on the People. If ihe laws
are brought to bear on the States they
may wrap themselves up in their sovere
ignty and their reserved rights, resort to
nullification, and, claiming the powei to
t>ot their veto ou the acts of Congrpss,
they may overthrow your whole system of
legislation. This doctrine impairs not ihe
sovereignty of ihe People. The People
retain their sovereignty in reference to
tlit? United States as well as to their res
pective Stares. They act here as well
as in their State Legislatures. Whenever
you exercise one of your great constitu
tional powers, the People act here, and
am therefore bound by the law which they
themselves made. This is the perfection
of political institutions. The People
make the laws, and the laws govern. The
Suites are secure in their rights, and al
ways were secure* He admitted their ori
ginal absolute sovereignity ; but as he had
said before, they yielded up a portion of
that sovereignty f«r the General good.
This is a constitution of power “ gran
ted,” as a lawyer would suy “ for a val
uable consideration. ” By the grant of
these powers, you created the constitu
tion of the Union. You cannot take them
back at pleasure. Here are we asked—
can the creature be groater than the crea
tor ? No. But the creator mav be hound
by the act of the creature ; the principal
mav be bound by the act of the agent, if
the agent acts in pursuance of delegated
power, particularly when the inteiests of
third persons are concerned. We say to
South Carolina, our prosperity depends
upon the permanence of a system which
you created ; and you can'i take back the
power which you gave to out agents to
exercise.
On the subject of practical nullification,
Mr. VV. said he had made some notes, and
th« very circumstances which he had an
ticpatedhad happened. From a late num
ber es the Charleston Merc.,which be held
in his hand, he read an account of a great
State Rights meeting at Charleston,
whereat resolutions were adopted for
forming companies to import goods free
«1 duty. The merchants of South Caro
lina would, it was thought, be reluctant
to hazard their commercial credit and con
venience by availing themselves of tho
Replevin Law, and it had been doubted
whether the force of the Ordinance! would
be tried. But, as ho had expected, the
politicians, not the merchants* had formed
a plan for trying the experiment. Pre
parations had been made to bring the ques
tion to an issue as soon as the Ist day of
Februaty arrived. He had made a .nose of
the question which would arise out of
these considerations, but he would not de
tain the Senate by noticing them.
He woold pass to the consideration of
the provisions in the bill. The first sec
tion of the bill contains provisions which
are preventive and peaceful. Mr. W.
then read from the first section of the bill,
as follows :
“Be it enacted , <s’c. That whenever,
by reason oi unlawful obstructions, com
binations, or assemblages of persons, or
unlawful threats or menaces against offi
cers of the United States, it shall become
impracticable, in the judgment of the Pres
ident, to execute the revenue laws, and
collect the duties on imports in the ordi
nary way in any collection district, h shall
aad may be lawful for the President to
direci that the custom house for such dis
trict be established and kept in any secure
place within some port or harbor of such
district, either upon land er on board any
vessel,” &c
It enjoins forbearance on the Execu
tive and gives him power to remove the
custom house to a secure place where the
duties may be collected. It leaves l»t®
ports and districts as they now are, oP® n
for the commercial convenience of ih®
good people of the State ; and even the
custom house would not be taken from
the port or haibor where they now are.
Our object in removing the custom house
is to pi event all collision if possible.
The winds “threats and' menaces,” do.
not run through the lesidue es the section
The power given in this clause is not'new
the clause is simply declaratory of the ex
isting law, as it has been held by our
courts ; fur it has been decided, that
where it is impossible to collect he duties
the officers of the customs may remove
the custom house.
L.ATEST FROM HOtiLAIYDi
1 he Bustou Atlas of the'3o:h ult. an
nounces the atrival of the bug Alexander
Capt. Pendleton, from New Dieppe,
whence be sailed on the 29th of Deceit
her—but brought no papers. Capt. P.
furnished the Ist intelligence in Bostou
of the fall of Antwerp. It will have baen
observed by the reader of the intelligence
recieved at this port, that 1 t ie has been
said of the loss of life occasioned by the
defenders of the citadel, to the assailants.
Capt P. reports, that the loss of the
French was computed at from 16,000 to
18,000 men. The citadel was taken
possession of on the 23th. The less of
ihe Dutch was not known. Ton thous
and bombs were thrown by the French
engineers into the citadel, which destroy,
ed all the provisions and water of the be
sieged. Gen. Chaste defended ti, e cita
del 2 days after the destruction of his
provisions and water.
Capt Pendleton further states that the
impression prevailed that a general war
would be the inevitable consequence It
was supposed that the Dutch would be
assisied by the Russians, Prussians and
Austrans. Indeed it was reported that
a Russian army of 100,000 men were on
the.r march lor the frontiers of Belgium
and Hultand.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, da
ted Dec. 22 : “ It is now quite evident
that the stock of cotton in the poits will
at the end of he year be very much lar
ger than they were computed tube, aud
all hopes of higher prices have vanished,
all ihe importers have lately been willing
sellers. .4 good deal of cotton is effur
iog fer Sale.”
ENGLAND.
In relation to the home affairs, the
English papers are filled with accounis
and speculations concerning the New Par
liament. The opposition pap.-rs have a
great deal to say of the election ofCohliett
and his probable doings in parliament ; lie
has peon elected fro n Oldham. Mr. Wal
tet, editor oil lie F imes, is returned from
Beiksliiie. Hunt has lost his election at
tries on. Cobbe t and waiter haru long
been at loggei heads, aud much ainusemeut
is expected from their collision.
It will he a rate sport, says the Guar
dian, worthy of a reformed Parliament.
It w ll be no ordinary canflxt ; for the
two antagonists bear ilia most inveterate
and unrelenting hatred towards each oth
er. Mr. Gobi e;t has lie abuse of twenty
years to repay, and Mr. Walter the same
to answer for. All the worst epi'hets col
lected from- Ihe w- rrt places, from all the
hulks, frwrti the treadmill and the pot
house, have been baudied between ih \se
honorable gentleman for marly a day, to
the inexpressible delight es the reading &
curious public.
It is rumored hat his Majesty with the
kind consideration of saving to the coun
try for (he presen , the late Speaker’s re
tiring pension of 40001. per annum, has
made it his person and request to Mr. Man
ners Sutton, that he wou and resume his
high office in the new Parliament, and
that such is, consequently, to be the case.
There is a rumor hat the Right H UP. C.
W. Williams Wynne w II be put in nomi
nation for the Speaker’s chair, imn edi
a'e'y on ihe assembling of Parliamet t
The minis eria' majority in thi new/
Ileum of Common* it is Said will be 257
frem England—the returns from Scot
land are expected to make up (he number
to 300.
Mr. Liigh oj Virginia. This gentle
man has, as was t» have been expected,
from the peculiar delicacy of his situation
politely declined the invita ion extended
to him by the City Council, to consider
him, the “Guest of the City,” and to
partake of a public dinner. It is said that
Mr. Leigh will leave this place for Vir
ginia in a day or two.
It is rumored, but we cannot vouch for
its correctness that “the Powers that be,”
have decliued taking any step in confor
mity with the request ofVirginia, until af
ter the adjournment of Congress, and
that should that body adjourn without a
satisfactory adjustment <»f the Tariff, the
State Convenriou will be again called to
gether, to act on ihe question of seces
sion, with a view, however, of afterwards
submitting their decision to the people,
for ratification or rejection.— Charleston
Courier , 8/A inst.
Shot Guns and Pistols.
JUST RECEIVED,
20 Elegant Double barrelled Fowling
Pieces, with Percussion Lucks
1 pair Duelling Pistols
10 pair Pocket do
FOR SALE, BV
J. MARSHALL.
Feb 4 15 ts
Sheriff’s Sale.
WILL be sold, l«t Tuesday in March next.
One NegroMhi*. named FRANK, taken
ns the property, of John Conyers, to satisfy a
fi. fa. from the Superior Court of Scriren Couh
tv in favor of Boston & Williamson.
JOHN C. FERRILL, a. s. c.
Feb 4 * , Id 15 _
AT COST!
Books and Stationary.
Selling wholesale and retail, at Cost, at St&rs
No. 810, Broad-street.
Jan 81 V