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THIS OODIIIER.
BY J. G. M’WHORTER,
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From the Charleston Courier.
u I WON’T VOLUNTEER.”
Air—“ 1 won't be a Nun.”
Now is it not a pity, such a pretty bar as I, '
Should volunteer lobe shot at, & in a ditch to die ?
But 1 won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer,
I’m not so foud of Sugar, as to be a volunteer.
I’m sute I’m not oppress’d, for my Pa supports
his son,
Theo wherefore should I volunteer, & shoulder
a gun ?
N.n I won’t volunteer—no 1 won’t volunteer,
I’m not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer.
I could not bear the Camp, no it would not do
for me,
For I like to lounge in King-street, tbe pretty
galls to see,
No I won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer,
I’in not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer.
I love Caiolina, and I love tbe Union too,
But with a brother's blood, my hands .i’ll ne’er
embue,
No I won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer,
I'm not so-fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer.
So mother don’t you smile,now get your scissors,
Rogers made,
And sever ftoni iny beaver hat, the Blue Cock
ode.
No I won’t volunteer—no I won't volunteer,
I'm not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer.
of the United States.
IN SENATE— Wednesday, Jan. 30.
SPECIAL ORDER OF THE DAY
MR. WILKINS’ SPEECH.
(Concluded from our last.)
T-Jae next paragraph provides for cash
payment of duties under circumstances
which render it impossible to called the
duties in the ordinary way. This is no
great matter. We have aheady abolished
the credits and duties to some extent, and
this law carries out the system farther.
Why should the practice of taking bonds
bo persisted in when they say they are
not bound in pay the bonds. 11 is a
mockery to take bonds when the Consti
tution and the law release the people
bound from the obligation of tbe h-Mids.
Soil must be brought to euforce the pay
ment of the bonds, and ihe authority of
tbe State and Federal tribunals would
thereby be brought into conflict, which
conflict the Dill sought to avoid. The
62d section of tho act of the 2d March,
1799, refuses credit to merchants who
have refused to pay their bonds. The
jmue principle is applied to the present
case, wheie people are combined to pre
vent the paymont of bonds.
The third and remaining exigency pro
vided fir in this first section,is the author’
ity to employ rite land or oaval forces,
or militia. This provision is entirely de
fensive. It merely confirms the author
ity for (he protection es the custom-house
and revenue officers. The simple ques
tion is—do you require obedience to the
laws ? How can you make the people of
South Carolina pay the dudes] The
custom-house officers are not sufficiently
numerous to enforce obedience to the
laws: pains, penalties, indictments, all
bang over the head of that man who is
bold enough to exact payment. The
Legislature forbids the enforcement of
tiie law; and lie who attempts to enforce
i( must suffer the penalty es the law as
surely as he is convicted of tiie offence.
The Marshall in this stage of tho business,
cannot interpose. The Militia cannot
be called out, for the best reason in the
world, that they are committed in sup
port of the other side of the quostion. Now
what is to be done ] It is the duty of
the President to take care that ihe laws
sh ill be executed. He is invested with
power by the Constitution, & the public
hold him responsible for its exercise.
You cau vest the power no where else.
Tiie first section of the 2d Articlo of the
Constitution invests the President with
the ** Executive power,” aud he is re
quired to take an oath faithfully to exe
cute the office and pieserve the Consti
tution. The second section of the same
article makes him the ccmmander-iu
chief of tbe army and navy of the United
States, and of tho militia, when called in
ti. actual service. The only question is
—is it necessary to give these means to
enforce the laws. If we iutend to en
force obedience to the laws, these powers
must be £iven and no where can they be
constitutionally lodged but in the Presi
dent. We give Andrew Jackson power
simply to execute, for a limited time,
the revenue laws of the country. Well,
we confide this power to a man who has
nover abused any power reposed in him.
He said that these pteceedings were long
anticipated. They were the subject of
discussion during the late Presidential
contest. Every vote had an eye to tho
South. He spoke this with respect to the
other candidates, all of whom he knew
would have supported the Constitution.
He made no invidious distinctions,
Why did South Carolina throw away
her vote on a distinguised individual, who
was not a candidate] With an eye to
tbis question. Wby did the people of the
United States vote for Andrew Jackson I
With a view to this same question. For
this provision in the law, there was a pre
; cedent to which he would refer. The
act ofoth Janaary, 1809, sec. 11 —l3 vul.
14, p. 194 —5, to onfoi-ce the embargo,
! &c. The 2d section es the bill extends
1 the jurisdiction of the Circuit Courts
\Aa revenue cases It gives the right to
i sue in these Courts for any injury incur
! r ed by officers, whilst engaged under the
i laws of Cotigress in collection of duties
!on imports. It declares, that propei'y
j taken under the authority of the laws of
| the United State shall be irreplevia-
ble, and only subject to the order and
decrees of the Courts of the United
States ; and it gives the penalty for the
rescue of the properly as is prescribed
by the act of 30th April, 1790, sec. 22,
vol. 2, p. 95. The provisions of that
law make the penalty not to exceed SOO
dollars, and imprisonment for three
months, This section has two objects in
view; first, it gives power to the officers
to stfe in the Federal Courts; and second
provides that they shall not -be disposses
sed of property seized by them unfit)r die
laws of the General Government, without
the authori'y of the Courts of the United
Siates. The object of this section is to
meet legislation by legislation. There is
nothing iu this provision shocking or
harsh.
Tho laws of Suuth Carolina, made to
enforce the ordinance, are harsh and op
pressive beyond any of tho Federal Laws.
Under the replevin act of South Carolina,
the goodsare first seized, if they are uot
given up in, the return is made and a ca
pias in withernam issues; iheie is then a
suit to recover back the duties; the Cus
tom House officer and jurors who are to
decide the case are under oath to sAjport
the ordinance. For this misdemeanor
tbe officers are subject to a fine of 500
dollars and 2 years imprisonment. And
they are liable to have ther own property
to double tbe amount of the goods seized,
taken, and carried away. Every profes
sional man knows to what cases a reple
vin ‘law is usually confined. It views the
custom- house officer while discharging
his duty, as a trespasser. If the replevy
is not obeyed, tho intermediate enquiry
which the Common Law provides is dis
carded, and a writ of reprisal issues. It
is not left discretionary with the Sheriff
to take enough to satisfy »he demand ;
but he is bound to take doable the amount.
There is no danger that this part of the
law can ever be executed, for no one
person will have property enough fer so
tremendous a grasp. The goods are ta
ken finally from the custom house officei
and carried off, and if he attempt to re
captuie them, be is liable to a fine of
SIO,OOO, and 2 years imprisonment. No
such indictment is subject to traverse ;
that is, the accused shall not cross it; he
shall not deny the facts alledgnd ; ha shall
net plead “ not guilty ;” This is the tecli
niul effect of refusing a traverse. Out
can the word be taken in that sense in
South Carolina 1 Perhaps the word, as
uaed in the Ordinance, has a meaning pe
cular to the Seutb.
Mr. Miller explained. The word had
a peculiar meaning in South Carolina.
At il»e first Couit the accused could tra
verse, but he had no right to continue the
action. The Ordinance denied the right
to the accused to continue the case after
the first terra, except for cause shown.
The Ordinance, in creating this misde
meanor, merely applies to it (he legal
forms which in that State apply to all
misdemeanors.
Mr. Wilkins. It was apparent that
the constitution of the Courts in South
Carolina makes it necessary to give the
revenue officers the right to sue in the
Federal Courts. It was net intendod to
restrict this right to any amount in contro
versy, nor to citizens of other States. It
fulls under the clause of the Constitution
which gives jurisdiction to the U. States
Courts in all cases arising under the Con
stitution, Treaties, and Ltnvsef the United
Slates. He would put a case in a few
words : Suppose the Collector of the port
of South Carolina is prosecuted. Ho is
curried to prison, or the capias in wither
nam is issued against him. His properly
is carried oil’ and sold. The case comes
before the State Court. He sets forth
that, under the laws of the United Statos,
he was obliged to do his duty. On the
other side, it is said that the laws of the
United Slates had been nullified ; and the
State laws had taken their place. Out of
this issue springs a case provided for by
the bill. But it is objected that the case
will arise under the State law. But shape
it which way you may, the case arises out
of the Laws aod Constitution of the U.
States, and the judicial power extends to
all cases in law and equity. It ought to
be so. There ought to be a judicial pow
er co-oxtensive with the power of legisla
tion, and a co-extenstve executive power.
Without this co-exiensive powei, legisla
tion would be useless in a free goyern
<nent. Neither domestic tranquillity, nor
uniformity of rules and decisions, can be
secured without it.
It may be said, (continued Mr. W.)
that in this way you overturn State Jegis
<ition, and that they ought to give their
own direction to State controversies. ' So
thoy may but let them not come in col
lision w.th the Constitution and laws of
the Union. In every controversy within
any State arising under . State law, com
tug in collision with the Constitution or
with a law of the United States, the Fed
eral Coutts have appellate jurisdiction'
He felt himself too much exhausted to
read a case or two to which he desired io
call the attention of the Senate. But he
meant to content himself with a meie
reference te the case of Martin vs. Hunt
er’s lessee, ie Ist Wheaton, p. 304, and
the case of Cohens vs. the Slate of Vir
ginia, 6th Wheaton, p. 264, where this
point had bsen decided. If appellate
jurisdiction be giveo, the original could
not be desired, all the residuum of ju
risdiction remaining after the original ju
risdiction given in specified cases, to the
Supreme Court, might be exercised in
any way by 'he inferior Courts that Con
gress might direct. These observations
were applicable -to the third section es
the bill, which also provides fer the exten
sion of Judicial juriedictiiou,by allowing
tho party or officer of the U. States sued
in the State's Couit for executing the
laws of the Union, to remove the case to
the Circuit Court. It gives the right to
remove at any time before trial., but not
after judgment bad been given, and thus
affects in no way the -dignity of the State
tribuuals. Whether in criminal or .in civil
cases, it gives the right of removal. Has
Congress this power in criminal cases ?
He wotfld answer the question in tbe af»
firmative. Congress had the power to
give this right in criminal as well as in
civil cases, because The se-cond section of
the third article es the Constitution,
speaks of “ all cases in law and equity,”
and these compiehensive terms cover all.
He referred to the case of Matthews vs.
Zane, 4tb Cranch, page 382, which-de
cides that, if two citizens es the same
State, in a suit in their State court, claim
title under tho same act es Congrew, the
Sapreme Court has an appellate Jurisdic
tion, to revise and cot red the decision of
that court.
This decision was founded upon the
principle that the 3J act of the constitu
tion, considered in connecfion with the
Judiciary act of 'B9, would not give it a
more extensive construction than it mer
ited ; and that the great object was, to
render uniform the construction of the
laws of the Coiled States, and decisions
under them upon the rights of indi
viduals; and in such case it was eutiiely
immaterial that both parties were citizens
of the same State.
It was admitted by Mr. Harfbr, Coun
sel for Defendent in error, that the exer
cise of jurisdiction in such case would be
undoubted if it was to maintain the au
thority of the laws of ihe United States ,
against encroachments of the State au
thorities.
The clause in the Constitution to which
he had adverted, refers to the character
of the controversy, without regard to the
parties, or the particular form of the ac
tion. The object of the suit, and o«*t the
tribunal, determined the jurisdiction. Was
it to try the validity of an act ofCongress
that question determined the jurisdiction.
Was it in try any indictment for treason?
That question determined the jurisdic
tion. It was more necessary that this
jurisdiction should be exteuded over crim
inal than over civil cases. If it was not
admitted that the Federal Judiciary had
jurisdiction over criminal cases, then was
nullification ratified and sealed forever :
for a State would'have nothing more to
do than to declare an act a felony nr a
misdemeanor to nullify all the laws «f the
Union. There w-ere numerous prejudi
ces—prejudices peculiar to particular
States which, under any other view, would
throw all jurisdiction into the State tribu
nals.
He would pul a case to the Southern
gentlemen, by-way of illustration. It
was one which they would feel disposed
to resent, and one to which he had felt a
repugnance to refer; but be would take it
as illustrative of the opinions he had
thrown out. There was to bo found in
the constitution, a clause which gives the
right to the owner of a slave to pursue
him from one State to another, and to
take him wherever he may find him.
Now it was known that there was in some
States a strong Tooling on this subject,
and that particularly was this sensibility
to bo found in the State of Pennsylvania,
where it was carried lo a very groat ex
tent. In great party times, he would
suppose that a party in Pennsylvania
rallied on this great principle. Pennsyl
vania was covered over with zealous aud
highly respectable abolition societies.
He would suppose that Pennsylvania car
ried those feelings to such on extent, as
to pass a law to nullify this clause in tho
constitution. He stated that he had, in
tho judicial station which he had occupi
ed, had cases brought before him for de
cision, in which he had f**lt it to be ex
tremely difficult to keep down this feel
ing. It had been even con'endcd before
him, that the pursuit of the slave by his
owner into that State, was an unconstitu
tional act. He would suppose that Penn
sylvania was to pass a law, declaring,
that the moment a slave sets foot on her
soil, he shall be at once elevated to the
rank and privileges es a fteeman, and that
thus she should nullify the clause in tbe
constitution on this point.
It would be deemed vety hard by the
Southern gentlemen that they could not
try the quostion ms the constitutionality of
that law before the Supreme Court.
Aud if the State of Pennsylvania were to
pass a law imposing a fine of 10,000 dol
lars and five years imprisonment on anv
owner of a slave found in pursuit of him,
and that her jorofs and judges are all
sworn to regard this law, he would ask
whether the Uuited States Courts could
uot have jurisdiction in this matter. The
power of the Jediciary would be eatirely
nugatory if it could be evaded by throw
iug the case into the form es a criminal
proceeding. He referred the Senate to
the cases of the United States vs. Moore,
3d Cranch p. 159, where it was admitted
that Congress might give the power ; and
to that of Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1
Wheaton p. S5-o— l, where it was ad
mitted that criminal are the strongest ca
es. x
Tilt) fourth section of the bill was mere
ly matter of form. There was no consti
tutional principle involved in it. It only
authorized the Courts of the United S.
to supply the want of a copy of the record.
It was intended to obviate the difficulty
which was iikely to arise from the novel
provision confined in the Bth section of
Replevin law of South Carolina, which
makes it penal in the Clerk to furnish
such record. This provition did not
meddle tviih the penalty of the of the
State Court, bot contented itself with
providing means to supply the deficiency.
The fifth section authorizes the employ
ment of miiiiiary force under -extraordin'
ary circumstances too powerful to over
come without such agency, and to be
preceded by the Proclamation of the
President. What he had already said
had reference also to this section of the
bill. He would now merely refer the
Senate to some precedents.
Tire first precedent which he would
notice was to be found in the Act of May
2d, 1792, vol. 2, p. 284, repealed by the
Act of Feb. 28, 1795, renewing the pow
er to call forth the militia, which Act
was still in force. This law grew out of
the Western Insurrection inPensylvania.
Like the present bill, although it was
merely intended to meet that exigency, it
was so framed as to continue iu force.
So the bill under consideration, although
it had special reference to South Cato
liua, pointed not to her alone. If the
opposition to the laws should extend it
self, and the spirit of disobedience should
exhibit itself, whether in the South or the
North, tbe general principles of the
bill woufld toe equally applicable. It was
an amendment of our code of laws to
which the attention ofCongress had now
been called, and which was rendered im
mediately necessary by the peculiarity of
»or present si toe lion.
The second precedent to which he
would invite the attention of ihe Senate
was the Act of the Sd, of March, 1807,
vol. 4, p« 115, “tosuppiess insurrections
& obstructions ditto cause the laws to be
duly executed.” That act autliorized the
President to call out the laud and naval
force to suppress insurrections, &c.
These were the objects for which then,
ns iu the present bill, this extraordinary
power had been cenfeir-ed.
Another precedent would be found in
the Act of Jan. 9, 1809, sec. 11, vol, 4,
p. 194, to enforce lire embargo, and which
gives the power to employ the land and
naval forces, in general terms,, to assist
the custom house officers. There was
at that moment a great excitement, al
though nothing 1 ke the solemn position
in which South Carolina has now placed
herself. Yet it was deemed expedient to
cunfer on the President this p.wer.
He would now refer to the last prece
dent with which he should trouble the
Senate. It happened irt the History of
Pennsylvania,that State took fr»mVirginia
a strip of land belonging on the Alleghn-_
ny and Ohio rivers. On this sirip es
laud where Viigmia had been accustomed
to exercise jurisdiction,for which she had
opened the titles, and where she had
held her courts, there arose an insurrec
tion. This had beeiv called the Western
Insurrection, but it was a singular fact
that it was confined to this narrow strip
of land which Pennsylvania took from
Virginia. . The President was then au
thorized to call out the Militia of the State,
because they were not committed against
the United Slates, but were willing to
obey the call. The man to whose name
histwry has no parallel,put himself at the
head of these troops to quell the insurrec
tion. All power was placed in his hands
by the act of November 24, 1794, vol.
2, p. 451, and the President was author
ized to place inWest Pennsylvania a corps
of twenty-five hundred men either drafted
or eulisied.
The sixth section of the bill had refer
ence to the reptev.u law of South Caro
lina, and was justified and rendered no
cessary by tbe 12th sectiou of that act
which prohibited any person from hiring
or permitting to bo used any building, to
serve as a jail for the confinement of any
person committed for a violation of the
revenue laws, under penalty of being ad
judged guilty of a misdemeanor and fined
1000 dollars and imprisoned for one year
The State law, therefore, closes all the
gaols and buildings of South Carolina a
gainst prisoners held by process from the
U. States for a refusal to yield obedience
to their laws. Ii was necessary, there
fore, that something should be done. The
case might n<>) be fully met by the reso*
lution of Sd March,l79l, vol. 2, p. 236;
and this section merely incorporates that
provision, without the introduction of any
novel principle.
The seventh and remaining section of
the bill extends the writ of habeas corpus
to a case not covered by existing laws.
These laws do not extend to any other
than cases of confinement under tho au
thority of the U. States, and when com
'ranted for trial before the U. S. Courts,
or are necessary tn testify. He referred
the Senate to vol. 2, p. 63, to the 14th
section of the Judiciary act. The pres*
ent section merely extended the privileg
esef (hat act, which was so essential t«
the protection of tho liberties of our citi
zens. It extended the act to cases of
imprisonment for executing the laws of
the U. S. There would be nothing ob
jectionable in this section,it came in con
flict with code of laws. If a citizen
were confined under the provisions of the
Ordinance of the 24ih Nov. 1832, he
could have no remedy tinder the laws as
they uow exist. As all such cases arose
under the laws of the State of S. C. this
section only extended the privileges of
the writ of habeas corpus to meet those
particular cases which had originated in
the piesent state of things*
He had now done, having fully attem
pted to explain the reasons which had in
duced him to give his sanctiouto the bill.
He should only say, in addition, that if it
were the pleasure of Congress to enact
this hill into a law, he should most fer
vently pray that no occasion might ever
occur to require a resort to its provisions
It was bis desire the present bill, when
it should become a law, might be rendeid
unnecessary by a return of the state wf
happy tranquility which would renew the
cement of our Union, and might lie for
ages to come, without the necessity of re
ference to its provisions, slumbering in
the libraries of the lawyers end among
the archival of legislation.
IVom the Washington Globe.
S’afATE SOVEREIGNTY.
What a mockery Gen Hamilton is ma
king of the 'sovereignty of South Carolina!
A Convention has been assembled which
has ordained in the most solemn manner
that the Tariff laws shall not be executed
within that State after ihe fir>t day of
February. The Legislature havo been
ca led together, and have passed acts to
prevent their execution. Cannon, musk
etsand munitions of war have been pur
chased, and arrangements made for the
march of troops to enforce this peace
ful rented)/. The State is placed in her
panoply and stands on her sovereignty,
ready to execute the high behests of her
august Convention,
But, are the fated day arrives, Gen.
Hamilton and his associa’es collect to
gether a few hundred of the people of
Charleston in the Circus and there resolve
and declare, in substance, if not in form,
that they will net obey the sovereign voice
of their State, on the first of February ;
that the execution of the Ordinance aud
the Legislative acts, and the obligation of
their oaths to enforce them, shall be post
poned until March!! Is not this a solemn
mockery of (hat State sovereignty which
is professedly so much the object of
their adoration]
A fact was disclosed by Hamilton in
his spnech which illustrates the chaiucier
of this excitement. It seems the patriot
ic General was fearful t-hat the peaceable
merchants and citizens of his State would
not avail themselves of his peaceful reme
dy, and that nb opportunity would be
afforded to bring the two governments in
to collision. He, therefore, deemed it
necessary to make an occasion for the ex
press purpose! He sent a part of his
crop to the West Indies and procured a
return in sugar with the sole object of
producing a conflict with the autherities of
the General Government!
Look dl this. Here are a few men
who raise an excitement by misrepresen
tation and salsa reasoning; they work up
a majority «f the State to the call of a
Convention, for a peaceful purpose and
then entrap them by the adoption of rev
olutionary measuirs, by that body and
'he Legislature; they organize several
thousands of velunteers, and provide Hints
and munitions of war; and after all. the
people take so little interest in reeking re.
lief from alleged oppressions, that the
managers have actually to mal e a case
to put the ball of revolution in motion !
What could more clearly prove, that the
whole is gotten up for the special benefit of
a few leading men who had rather “rule in
Hell than serve in Heaven.”
AUGUSTA.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 12.
O' We received no papers this morning be
yond Norfolk, Vir.
James Primrose, Esq wag chosen Tax Col
lector of Richmond county, on Monday last, by
a 51 cat majority.
The Theatre wng re-opened last night with the
pUy of Otheilo.—To-night will be represented
Tizarro, or the Death of Roll*. The Stage has
been enlarged and its beautiful scenery may be
displayed to tho best effect.
Wo forgot lo mention in our last, that Mr.
Harrinoton has delayed his departure, ami o
pened the Circus in the rear of the Store of
Frederick & Cos.
Literary 1 The students in the University of
Georgia, lust week, burnt Gen. Jackson in ef
figy. This amiable Academical exercise was
performed, immediately after morning prayets,
in front of the College Chape) We have not
understood what Professor presided on the oc
casion.
A Theatrical Church arid fighting Parson.—ln
a neighboring Church in South-Carolina, their
Preacher locently, on tbe Sabbath day too, (old
his Congregation, (he was preaching politics,
not religion) that he would rather come down
from the sacred place, where he wag-standing*
and fight with them, (in the cause of Nullifica
tion) than dispense the bread of everlasting life.
His audience clapped their hands, stamped and
shouted, as in a Theatre.
About the time Geo. Hamilton was giving his
recent orders relative to depots of corn and ba
can on his three great routs from the mountains
to Ihe sea-board, a Tennessee drover, learning
that his hogs might be wanted for some of the
depots, consulted one of our butchers, whether
he should make pitkled pork of them and keep
it for the anticipated market which the Nuilifiers
were likely to create for its profitable sate. The
Butcher, being more inclined to starve the Nub
lies than feed them, advised him to sell Lis Pork
to houc9t folks, and he did so.
The retreat.— The creeping out place of the
Nuliifiers, we think, ie fixed at last. They will
shun all danger, t notwithstanding their chivalry
and re-assembling their Convention throw the
responsibility of seceding or not, on the people,
whom they have been deluding. That people
will renew the lamp of patriotism at the altar of
of their common country, Rnd swear to liveßnd
die under its glorious banner. The people will
(decide against their schemes of disunion, and
their disappointed leaders be coveted with the
shame of defeated guilt.
The Governor of Illinois has pronounced the
South Carolina Ordinance ‘ a treasonable attempt
to dismember the Conft deracy,” and both Hous
es of the Legislature, with only one dissenting
vote, have pronounced it treason, if attempted by
armed lorce.
Mr. Ritchie in commenting on Mr. Leigh’s
mission to Carolina, says, if it fails, •• It will
show that South Carolina is still more precipi-'
tate, more “ wandering,” or her purposes more
mischievous than ever we had supposed them
and that it is still more urgently our duty to re
sist her schemes, and to rally around the Un
ion.”
The nature of this mission is attempted to be mis
represented, by saying Mr. Leigh had a pledge
te give South Carolina, if she would suspend
her Ordnance, and the Tariff watt, not reduced,
that Virginia would go with her. We can uot
say we know this is false—but have every rea.
son to justify such a belief. The Virginia Le
gislature had no secret session, and Mr Leigh
could have received no such instructions. He
was simply the honored bearer of Virginia’s
wishes and advice, as exhibited in her resolu
tions adopted publicly by the Legislature, Be
sides, it was at Ji r st one of the objections the
Carolina nullifiers made to acceding to the me
diation of Virginia—that Mr. Leigh was the
hearer of no pledge of what she would do in
future, if her advice was now taken by Caroli
na. They may reconcile their first course wiih
their present, if ihey can. But this is another
species of the art of bolstering up a falling
cause. It will he found as baseless as any of its
predecessors.
she Senators appear to be apprehensive they
w*l! not all get „ chance to speak. Mr* Cal
houn has been extremely impatient under the
strictures which he has been doomed to hear on
South Carolina’s conduct. He is constantly in
terrupting the debate. Mr. Gru idy was rude
enough so intimate, chat gentlemen should be
made to take it regularly turn about.
SUMMARY.
Mr. Adams give notice satin* time since ihai
he would move t» strike out the enacting clausß
in the Tariff Bill, It'lvas rejected. Ayes 68
Noes 86 Mr. Appleton’s amendment to Mr.
Whim's amendment on the subject of duties oil
Cottons wag also negatived, 70 ayes, nays 80.—
Mr. Howard proposed, in lieu of Mr. White's
amendment, rhe provissions of the act of 1816,
on the same subject. Rejected without a CoWrU
Mr White’s amendment was then adopted.—
Ayes 69, Noes 6§— the Chairman of the Coins
mitleee of the whole, Mr. Wayne, voting in thu
affirm Itive Mr. Joeifei moved t 0 amend the
hill by reducing the duty on Iron one half—lost
Me then moved to stiike out all aft,. r the enact
ing clUuse and provide that the p«esenr rate of
duties remain until the 3d, March 1834, and af
ter that time the duties be reduced at the rale of
——r per cent., so as to reduce the revenue to
16 millions—this was lost. Mr Umy moved trt
reinstate the duty on iron, ag in the act of 183$
lost. The Committee weie proceeding slowly*
in mati> ring the details ol ( the bill, on the (till inM.
the failure of Mr. Adams’ motion renders it
more probable, tlint this bill m »y wado through
the House, this session.
Every thing that reaches us from Washington
renders it nlm :st certain, that nothing wit) tie
done with the iat iff this session of Congress.
We wetc nc vet sanguine of it. As the bill oflaft
session only go<* into ■ peration m at month,- its
effects might be considered w orthy of ascertain
ment before u new bill was passed; and ft e
same members composed the National Lcgisli*.
lure, whoso reluctantly consented to Ihe bill of
183 J On the b tek o t these disadvantageous ci• -
cu Distances comes the dictation of Jjoiith-Csroli
nn, and the suspension of the Tariff discus-iott
b v the necessary consideration of the new peti
tion ot uff.irs and the means of meeting it in ;i
proper manner. We are nearly sure, Mr. Vrr
plnivk g bill will not piss the H -use and cetinin
it will uot the Senate, this sesdr.iri- The fieri
Coegress, composed fts it will be of so many iu w
members favorable to reduction, is the oi»r to
which we have confidently looked for this result,
in conformity to the situation ot tile Country, its
freedom from debt, and tiie lessoned necessity’'
for high duties front the eucreased ability of thu
manufacturers to meet foreign competition. Jn
that time Ihe national dtfi.t will he so nearly paid
off, tlint it may be considered ns done—the ef
fects ofthe law of 1832 will be ascertained—the
supiemacy of the laws vindicated, and all the
national interests likely to be .->ffc*clcU by a modi
fication of the policy, will have bad time grad
ually to accommodate themselves to the chmpn.
of circumstances The duties were imposed
gradually—the pulley gradually adopted— the
manufacturing establishments it lias fostered
were gradually built uj sweep them not awn/
by a sudden transition fioiu'-oiie extieme to tha
other. Ihe rights of individuals, as wedasthp
national interests, would suiter hy such sudden,
rash and empirical legislation as is demand and by
tliose, who ate nnre governed by passion than
reason in this m'itter. Southern interests would
suffer as much as these of any other quarter.
Take a single instance. If the maonfacturing
interest is generally crushed by a sudden aboli
tion of protecting duties, how will it affect our
staple article? This year not less than 1150 000
bales of cotton will be used in the domestic con
sumption, without any additional factories.—
Throw that much more into our already glut
ted foreign market, by ihe destruction of our
manufactories, and what is the consequence T
The increased quantity produces a less demand
&i a lessened priee. How does the matter now
stand? Who opens the unitket .'every ye?x
from New Orleans Is Providence ? Who gives
Ihe highest pi ire ? Does not the manufacturer
give, every year, from u £ to 1 cent inure for
our cotton than the speculator? Destroy thp
(Ongumpuon oi couon ro me amount or the
home consumption by the'sudden abolition of
protecting duties, and you will see the conge,
quence. Instead of destroying any manufac
tory in the Union, it would be the part of good
citizens to build them up every where. There ijr
an overproduction of cotton, which is increas
ing every year* place the surplus hands in,
manufactories, and the country rewps a double
benefit—from the matiufactuies themselves, hsr
fron the enhanced value of the raw material,
produced by the lessened production and increa
sed consumption. We regret, that the Man#,
facluring Companies in this State, ioeorpore.
ted by the last Legislature, are lying upon tbeir
oars to see the fate of the protective system.
We think delay is injudicious, for however that
question may lie settled, manufacturing must he.
a profitable business here, even if the process is.
carried no farther than spinning the yarn. Those
now in operation *• the South cannot supply
the demand for the domestic loom; if they
could, the hand cards and wheel, over which oui
country girls chant the song of contented happi.
ness, would give place to the cheaper and more
rapid production of improved machinery Rest,
assured. Southern Manufacturing would not only
be profitable both to individuals and the cornmu-.
nity; but it is the surest, the safest and most cred'-
itable way of obviating the alleged inequality*
of the Tariff in favor of .Northmen ir,trr«^p>
