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Lge« united the reigning 1/ousc of'uvay
to in people, nor the benefits of an en
lightened Administration under n wise
Prince and under paternnl laws, nor the
«ad perspective of evils to which the
Country would lie exposed, were able to
repress the designs of the perverse.
" The plan of n general subversion
tras drawn up.—In this combination a-
gainst the repose ofnations the conspira
tors of Piedmont had their part assign
ed. They hastened to fulfil it.
“ The Throne and the State were be
trayed, oaths violated, military honour
despised, and the forgetfulness of all du
ties soon produced the scourge of all dis
orders.
“ Every where the evil presented the
game character,jevery where the same
spirit directed these fatal revolutions.
•' Not being able to find a plausible
tpetive to justify them, nor national sup
port to sustain them, it was in false doc
trines that the authors of those revolu
tions (boulevcrsemcnts) sought an apolo
gy, it wa9 on criminal associations that
they founded criminal hope. B ith them
the solitary empire ot the laws was a
yoke which it was necessary to break.—
They renounced the sentiments which
inspired'true love of country, and put
in place of known duties the arbitrary &•
indefinite pretexts of a universal change
in the constituting principles of society—
they prepared for the world endless cala
mities.
“ The Allied Sovereigs recognised the
dangers of this conspiracy in all their ex
tent, but they penetrated, at the same
time, the real weakness of the conspira
tors behind the veil of appearance and
declamations. Experience has confirmed
their presentiments. The resistance
which Legitimate Authority met with
was nothing, and crime disappeared be
fore the sword of Justice.
“ It is not by any means to accidental
Causes—it is not to the men who behaved
so badly on the day of conflict, that the
facility of such success ought to be attri
buted. It is referable to a principle more
worthy of consideration.
“ Providence struck with terror con
sciences so culpable, and the disappro
bation of the. people whose fate the arti
ficers of troubles bad compromised,caus
ed the arms to fall from their hands.
“ Only destined to combat and to re
press rebellion the Allied forces, far from
sustaining any exclusive interest, came to
the succour of a subjugated people, and
the people have considered their con
duct as a support in favour of their lib
erty, and not as an attack against their in
dependence. From thence war ceased ;
from thence the states that revolt had,
attacked, have only been states friendly
to the Powers which never had any o-
ther wish than their tranquility and their
well being.
“ In the midst of these grave conjec
tures, and in sc* delicate a position, the
Allied Sovereigns, iu accord with their
Majesties the King of the Two Sicilies
•nd the King of Sardinia, judged it indis
pensable to take temporary measures of
precaution, indicated by prudence and
P rescribed by common safety, The al-
ed troops, whose presence was neces
sary to tha re-establishment of order,
bave been stationed on suitable points,
•olely with the view of protecting the
exercise of legitimate authority, and of
eidiDgthe preparation, under this &gis,
of benefits, which wilt efface the traces
of such great misfortunes.
“ The justice and disinterestedness
which have presided at the deliberations
of the Allied Monarchs shall always regu
late their policy. For the future, as for
the past, its object shall always be the
preservation of the independence and
the rights of every State, such as they
are recognized and defined bv existing
Treaties. The result even ef a move
ment so dangerous will still be under the
auspices of Providence, the confirming
(ratfennissement) of the Peace, which
the enemies of the people endeavoured
to destroy, and the consolation of an or
der of things which will ensure to nations
tbeir repose and their prosperity.
“ Penetrated with these sentiments,
the Allied Sovereigns, in putting a ter
mination to the conferences at Laybach,
wish to announce to the world the prin
ciples which have guided them. They
are determined never to depart from
them ; and all the friends of worth will
see and constantly find in their union a
tenure guarantee against the attempts of
disturbers.
“ is with this object that their Im
perial and Royal Majesties have ordered
their Plenipotentiaries to sign and to
publish the present Declaration.
“ Laybach, May 12, 1821.
METTERNICIf,
RECORDER.
MILLEDUEYIEI.E, TUESDAY, JULY 24.
“Avstru
Prussia
‘•Russia
Baron De VINCENT,
KRUoE.MARCK
NESSELRODE,
CVP0DISTRIA9,
t’OZZO 1)1 BORliO."
Washington, City, July It.
HORIUD MURDER.
On Sunday morning was found, in the
bushes by the side of the road leading from
the Potomac Bridge to Alexandria, and not
far from Sebastian Spring, the body of Mr.
William Seaver,n respectable merchant and
grocer of this city. He was shot through
the head, and had his throat cut! His pock
ets were empty—and were doubtless rifled.
He had been to Alexandria to purchase
goods, and was on his return—and, it is sup
posed, was shot on Friday evening, about
sunset, as a report of a gun or pistol is said
to have been heard about that time. May
swift justice overtake the foul murderers!
The bloody deed was committed in the
county of Alexandria, and it is earnestly
hoped the people there will be able to trace
the miscreants. AVe have not heard all the
circumstances—but suspicions are abroad as
to tiie perpetrators of this deed, it being sup
posed theie were more than one. VVeare
»oi-ry to say that Mr. S. has left a wife and
several children, to bear most heavily the
shock of this attrocious crime, which a just
rrovideuce „ill not permit to paw unpunish-
it/* The following article (copied from a
London paper of the 81st May, sent us by a
friend at the North,) will be pleasing to <mr
readers, as it shews the veneration which his
countrymen still entertain for that ardent
friend of America and of liberty, Gen. dt La
Fayette. It is known to the citizens of Geor
gia, tint perhaps not generally in other states,
that as a small tribute of gratitude for the
services rendered the United States by this
distinguished Frenchman, one of our new
counties has linen honored with his name.
Paris, May 24.
If the Government was not blind to what
is going on, it would be easy to see the real
sentiments of the people in what took place
at Camille Jordan’s funeral. The Reboots
of Law and of Medicine had ‘proceeded in a
body to the burial, at which M. Lafayette
also attended. After the funeral rites were
finished, lie modestly descended from the
hill without any retinue, and sat -himself
down upon a stone to wait for his carriage,
which his servant had gone to fetch. Tie
was recognized by some of the young peo
ple, who immediately assembled about him ;
his name flew from mouth to month, an im
mense crowd was formed around him, and
he was lifted up in llieir arms and borne in
triumph -to his carriage, without any cries
having been made use cf. This triumph is
most flattering for him, at a moment when
the Ministry are trying to compromise him
in the conspiracy which has been hatched
by thp Police. 'Tlie Censors would not al
low the Journalists to publish the above fact.
In our next paper will be concluded
the able and interesting numbers of the
“ Prospect before Us." The research and a-
bility displayed in these writings, not less
than their sound political principles, entitle
tliem to much consideration. They deserve
to lie, and we hope will be, presented to the
public in a form more compact and 'durable
than the columns of a newspaper. In a pam
phlet, where the continuity of the subjects
treated of could be preserved unbroken, they
would be read to much greater advantage.
In one of the Augusta papers, “ The Pros
pect" has been vehemently attacked by a
writer, who exhibits as little regard for
truth as for decency. Cunning as the old
fox thinks himself, he has missed the mark
in guessing at the Author. But this to him
is of no consequence, as the slander of better
men than himself was his sole object. The
servile tool of Ilis Excellency, this “ veteran
paragrapliist,” under the plausible signature
of (Jneoffhe People, is ever ready to assail
whoever is obnoxious to the Governor, or to
defend any Executive measure,however un
wise or improper. Thefirst part of his pre
sent vocation, has been his time out of minil;
from the labour of the latter, we trust he will
’ere long be relieved. Too unpopular, from
his known Aristocratic principles, to appear
before the public in his proper character, this
old offender has taken shelter behind a mask
ed battery, from whence he fires, as his supe
rior sees proper to order, langrage or grape
shot, Congreve rockets or shrapnel shells.
That the principles contained in 41 The
Prospect before Us," should be palatable to
this writer and his employer, was not to be
expected, because they are the same which
in ’98 and ’90 threw their party in the back
ground. Both of them the admirers and sup
porters of Adams’s administration, and in
deadly hostility to the pure rupublicanism of
Jefferson’s—Federalists in profession, in prin
ciple Aristocrats—it would be strange indeed
if they were not opposed to the politics of
“ The Trio,” ao different from their own.
It?* \ writer in the Delaware Watch
man, on the revival of the Cotton Manufa
ture in that State says, 41 The effect of this
improvement in the cotton manufacture i
visible in the employment of a number of
persons, who have long heen destitute of
the means of labour and subsistence—the
demand for cotton spinners am! weavers
is becoming extremely urgent, and many
persons of that description would find foil
employment in this neighborhood. The
cotton-planters to the South will snon be
gin to reap the benefit of this state of
things. The loss of an uncertain market
abroad, will he amply repaid by a steady and
certain one at home. There are now about
2000 bales of cotton manufactured annually,
in this county, within a few miles of Wilming
ton, and taking this as a data, I have no doubt
that the consumption of the country is now
upwards of 100,000 hales annually. The
amount estimated by a congressional com
mittee in 1815 was 90,000ba|ps, but I am per
suaded from the increase in this vicinity, that
the quantity now manufactured in t lie United
States is much greater. This quantity will
rapidly increase, and vvo may look forward,
with confidence to the period, and that not
a very distant one, when the home market
will consume all the cotton of the South.
It is now becoming fashionable to wear
domestic fabrics in this neighbourhood.
There is a twilled cotton fabric manufactured
by Mr. John Brinckle,called the Wilmington
Stripe, which is admired for the neatness and
durability efits texture. It resembles a blue
seersucker, and improves very much in ap
pearance by use, so that in the second year
it looks better than in the first. Mr Brinckle
has a great number of looms employed in
the manufacture of this article, hut finds it
impossible with all his exertions to supply
the demand for it. This beautiful fabric
furnishes clothing much handsomer and
more durable than any that can be procured
from abroad for the same price. And it is a
source of felicitation to find, that such is the
general use of this article forsirmmerclotliing,
that very little nankeen or other foreign sum
mer clothing is now brought into this town.”
ton the rEcnnrta-
■ THE PROSPECT BEFORE U3,"
At seen through the ''Signs oj the Times."
By the Trio.
No. VI.
“ It will be remembered that a frequent re
currence to fundamental principles, is solemnly
enjoined by most ot the Stole Const ilutions,
* * * * * as a necessary safeguard against the
dangers ot degeneracy to which republics ore
liable,as well ai other governments, though in «
less degree than others.”
Madison, in the Virginia Report of 1799.
In no public documents which are left us,
as explanatory of the history and true inten
tion of the federal constitution, arc the sove
reignty, co-equality, ami liberty of the peo
ple, and tile states, asserted and maintained
with more independence and clearness than
in the ratifications ofthat instrument by the
states. They adopt the constitution tu be
sure—but it is done umlcr expressions ot so
many apprehensions and fears of the abuse
of the powers conferred, hs to make them
the true, genuine 41 keys of construction.”—
They contain the 41 principles of the Revolu
tion.” They were the work of men. select
ed for tbeir wisdom and deeply read in the
science of good government, for they had
experieneed the evils of oppression, and bad
tasted file sweets of liberty. They therefore
knew the necessity of strictly confining all
governments to the exercise of the powers
onferred, to tire, evident purposes’ fur which
they were conferred. A subordination of
one state or one citizen to another—the right
of the federal government forcibly to take
from one, the hard earnings of Iiis labor, gra
tuitously t<> bestow upon another, or to use
the power of taxing commerce for any oilier
purpose than that of revenue, w ere thoughts
that never entered their imaginations. The
sovereignly of the people, the co-ordinate and
co-equal, sovereignty of the stales, the equali
ty of individuals, and their light to be secure
in person and property, arid the impolicy anti
dangeTof monopolies, and privileged classes,
are every where asserted and maintained in
these invaluable instruments. In all of them,
containing aught hut the simple act of ratifi
cation, are the ideas of a consolidated go
vernment, and the abolition of any of the
rights of the people or the stales not clearly
surrendered, most scrupulously discounte
nanced. Here too, we see announced the
now ridiculed Idea of the danger of armies,
and that upon the militia alone should flic
country rely for its defence. We would a-
gaiu enquire, is it possible that these solemn
declarations, annexed to, and forming a pait
of, the ratifications of the constitution, are to
he considered as mere blanks—as inconsis
tent with the terms of that instrument, and
therefore void? Whatever the agents of
the federal government thought, by advert
ing to the history of subsequent events, we
shall soon see that the people thought dif
ferently .(05)
No sooner was Air. Adams firmly fixed in
the Executive chair in 1797, than a prepara
tion for destructive inroads upon the princi
ples of the constitution thus declared, was
made. A system of internal taxation wases-
tablished,intended to be permanent, k follow
ed by its expected patronage in the appoint
ment of a host of excise officers, assessors,
superihtendants and tax gatherers, who im
pertinently penetrated into the recesses of
every man’s mansion and family. Then fol
lowed an increase of the army and navy,
with their long train of foplings, trimmed
out in read coats, epaulets k cocked hats,in
truding themselves, (because they had noth
ing else to do) into places from whence a year
before, they would have been kicked fur the
want of character. Then too, the press w as
silenced, lest the folly and true designs of
these measures should be exposed to pub
lic view. Taxation, internal and external,
when strained to the uttermost, could nut
keep pace with the expences ofthese magni
ficent establishments, which then, as note,
were called “ useful and indispensible."
Loans and the funding system were resort
ed to, and the national debt was rapidly in
creased in amount, which so far from heing
reprobated, was called a “ public blessing.”
Enquiry into these mighty preparations
could not be suppressed. “ Oui bono ?”
said the pirople. They were told of wars
close at hand, or if not at hand, that they
might possibly come—that therefore it was
necessary to be ready—and that peace was
the time to prepare for war by the accumu
lation of treasure and the equipment of ar
mies and navies. Sitrh were the means and
arguments by which the “ reign of terror”
was established.
The object in view by all these measures,
could not be concealed. Rome were found
who were willing to “ cry aloud” and with
hold not. Thank God, this prnress of inno
vation was commenced before the “ princi
ples of the revolution” had expired. Under
the protecting influence of these, the alarm
was given, and the usurpers were hurled
headlong from tlleir places. The people i
placed other men in power, (at the head of
whom stood the venerable Jefferson, pre
eminently learned in the philosophy of hu
man rights), and again prescribed the rules
of action by which they should he governed.
To quote these in the language they were
then delivered in, will not be without its be
nefit, whether “ for instruction nr reproof.”
They were, “that the great objects of the
“ revolution could be no otherwise attained,
“ than by a simple, pure, economical, and
chaste administration of the federal go
vernment—and by restricting tiie several
“ departments under the new constitution,
to the express letter of the powers assigned
to them by that instrument.”(66)
That “a wise and frugal government,
which shall restrain men from injuring one
another, and shall lea\e them otherwise
“free to regulate tlieir oion pursuits nfindus-
“ try and improvement, and shall not take
“ from, the mouth of labor, the bread it has
“ earned," was the sum of good govern-
menf.(G7)
“ Economy in the public expence, that
“ labor may be lightly burdened—the ho-
“ nest payment of our debts, and the sacred
“ preservation of the public faith. The sup-
“ port of the state governments in all their
“ rights as the most competent admiuistrali-
“ ons for our domestic concerns, and the sur-
“ cut bulwarks against anti-republican tenden-
“ ci'c».”(88)
“ A well disciplined militia our best reli-
“ ance in peace, and for the first moments o
“ war, until regulars may relieve them—and
“ the supremacy of the civil over the military
44 authority.”(69)
“ That offers and officers shall not be
44 multiplied unnecessarily,” by which the
“ federal organization will heroine too com-
“ plicated and expensive”— nnd more espe
dally as the federal government “ is charg
“ ed with the external and mutual relations
“ only ofthese states—and the states them
“ selvesliave the principal enreof our persons,
“ our property, and our reputation, constitut
“ ing the great field of human conccrns.”(70)
That no more sources of revenue shall he
retained than “ are sufficient to provide for
the support of government,” after "a sensi
hie. and salutary reduction shall have heen
made in the national expenditures. ”(7 I)
That the public agents should “ avail
themselves of every occasion which pre
sents Itself of taking off the surcharge of
offices mid dependencies, in order that it
may never he been here, that after leaving
to labor (lie smallest portions iff its earn
ings on which it can subsist, government
itself shall consume the. residue of what it
was instituted to gunrd."(7£)
That “ agriculture, commerce, vranvfar-
tures and navigation, the four pillars ot our
prosperity, are most thriving when left free
to individual enterprise,”(7.“t) and that the
citizen* “ be left to manage their own affairs
44 in their own way, and for their own use,
41 unembarrassed by too much regulation,
“ unoppressed by fiscal exactions.”(74)
Buch is an abstract of the rules of political
action prescribed and sanctioned by the peo
ple themselves, and expressed through their
new agents on Iheareessinn of Mr. Jefferson
to the. Presidential sent. l’,y referring to
our margin, it will la; seen from what quarter
we now draw tin su principles. In a inorccx-
tended shape, they are to he found in nume
rous other documents. They will he found
in the reports of the committees, mid the
acts of Congress—nnd the speeches of the
republican members, and the, writings of the
day abound with them. If the pcculiurdoc-
trines professed by the. republicans, other
than those already discussed, are not to he
found in these extracts, we knrnv net where
to look for them. Since the period alluded
lo, the administration of public affairs has
continued in the hands of inen professedly
of the samo political creed. Before we pro
ceed further, it will he well to enquire, are
tiiesc principles defective, unwise, impolitic,
or oppressive ? Have they hernme impro
per in practice, nnd wherefore ? Are they
injurious to liberty and human happiness, the
security of'human rights, or any thing which
makes tiie social state desirable, and in what
respect ? Are those who admired them in
1801 tired of them, or convinced of their in-
eflicacy ? We are sure that the people yet
love them, hut as for our rulers——” the
case is altered.”
We shall proceed to shew that all of them
have been violated.
And first—we would notirc the public ex
penditures. In the year 1792, anon after the
present constitution went into operation, gen.
Washington administered its affairs with an
expenditure of less than $ 2,000,000 upon
every object except the public debt. Allho’
the urgency of the newly funded debt then
required a loan of about $ 5,000,000, yet it
was not conceived necessary to impose any
direettax. In 1800, under the federal admi
nistration, Mr. Adams, exclusive of the sums
applied to the public debt, expended more
than $7,000,000. A direct tax of $■:,000,000
nnd internal duties to the amounted' one milli
on more, in addition to the customs, were in
sufficient in the eyes of this administration
to discharge what was called the necessary
expences of the useful establishjnents. An
army, a navy, fortifications, a permanent and
certain revenue, not subject to ^fluctuations,
were deemed indispensible, and were legis
lated into existence. We repeat, as might
have been, nnd by wiser heads w as anticipat
ed, ail the sources of revenue which had
been created were insufficient to meet the
expences thus incurred. Loans were resort
ed to, and the public debt was increased to
an amount tmknowrn before. The people
were told of “ wars, arid rumors of wars’ —
of the disturbed state of Europe, the necessi
ty of preparation, and withal, that a public
debt had nothing in it so alarming ; hut on
the contrary, was a public blessing. These
arguments failed to have any other effect
than enquiry and consequent indignation,
k as we have mentioned, the people chang
ed their rulers. In the commencement of
Mr. Jefferson’s administration, the army was
reduced, the navy put upon a less expensive
footing, the direct tax and internal duties
repealed, and the government left to rely on
the customs and the sale of the public lands.
The whole expenses of the government, ex
clusive of the sums applied to the public debt,
did not exceed S 4,000,000, and yet the debt
itself was so managevl as to be reduced with
a rapidity beyond all conception cr exam
ple.) 75) Such were the effects of republi
can principles in practice. The people were
satisfied and happy. Are the same priori
pies now in practice ? Let ns see.
It is a time of profound peace. The ad
ministrators of tiie government have not
even the pretext which Mr. Adams had, an
expected war with France. We have now-
no fear of war with France or England, or
any other power on earth. Our revenue
from the customs, and the public lands, and
nthe.r sources is near$ 17,000,000, and some
what more, according to the report of the
committee of Ways and Means of the House
of Representatives, of the last Congress.—
This is near $ 5,000,000 more than Mr. A-
dams had in 1800. with all his taxes and
loans,(7G) and from 9 to $ 6,000,000 mure
than Mr. Jefferson had in 1802 and 1803
vithout loans and taxes. So little of the pub
lic debt is now due,k the price of the govern
ment stoek being so high in the market as to
put it out of the reach of the sinking fund,
that no more is required for application to
that object in 1821, titan $ 5,477,776. Not
withstanding all these stubborn facts, we hear
tiie Executive government railing for an a-
mount of $ 22,000,000 for the service of the
year 1821! We hear of one loan last year
of g .4,000,000—another this year of five
millions of dollars, and that “ appeals to the
patriotism” of the people are to be made in
the shape of taxes, for “ purposes of high
national importance!" Here’;, 41 frugality”
and “simplicity,” and “labor l ghtly bur
dened," and a sensible end salutary reducti
on of our habitual expenditures!!” In short
here’s the republican principles of the pre
sent administration !! Notwithstanding the
payment of a part of the Louisiana stock
within the two last years, the public debt has
heen increased to about $ 94,000,000—and
we are. told with great gravity, that “ under
certain circumstances, loans may be resorted
to with great advantage !” Ami by whom
is this language now held ? By those very
persons who aided largely in the destructi
on of tlte federal administration—by ourt/c-
mocratic President and his republican cabi
net, and republican friends in Congress! 1(77)
Ry those who, with Patrick Henry depre
cated, a “ great," “ splendid," consolidated,
national government /—by those who impre
cated curses upon the politics of Mr. Adams
and his friends—by those who joined in the
public acclamations, when Mr. Jefferson said
“ when merely by avoiding false objects of
44 expense, we are able, without a din ct tax,
“ without internal taxes and without liorruw-
“ ing, to make large and effectual payments
“ towards the discharge of our public debt,
“ and the emancipation of our posterity from
“ that mortal canker, it is an encouragement,
“ fellow-citizens, of the highest order, to
“ proceed as we have begun, in substituting-
“ economy fur taxation, and in pursuing uih.at
“ is useful, for a nation placed as tee ore, ra-
“ tktr than what is practised by others under
“ different circumstances" “By payment
“ offllic principal of otir debt,-we are liberal-
“ ingttnnttally, portions oftlte vxtcliiul taxes,
“ and forming from 4bcm, u growing fund,
“ still further to lessen the necessity of rccur-
44 ring to extraordinary sources", to)
Rueli then has been the increase, of the
public expenditures generally, thut not even
an attempt is made tu show a-conformity ot
the present policy with that of 1802 k lUOiJ,
upon this subject. The facts tu whit b We
have referred, too plainly shew that the re
venue at present derived from the ordinary
sources, has heen greatly exceeded. The
deficiency of means to meet the. ‘«*xpeticcs
at the end of 1820, exceeded $ 4,000,000.—
The current expences of government are
now treble what they were when republi
canism commenced its rule. Already tire
federal.policy of annual loans has been re
sorted to. ft is admitted, however, that a
perseverance In these will not do. Taxes
are to come next. Internal taxeB, another
odious picture of federalism, are. next to lie
adopted. It is true,‘that on his accession to
office, Mr. Monroe recommended a re
peal of all these which the late war had
made necessary. But that was in theeoin-
menrement of his career. Be it remember
ed, that now, his election to a second Term of
four years is secured—k that at its expirati
on, he seeks the office nb more. How does
it happen that the political measures deve
loped in the extract vve are about to make
from his inaugural speech, wete not recom
mended at the opening of the last Congress?
The situation of the national treasury was
known to him (lien, equally well as on the
4th of March thereafter. \Ye leave to our
renders to judge whether his re-election had
any influence on his w ithholding the recom
mendation at that time. From this extract,
the. 41 prospect before us" is opened.
“ Under the present depression of prices,”
ays lie “affecting all the productions of the
“ country, and every branch of industry,
“ proceeding from causes explained on n for-
“ nver occasion, the revenue has cpnsidera-
“ bly diminished—the effect of which lias
“ been to compel Congress, either to abandon
“ these great measures of defence, or to re
sort to loans or internal taxes, to supply the
deficiency. On the presumption that this
depression, and the deficiency in the reve
nue arising from it, would he temporary,
loans were authorised for the demands of
the last Si the present year. Anxious to rc-
“ lieve my fellow-citizens in 1817, from eve-
“ ry burthen which could be dispensed with,
“ and the state of the treasury permitting i',
1 recommended the repeal of the internal
“ taxes, knowing that such relief was then pe
culiarly necessary, in consequence oftlte
“ great exertions made in the late war. I
“ made that recommendation under a pledge,
(erm within which it tvaa proposed to ac
complish the objects. In truth, the amount
saved hy this proceeding of Congress con
stitutes hut a small item in the current ex
pences of the year. The sum required for
the cuvrent expences, exclusive of the pub
lic debt, was somewhere about ?19,000.900
The amount saved by the reduction of the
appropriations for the navy and fortificati
ons was only # 1,000,000. This Rmount is
not more than half enough to pay Mr, Mon-
re’s revolutionary pensioners for one year
It is to the expences uf these darling favor-
ilts, this high minded, honorable body of
men, of the revolutionary continental aimv
of which there were only about 90,000 sut>
viving in a state of pauperism, (exclusive of
those whose circumstances were too good to
admit of their applying for the pension) that
ive arc to look fur a principal cause w hich
“ compelled” Congress “either to abandoa
Ihesu great defensive measures, or to resort
to loans or tax**.” We presume we are not
wide of the mark in saying that they have al
ready cost the Treasury of the U. States
S 7,000,000 since the law was passed upon
the special recommendation of Mr. Monroe.
We had thought that an extended pension
list was the curse of the English government.
Alas, we have, open eyed, brought the same
evil npoTt ourselves, from a refined and false
notion of national gratitude. The govern
ment owed (hem nothing but tlmnks. As
tu tlleir wages, they had heen paid in what
they agreed to accept. They have received
both thanks and pay. But it. Is a matter as
tonishing to us, that neither the President or
Congress ever thought of enquiting into the
constitutional authority to pass this treasure-
devourJnglaw. By w hat authority can Con
gress impose and collect taxes from the peo
ple to give away to any body ? We strenu
ously and earnestly deny that such a power
any where exists in that instrument, and if
exercised, it will be usurped. Yes—we bold
ly hazard the opinion, that every dollar which
has been bestowed upon the revolutionary
pensioners under tin law of 1818 has been
bestowed by an usurped power, never dele
gated by the people in the constitution. So
much of the reader’s time has been already
consumed in the discussion of constitutional
questions, that we shall not now discuss this.
But we throw the gauntlet,kare prepared to
defend our opinions w henever required.(70)
In this abandonment of great measures, it
seems Congress alone acted. In no part of
the speech is the approbation of the Execu
tive to the course pursued by Congress, hint
ed nt. Under similar viirumstances, Mr-
Jefferson promptly recommended a “ salu-
tarv reduction” of expences. Mr. Monroe
only mourns over their reduction by Con-
) gross. And after all, what was ahandon-
“ that should the public exigencies rerpiirt a I e( l ? The army, most unwisely had been
“ recurrence to them at any lime while I re-1 retained on an establishment of 10,000 men,
“ mained in this trust, I would, with equal
“ promptitude, perforin the duty which
“ would then he alike incumbent on me.—
“ By the experiment now making, it will be
“ sep n by the next session of Congress, vvlie-
“ ther the revenue shall have been so aug-
“ mented as to be adequate too// these neces-
“ sary purposes. Should the deficiency still
“ continue, k especially should it be proba-
“ hie that it would he permanent, tin* course
“ to be pursued appears to »jje to be obvious.—
“ lam satisfied, that under certain circum-
“ stances, loans may be resorted to with great
"advantage. 1 am equally well satisfied, ns
a general rule, that the demands of the cur
rent year, especially in time of pence,
should be provided for by the revenue of
that year. I have never dreaded, nor have
I ever shunned, in any situation in which I
have heen placed, making appeals to the
virtue nnd patriotism of niv fellow-citi
zens, well knowing that they could never
“be m.de in vain, especially in times of
“ great emergency, or for purposes of high
“ national importance. Independently of the
41 exigency of the case, many considerations
“ °f great weight, urge a policy having in
“ view a provision of revenue to meet to a
“ certain extent the demands of the nation,
14 without relying altogether on the precari-
“ oils resource of foreign commerce. I am
“ satisfied that internal diliies and excises,
“ with corresponding imposts on foreign ar-
“ tides of the same kind, would without im-
“ posing any serious burthens on the people
“ enhance, the price of product, promote our
“ maoufacturcs,and augment the revenue, at
“ the same time, that they made it more
“ sure and permanent.”
We have chosen to insert this extract here
for it variety of reasons. It enables us to re
view the several subjects which have caused
the increase of the expenditures of the pub
lic money—it lets us directly into the opini
ons and views of the Executive government;
and as we have observed, lets in a glimmer
ing of light to the “ prospect before ns.”—
In our future progress, it will therefore serve
as our text, on which we intend that our com
ments shall be free. We think that a can
did examination w ill prove the point upon
w hich vve sat out, viz :—that every principle.
of the administration of Mr. Jefferson has
been violated during that ofMr. Monroe, by
some or all of the departments of the feder;
government. *
It will he worthy of remark, that the
whole speech is a defensive one. In every
part of it, is to he found either justification
nr excuse for measures, the policy of which
had been attacked, or which were evidently
inconsistent with principles formerly enter
tained by the speaker. Notwithstanding
thp goodly portion of generalities and oracu
lar ambiguities* with wiiich it abounds, thus
much of its design cannot he mistaken.—
Hard pressed, kconscious of surrounding dif
ficulties, must be such an officer, who finds it
necessary to become his own personal de
fender before the people. The acts of a
President should defend themselves, or bave
such an apparent propriety as readily to en
list advocates.
In the extract before ns, we are first in
formed of the diminution of the revenue,
from the general “ depression of prices.”—
Be it so. The “ effect,” of which lie would
make this the cause, is one (hat we are not
so readily disposed lo admit. This effect is
♦o 44 compel Congress lo abandon these great
measures of defence, or to resort to loans and
internal taxes, kc.” Now we would ask,
if tbe current expences bad been no greater
than they were during the administration of
Mr. J« flersnn, would Congress have heen
“ compelled" to abandon a part ol'the objects
of expence, or to resort to extraordinary
means of revenue ? Certainly not. The
increase of expence is then the cause, more
than the diminution of the revenue. Thi-
will he more evident if we advert to the ob
jects abandoned. They were the redurlion
of the army, the reduction of the. expences m
the navy, and the reduction of the sum to
he applied in the course of the year to forti
fications. These were the “ great measure?
of defence” abandoned hy Congress, but
which it seems, the President whs so nnxiou
to preserve. Now it i? plain, that with the
exception of the reduction of the aimi/, Coi -
grass have not abandoned them, hut only rt
duced the ntimnl expence, hv extending the
exclusive of officers of all kinds, and at an
expence somewhat more than 5 3,000,000
per annum, one y ear with another. Con
gress reduced it to six thousand. Over this
reduction, the Executive agents have not yet
ceased “ their mournful lay.” It is one of
the n necessary establishments," one of the
“ defensive measures” which has bee.n given
up—and yet where was the impolicy of the
reduction ? Was this ai my more necessary
than that of Mr. Adams’? W'asit more pa
triotic? Was the country threatened with
more danger ? Was the prospect of war
nearrr ? Had an army become less dange
rous to liberty ? Had it become less expen
sive ? To all these questions a negative an
swer only can he given. Yet, some how it
happens, that the republicans thought Mr.
Adams’ army ought to be reduced, while
some of them are uttering their groans over
that of Mr. Monroe. Here is a glaring liif
stance of departure from the principles of
1809.
Thera are some circumstances attending
this reduction of the military establishment,
with n view to lessening the expences of go
vernment, that will deserve n notice. It is
spoken of by some, as an Executive recom
mendation. Nothing is more untrue. The
resistance to it from that quarter was as great
as it dared he. The plan of reduction re
ported hy the War Department was a forc
ed one, and was dragged out sorely against
the will of the President, and more sorely a-
gainet that of the Secretary at War, by a re
solution of the House of Representatives at a
previous session of Congress. And w hen at
last it did come, what was it ? A reduction
of privates merely. Every officer in com
mission was to be retained—and wherefore ?
Because, “ however remote our situation
“ from the great powers of the world, and
“ however pacific our policy,”(it would not
do to deny tliis vet,) 41 wcarenotwithstand-
44 ing, liable to be involved in tear, and to re-
“ sist with success its calamities and dangers,
“ a standing army in peace, in the present
“improved slate of military seienee, is an
“ indlspensible preparation,’’ “ whose or-
“ ganization should he such as to enable
“ government, at the commencement ofhos-
“ tilitiea to obtain a regular force, adequate
“ to the emergencies of the country, prouer-
“ Iy organized and prepared for actual ser-
“ vice.” Intermediate these quotations, is a
long tirade to prove the inefficacy of militia
for national defence, interlarded with flatter
ing encomiums upon their bravery. The
quotations are made fi om the report ol'the
War Department. We ask, is not this the
anguage precisely, that was used hy the fe
deral administration ? We appeal to the re
cords ef the day on the subject. We could
make various other extracts from this docu
ment. This is enough to prove the adopti
on by republicans of federal principles, and
their defence hy federal arguments. The
latter part of the quotation, in englisli, means
this, “ you may take the men provided you
let ns retain our patronage hy retaining the
officers." It is also an evident cut at Mr. Jef
ferson's principle, that the militia are “ our
best reliance in peace, and for the first mo
ments of war, until regulars can relieve
them.”—[To be continued.]
NOTES.
<V>* r >) At one time we thought of making Ion®
extracts trom the ratifications of the constituti
on hy the states. But they would be too copi
ous, it vve commenced the task. They will be
found annexe/ 1 , to the Journal of the federal
convention I'ately published, and are well wor
thy of licit',g read. We are sure w» bave not
misrepresented them.
(dt>) Wirt's Henry, n. 382.
OF) Jefferson's inaugural speech, in March,.
isn't (68) lb.
(69) lb.—In his first message he says, while
recommending the disbanding of a part of the
army, nnd r taming only so many as weie ne
cessary to garrison such posts and stations
where 44 garrisons were expedient.” “forth*
surplus no particular use enn lie pointed ouf.
“ For defence against invasion, tlieir number is
“ as nothing—nor is it considered needful »r safe
“ that» standing army should be kepi Mp in timei
“ of peace. Uncertain as we must ever be of I ha
“ particular point in our circ imference where
“ «n enemy may nhoose to invade us, the only
“ force which can be ready at every point, and
“ competent to oppose them, is the body of
“ neighbor!) g citizens, as formed into a milit'a,
“ bee. kc.” if the latter part of the sentem w
1 we have quoted in the text, be correct in pric-