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«“•* tha suspension of the writ of i " **■**"«<».unity rea.™ or justice,but bythe .nthers Le mealq-mouthfd if they Ao» a .i._. vidonre, an
rpii-s and the iin prison men! of Hit n of a drum. A^arn, “ I sue no diller- p or mysolf I aWrt that if conduct liko this vnirr il.o vi
o issued it, by a military officer ns was 44 en.-e between pr/uian, mid alien mid sedition ;« , ’conduct mu‘. tins voice the \i
1 1 .1 New Orleans nn “Inn i„ ■ ... ,., /r , . ■* not rfoif nrtght fraud, it is shameful ei'.iM- may, nor si:
Oeu Jackson, at New-or earis, can law ., in piincqU*, toi. to—(Construction „„ i i,®-. a ,'„i„. ?’ eu
clple,
ItabcHS corpus,
Judge who ‘
done by C,_ ,
neither be justified or excused, aud scarcely
pardoned.
(70) Mr. Jefferson's first message.
(71) Hi. (72) lb. (73) /».
(74) Mr .letfarsons second message.
(75) Sevbert’s Statistical Kiiuals, p. 727.
(76) That we may not bo suspected by our
readers of a wish to misrepresent, we shall first
give the following entrant from the ** Construc
tion Construed," of John Taylor of Caroline,
p. 179. “ The federal expenditure in the time
•* of Washington, amounted to about #3,000,noo
u annually, Sun that of Mr. Jefferson to about ji.r
o At the first epoch, the U State* were pay-
41 ing the interest of their debt at the second,
41 both th* interest and a portion of the priiici-
»i pal. Now the expenditure of the federal go-
14 vernment exceeds twenty-five millions.' —
Mr. Taylor wrote the above before the last ses-
sion of Congress, and was correct as to the ex-
penditure when he urate. We are induced to
tn.lipvo he v\ as under some mistake as to the
expenditures of Washington s and Jeffers.,n s
administrations, and this will account ior the
difference between our statements an, his-
Ours are founded upon the following ralctllati-
ons made on data there referred to. We have
selected'one year of Gen. Washington s adim-
nistriitiori, another ot Mr. Adams, and two of
Mr. Jefferson’s, and the present year
lo 1792, the expenditures of the
sovernment upon off objects a-
mounted to (see Seybert, p. 745) # 8,902,920
In that year there was paid of the
nrincipalund interest ofthe pub-
lie debt, (see Seybert,p. 756) 7,203,685
Leaving for all other objects than
the public debt
-(C
Construed, pages 153-4-3, where will lie found
n d"-sei tarloii upon this suliject, which wc think
will he forcible to all minds, uiulis cuaclusive
to our own.7
(1? Wc comply with a request made by
BPveral subscribers, to republish the Essays
of Snrrates—(he first is now given, and the
second will ho printed next wepk. We do
not, by the bye, like, this mode of occupying
our cnlums with what has already been seen
by a great portion of our readers, however
good the composition—it is too much like
publishing stalk news.—Editors Recorder.
# 1,699,255
In 1800, (Mr. A’s) the expenditure
w as according to Seybert # 11,932,534
Paid in that year of principal and
interest of public debt, (Seybert,
p 756.) 4,578,369
Which deducted, leaves for all o-
tlier object* #“>374,165
# 13,270,487
9.539,004
In 1802, (Mr. J’s) the expenditure
wus
In that year there was paid of prin
cipal and interest of debt, (see
Seybert, 766)
Leaving for all other objects,
In 1803, the expenditure was
Applied in that year to the public
debt,
Expended ou all other objects,
By the report of the Secretary of
the Treasury of the 21 -t Dec’r,
1820, there was required for the
service of the year 1821, (exclu
sive of the deficiency of 1820, hi
unavailable’money, tic ) # 17,504,019
Out of this, no more is wanting for
the public debt in 1821, (a* per
same report,) than
$ 3.731,483
# 11,258,983
7,203,444
# 4,055 539
5,477,776
Leaving to he applied to what Mr.
Monroe calls 44 purposes of high
national importance f" the enor
mous sum of #12,026,242
Being #8,000,000 morn than Mr. Jefferson ex
pended in the years 1802—3 upon the same
41 purposes of national importance." In our text
we have stated that the sum required for 1821
was # 22,000,000. It was near # 24,000,000
us will be seen from the Treasury report refer
red to—for example,
Add to what is required for cur
rent expenses and public debt, # 17,504,018
The deficiency of 1820 4,204,464
And the amount of unavailable
•funds, 1,200,000
And the sum required to be al
ways in the Treasury, 1,000,000
It will make
# 23908,482
(77) A* in duty bound, we fervently ask Mr
J. Q Adams’ pardon for thus placing him in the
company of democratic republicans Of their
principles, lieu not, never has been, and we
confidently venture to say, never will be. He
has been a uniform federalist from his youth to
the present day We think we can safely fi
ver, that do evidence can be produced of his
having ever abjured one tittle of the politics of
his Father’s administration. It is true, some of
hisoWeroales did charge him with desertion,
about the close of Mr. Jefferson's administrati
on—and it is true, that about that period, as
Captain Clodpo'.e says, “ hemadt pretence like,'
hn had put on a new political coat. But some
how or other, he succeeded in obtaining w hat
he sought, a foreign mission, without having e-
ver subscribed the republican articles of Faith,
and he would be a simpleton now to do it,
when they have been voluntarily rejected by
their oldest professors.
Mr. Adams is Within one step of the grentest
desires of his soul, the Executive Chair. Should
this nation be cursed with another lederal ad-
ministraiion, (if indeed it is not already so) up
on Mr. Monroe the responsibility must rest —
Kur ourselves we enter, thus early, our earnest
protest against it. If Mr. Adams is indeed u
federalist, we protest against it, on that acrount.
If he has changed his politics, (which wc cer
tainly think is no crime,) we want to see the c-
vidence of it—and even it could he produced,
we would be no better satisfied. A late change
of opinion upon political principles long pro
fessed and practised, is in our minds, a circum
stance of conclusive proof of incapacity to fill an
office of the importance oi the presidency. It
argues a want of honesty, or what perhaps is e-
nually bail for such nn office, a want oj under
standing. To think right, after haying long
thought Wrong, can never lie the evidence ot
mental greatness. A great man would have
thought right at first. We might he disposed
to think charitably of n change of sentiment on
one or even two points—hut when it roines
to n’totnl change of a system of principles, our
charity is taxed too severely. It is against such
a chniige as the latter, that we are directing our
feeble efforts in these remarks.
(78) Jefferson’s second message to Congress.
(79) IVe do not stand alone in this opinion.
AVe have to aid us, the support of that great a-
dent in constitutional law, John Taylor of Ca
roline “Admitting," says he, “the state le-
.< gislatnres to possess a sovereignty over pro-
4 > perty, and the right to bestow the public mo-
44 ney upon objects of benevolence, it is a sub-
44 iect (avdntemal and fora!legislation, not com-
... prised within the powers of the federal go
44 vernment. II is true, that the federal con-
solution invests Congress with a (united and
44 special power in relation to persons, but it
«, act upon persons beyond the power
,< bestowed. By referring to the constitution,
44 it wTbe found, that all the power, over per-
« sons give 1 to congress are intended \o effect
!. some^n^l federal end, end not to confer
44 any light to legislate over persons except for
44 *uch a purpose. A. for instance^ powe,
44 over persons in the Imposition of taxes isgiv-
44 an for the purpose of providing a revenue.—
„ No power to ^” ish tht reMnu . e tbu3 ° b «" nfd '
.. in Sanations to individuals, ts btstowed-oo
„ the contrary it is limited to the use of the U.
„ State , If this reasoning be correct, the do-
44 nation to the remnant of the revolutionary or-
ii to remnant more numerous than the ar-
44 Tv’itself™ th" end of the war, after an inter-
«< vsd of above thirty years,) teas uncon dilution-
«> at. Whetherthls donation was constitution-
41 at not it is a monument of what is to »>*
44 expected! from the principle of a legislative
44 sovereignty over the national property, and
44 the effectsofa casual humorsomeenthusiasm,
a which bftd fief 1 for new fort J ytK> ‘ *“ d
FROM THE JOURNAL.
To the Moral and Religious part of the co»»-
minity, in the Shite of Georgia.
No. I.
Fellow-Citizens.—It is an idea but too
commonly current in this state, that men
who are moral and religious in their habits
and intercourse, with others in society,
have nothing, and should have nothing to do
with politics. This idea seems founded in
another which is undeniable, provided the
one stated has an existence, to wit—That
politics have bt come too foul for the moral and
religious to intermeddle with, without partak-
ing of their filth. There is something so
horridly disgusting in both, that for myself,
l will have nothing to do with either. Men
who are depraved in principle, may preach
this doctrine. An honest man scorns it.—
My opinions are of a quite different charac
ter. To you, fellow-citizens, to whom this
communication is addressed, l look as the
props and securities ofour blessed form of
government, in its purity. I view you as
the depositories of the morals and the virtue
of the country, k the keepers of the sacred
charter of the constitulion. If when cor
ruption and depravity walk bare faced thro’
the land, you retreat from the great respon
sibilities which your professions have impos
ed upon you, and hide yourselves from the
poisonous visage of those horrid monsters,
then indeed it may be said, O tempera ! U
mores! Your conduct will give the lie to
your religion, which will he looked on but as
a table, and your morality will appear hut as
the veil of a wicked min'd, intent only upon
adding treasure to treasure. The enemies
ofour free institutions, will assume the lan
guage, as of old, did those of Jerusalem,
when her prophets had not “ seen her iniqui
ty, to turn away her captivity.” All that
pass by. will clap their hands—they will hiss
and wag their heads, saying, “ Is this the ci
ty that men call the perfcctiitfi of beauty—the
joy of the whole earth .- We ha» e swallowed
her up—certainly this is the day that welook-
cd for—we have found—we have seen it.”*
This address to you has been suggested
by reading in the Georgia Journal, the pro
test of certain members of the Legislature,
to a vote of thanks, carried by an immense
majority in both houses, to Gov. Clark, ge
nerals Adams, McIntosh, and Newnan, and
to gen. Meriwether and major Forney, fir
their exertions in procuring the late acquisi
tion of territory for the state. With the E-
ditors of the Journal,! make no objection to
the acquisition. It was long since due to
this state, and one greatly exceeding this in
extent and value, could and should have been
obtained at the making of the treaty of Fort
Jackson, when the United Slates had it in
their power to extinguish the Indian title
44 upon reasonable terms,” according to the
contract made with this state. No—my ob
jections are to the means confessedly used to
obtain the late cession—means, at which e-
very virtuous man must blush with shame
and confusion of face—unless indeed, we
have arrived to that point of iniquity as bold
ly to justify all means however corrupt, be
cause of the usefulness of the end. God tur
bid ! God forbid! I will not yet believe that
my native state is so lost lo all moral sense—
to all regard for inoral character ! It would
argue a degree of depravity at which my
soul shudders ! I will believe that there is
a “ redeeming spirit to he found in you, fel
low-citizens, if no where else, that will yet
snatch us from the infamy, so justly attend
ant upon this odious transaction, as it has
been revealed to the world!
U’hat is the history of th is Trenly ?
In 11102, in consideration of the cession by
Georgia, of all the country now composing
the state of Alabama and Mississippi, to (he
United States, the latter engaged to exlin-
gusli the Indian title to all the lands within
the limits of Georgia “ so soon as the same
could be done upon reasonable terms.’’ Tin-
territory between the Oconee and Oakmul-
gee rivers was the only purchase under this
contract, until the treaty of Fort Jackson.—
Then theopnrtunity presented of complying
'with the contract, and on reasonable terms too,
to the full extent of all the Creek Indian lands
in Georgia. They neglected, wilfully ne-
glerted it. From that moment the United
States had no right to reply to any applicati
on of Georgia, forcotnplianco with their en
gagements, that “ the lands could not he ob
tained on reasonable terms.” For the pur
pose of their own speed# realization of the
benefits of the contract, the United Slates
have pul it out of their own power ever to ob
tain a cession on reasonable trims. ’I he In
dians have been dnven by themselves upon
the very lattd, the title to which they engag
ed to extinguish. Upon these very lands,
they are now using all their influence and
means to teach the Indians the value of them.
The Treasury of the United States is now
annually expending in introducing among
them the arts ofeivilized life, and ideas of the
individuality and value of property, real and
personal. This scheme, dignified with the
names of Christianity, humanity, and philan-
throphy, is not now a subject of discussion.
I should have been the last to object to it,
when practised m a different way. Had the
United States in compliance with (lie con
tract wil l this state, and when it was verfiect
lq practicable to do so, removed the Indians
from the limits of Georgia, upon the territo
ry of the United States, and there rominenc-
ed their philanthrophic plans of civilization,
the citizens of Georgia, could have had do
reasonable, at least no separate cause of com
plaint. But, what is the course pursued by
the general goveinmerit? They first compel
the Indians, without paying them a cent, as
consideration money,\ to remove from the
territory purchased of Georgia, lo to the
lands reserved by that state, in the contract,
for herself. They then, by missionaries,
schools, agents, sub-agents, mechanics, kc.
be. teach them the superior advantages of
civilized life, and the cultivation of the soil,
and very gravely turning around lo the peo
ple of Georgia, say : “ Do you not see what
a price the Indians set upon their lands?”—
We cannot comply with our engagements
with you, because the Indian lands cannot
be obtained “ upon reasonable terms!
on. I am, however, straying from my point.
At length compelled by the clamors of the
public authorities of this state, to make the
ittcinpt, a treaty is ordered, hut under very
strict instructions. Their commissioners are
directed very little to exceed the usual terms
heretofore offered for Indian Lands. Gov.
Clark, anxious to sustain his precarious po
pularity, teases the General Assembly of the
state, into the appointment of certain com
missioners, (generals Adams, M’intosh and
Newnan) and instructs them to attend the
treaty for the purpose ; first, of urging the
rlaims of the Mlizcns of this state, upon the
Indians, for stolen property ; and secondly
of treating for a cession of land.* They
do attend. The treaty proceeds and is
made, although it was publicly announced,
that nn! fifty Indians attended during the
whole time. And hoiv was it effected ? The
protest before alluded to informs us, bybrib
ing the few Indian chiefs who did attend,
with Fifteen thousand dollars, paid
by gov. Clark and hit commissioners, out
of the treasury of Georgia ! Not by the pay
ment of that sum to and for the use of the
Indian nation, which would have taken from
the transaction all charge of moral turpitude,
and left it to he considered as a political
piestion, merely when taken into consider
ation with the contract between the United
States and Georgia; hut by its payment
privately, without notice in the treaty or any
of the papers, to certain Indian chiefs and
others,) to induce them to make a cession of
and—or in plain English, to corrupt the In-
lian chiefs, without a knowledge oftheir na
tion, as whose agents they were acting, i
aver that no other terms can be truly be
stowed upon the transaction, but corrup
tion and bribery. Whatever the un
blushing supporters of this wicked bargain
may say about its being used for the purpose
“ of purchasing the friendship of the Indian
chiefs,”! 1 repeat that it was nothing more
nor less than a bribe given by the public
functionaries of this state, privately to the
Indian chiefs, without the knowledge of such
an understanding, that it should be concealed
from their nation, to induce, them corrupt
ly to betray the trust reposed in them.—
This is the sum total of the affair, and no
sugared surface can make itj appear any bet
ter. That it will be supported and defend
ed by those of our public agents w ho parti
cipated In tile deed, as well as by such of
their friends as have hid conscience a “ long
farewell,” there is no doubt. But so sure as
there w ere immoral practices used in corrupt
ing the Legislature of this state in effecting
the Yazoo sale, just so sure the practices
were equally immoral and corrupt in pro
curing this treaty. it remains lor you, fel
low citizens, to say whether you will givr.it
your countenance and support, or whether,
as did those who occupied your station in
society, at the time of the Yazoo sale, you
will with one spontaneous movement rise
under ihe.lrdluence of virtuous indignation,
and frown into contempt arid disgrace, the
agents and friends of this nefarious business.
Di-miss, I pray you, a 11 selfish motives. For
a moment forbear lo look at the end which
has been accomplished, while you conte,n-
plate the consequences likely to result to the
moral character of the state and its citizens
from the use of means like these. V> hat
will the people of our sister states think oi
us ? You cannot be indifferent til their o-
pinion. Will they not have too much cause
to say that. “ Gcoagia stands equally in need
of missionaries us their Indian neighbors,
whose chiefs they have been corrupting
Religion and morals must be at their lowest
elih, when they can justify or excuse prac
tices like these. Such will be their taunts,
and must justly will they be bestowed,
should you suffer your voices and your in
fluence to be unexerted in this contest be
tween vice and virtue. In what, I beseech
you to consider, dues this transaction differ
from that of the Yazoo sale, except that our
public agents instead of receiving, have given
a bribe ! Did you entertain any bette.ropin
ion of the Yazoo speculators w ho bribed and
corrupted the members of the Legislature,
than you did of those members who thus
suffered themselves to lie bribed and corrupt
ed? Or is there any difference in point of
moral principle, in bribing a white man and
an Indian i In fact, is there not more tur
pitude in the latter, than in the former?—
The white man is supposed to have all the
ad vantages of civilized habits, education, and
I lie. religion of Jesus. The savage lias no
thing hut that little twinkling of mural light
which shines through his uncultivated rea
son. Because you found him in inenla
darkness, will you plunge him into crime?
Even if you do not consider it your duty to
enlighten bis path, you should not tempt
him to lc.uk upon that as the white mail’s
principles, which you cannot but abhor as
morally base.
But w hat will be the effects of toleratin;
this dei d upon ourselves. Know you not
that when an individual or a nation is prepar
ed to gi’ce they are equally prepared tore
crive a bribe? What will become, of that
stern virtue and sense of justice, which are
the pillars of the constitution? With tli
edifice which they support, they will tumble
to ruins. Silence and inactivity upon ai
occasion ilki. this will lie but laughing to
scorn, llie proud emblems!) of our slate
Our children will see that our professions
are but feeble words, and will deride the vir
tue which we hypocritically teach them to
respect, at the very moment lhat we are dis
play ing an open violation of its injunction
The open support which has been given to
this measure by the vote of thanks of the Le
gislature fills me with grief and astonishment,
The legislature of a State thanking its Go
vert,or and other agents for bribing an Indian
chief to betray his nation ! My God, what
a scene! What citizen of Georgia, beyond
the limits of the state, will have tlie hardi
hood to excuse it ? It is a task which would
make the brazed visages of the chief actors u
the farce, sink with shame and confusion.—
But should the people, of Georgia again give
them their confidence, 1 confess all hope o
preserving the character of the state will he
gone, and every honest man may exclaim
“There is no halm in Gilead, there is no
physician there !” When that foul blot was
imprinted upon the character of nur public
functionaries by the Yazoo sale, the people
of Georgia, by nne mighty effort of hand and
heart, covered them with disgrace, and wiped
it off for ever. But thee they had a' Jackson,
w hose energetic and honest soul feared no
and before the thunders of whose 1
ile tools of corruption sunk in dis-
iired to turn their hacks from the
scourge of his tongue. We have no Jackson
now ! In this “brilliant administration.” as
the flatterers ofthe governor have railed his,
such men as James Jackson would receive
no encouragement. Eloquence is admired
now only in defence of the prodigal waste of
the public money, “ in purchasing the. friend
ship of Indian Chiefsand as for justice and
virtue, we may go look for their graves ! Thu
constitution is admitted even ny the late
thankful Legislature to he gone, (where the
Lord only knows) for they hare required the
people to say whether a convention shall not
be called tn make another. The truth is, I
suppose, they have discovered that from
its late frequent violations, it was no longer
sacred, and their fears operated upon them
too powerfully to attempt the punishment of
its violators. I have heard another reason
nlledged why such an attempt was not made
—too many of them had lately received ma
ny little profitable appointments, to hope for
any success in if. Thus a violation ofthe
instrument is the greatest obstacle to its
preservation.
But hope yet remains. Twelve men* have
boldly dared to denounce the sins of the
times, and to tell the people the truth.—
Their protest is a noble instrument, hold in
facts, tho’ mndeat in language. Who knows
hut that nirinng these, some Jackson may
spring up ? But fcllinv citizens lie will want
tile support of your inspiring voice, your
cordial co-operation. Will you w ithhold it ?
Or will you loo turn from the shameful scene
exhibited in this protest, and say : We wan
ted the Land. It is obtained. Thu means
are justified by the end. It is true (}ov. Clark,
since the November session of the Legisla
ture, lias spent thirty or forty thousand dol
lars out of .the contingent fund, and the peo
ple are not informed wliat lias become of it;
ml all attempts to get at a knowledge of it
have been suppressed by the Legislature—
yet we suspect it went about the treaty ; and
bribing the Indian chiefs, is no greal matter,
&c. fcc.” Fellnw citizens, I will not disgrace
you by supposing the use of such words.—
Let the vicious, the profligate, the cringing
ycophants of those in office, speak thus.—
From these it was expected. But from you
—never. Principles like these are absolute
ly incompatible with morality &, religion, and
patriotism. These look to justice k virtue &.
the constitution. These are your polar stars.
Vice and immorality and ambition may fora
time triumph over them ; but sooner or la
ter they must prevail. You have “ set your
faces unto the lord, hi you cannot go back.”
Be not weary in well doing.” Remember
that it i9 the first dut v of the Christian and
the honest man lo declare the truth, aye, aud
support it to. Remember that in the eye of
Heaven, it is as sinful to bribe an Indian as
a white man. SOCRATES.
Let
44 Lamentations, c. 2, v 16, ,6 -
1 The reader i* invited to read the Trenty of
Fort Jackson, where be will find that the ces
sion of all the Alabama Lands was obtained by
right of conquest and r.ot y-
T heir names ought to be recorded on every
possible occasion They are Holland M'Tyre,
Jas. Morrison John Abercrombie, StehflO Up
sue, George Cury, James Tail, Edward Brook
ing, (sane Birdsong, John Mercer, JamesAlstou,
Matthews Wells and John Townsend.
COTTON.
The immense quantity of this article
grown in the United Stales, makes of
•onsiderable interest every fact which
can retard or promote its sale. The
ICth Number of the Quarterly Review
contains a very interesting article on the
” Freedom of Commerce.” This arti
cle is entitled to the consideration of e-
very man whose opinions can influence,
or whose vote cun affect, thetaiifl'ol
the United States. We contemplate the
ublicalion of some extracts from
hereafter. Our present object is to call
public attention to a note, p. 290, in the
last Quarterly Review, it is in these
words :
“It may be worth recording, that lit
stock of East India cotton wool in this coun
try, during the last two years, accumulated
by the mere course of trade, has been from
two to three hundred thousand bales, aud
the price Six pence per lb. while in Ben
it is Twelve pence.”
We pass over the important fact
the immense accumulation of tire East
India Cotton, although it is of much mo
rnent to us, as proving that, whateve
may be the wish of the British govern
ment, the East India Company, or Mer
chants, or the losing low price at wind
it may be offered for sale—the Cotton
Manufacturers of Great Britain will not
consume it. For this rejection they
have many and substantial reasons : all
which reasons tend to secure the pre
ference which is given to American Cot
ton.
Our present object is to note, and ask
the public lo note, the very exlntordina
ry fact slated by the Reviewers, th.i
East India Cotton at Bengal is twelve
pence sterling per pound. This price
was so unexpected to us, and so much
higher than we had been led to expect
that we apprehended the American re
publishers of the Review had not been
sufficiently attentive to correcting the
press, and that the figures were wrong
To satisfy ourselves on this point, we
havo compared our American copy with
a London copy, and we find the note
precisely the same in both copies.
Much has been written and more has
been said about the cheapness of Cotton
in the East Indies : indeed so much has
been said, and plausibly said, that peo
ple here did not scruple to say, that it
would not only drive our cotton out of
the European market, but that it cnuld,
profitably, be imported into this country.
This delusion Inust now vanish forever,
fbe freight, charges, kc. from the East
Indies to Great Britain, must be at least
equal to the freight, charges. Sic. from
the United States to that kingdom. So
long as the price of Cotton “ at Bengal”
shall he twenty two cents per lb. or any
thing near it, that country cannot com
pete with us in the Cotton Market of
•Europe.—Dem. Press.
my gnveiumrtit must then not hnvfc hero s»
absurd and bud as they say.
Maxim 37.—There are many people, who
imagine they have the talent of governing,
merely because they do govern.
Maxim 39.—The surest way of remaining
pour, is lo lie an honest man.
Maxim 101.—If a prince has been stained
by one crime, the world impute to him all
others—falsehoods accumulate, which the
anecdote makers lay hold of—the literary
ravens rush upon the corpse—malignity de
vours—the improbable and scandalous im
putations are repeated by a thousand voices;
believed in time, received by posterity. It
is Bari'c’s cslumnv—it runs like wild (ire.
Maxim 114.—Ney’s mid Murat’s fate, did
not surprise me—they have died, sttelt as
they have lived, hemes—such men do not
want funeral sermons.
Maxim 140.—I have Ireen eompafed to
many celebrated men of ancient and modern
times—but in reality I have resembled no
one.
Maxitn 113.—It is generally thought to he
best, that young men should study war from
hooks—it is a fair means of getting had ge
nerals.
Maxiin 14.9.—I always thought that it
would be Talleyrand, that would hang
Fouehe—perhaps they will go to the gallows
gether. The Bishop is a fox, the Orator
is a tyger.
Maxim 181.—Ney was a man of courage.
His death is not less remarkable than bis
life. 1 am sure that those who condemned
him, did not dare to look in his face.
Maxim 217.—If Augustus had not Ireen
fortunate, posterity would have ranked his
name among those of the greatest scoun
drels.
Maxim 228.—The Jews had provided for
my armies in Poland; I intended to give
them again a political existence, as a Nation
and citizens—but fodfid them unable to ro-
ceive it—I was obliged to keep up the laws a-
gaiust usury—tile Alsaciad peasants thanked
me for it.
Maxim 233.—T ,,ere are thieves ofa cer
tain class, whom the law does not lay hold
f, and who steal that which is most preci
ous to man—time.
Maxim 234.—Madame de. Stael, has writ
ten about the passions, like a woman who
lias been familiarized with' her subject.—
Frequently she mistakes declamation for the
sublime—and she is never so empty as when
she thinks she is profound. •
Maxim 340—When I landed at Cannes,
they wrote in the Paris imwspapeis, Rebelli
on of Bonaparte—five (lays after, Gen. Bona
parte lias entered Urenofile—eleven days af
ter, jYupoteon has made his entry into Ly
ons— twenty days after, the Emperor is ar
rived at the Thuillcries. After litis look for
public opinion in the newspapers.
Maxim 590.—God hath ordained work as
a guardian to virtue.—JVat. Gazette.
Baltimore, July 7.
Extract of a letter from the American
Consul at Trieste, dated May Ulh.
“By a vessel arrived to day, in 16 days
from Constantinople., we hear that the Greek
Patriarch and four Bispoks iiad been hung,
by order of the Government; and that sub
sequently, almost a general massacre of the
Greeks had commenced which was still go
ing forward when this vessel sailed. The
English Ambassador bad several shots fired
at him, and only escaped assassination by
running. The Greek insurrection in the
Murca is going on favorably. A descendant
ofthe Old Greek Emperors is arrived hero
from Russia—it is supposed with the view
of proceeding to the Morca, to join his coun
trymen in their endeavors to throw off the
Turkish Yoke.”
The MilJertgevffte papers twitaii* I
ment received the 29th ult. purport j
u Proclamation, executed by Gau
nt Pensacola, on the 251h ult. annuidl
the possession of West Florida. That
Recorder is correct in intimating fhat its ap^
pearance is premature, we have a strong evi*
ilcnce. in the fact, that it could not havo reach-
d Milledgeville in four days; it iaetjnalljr
evident that the editors are under a mistake
in the opinion that the transfer was made on
(lie 25th, Gen. Jackson having been loft at
Emanuel’s, fifteen miles this side of PenttCO*
la, subsequent to that date.
[Alabama Republican, July 14.]
At a public celebration of the 4th of Jul^
in Philadelphia, the Declaration of Indepen'*
dence was read by the venerable Timothy
Matlock, nearly 60 years of age. # He wrot*
the first commission for Gen. Washington, |k
was no early and persevering assertor of th*
principles of liberty, both in the cabiuet and
in tlie field.—A*, i. American.
(£/» Governor’s Guards!—Under thif
name, we find by a notice in the newspaperm
volunteer company is proposed te be organ*
izrd in Mijlcdgevil'le. Governor's Guards! f
What does this mean? We have often
heard of the King's Guards and the Empe
ror’s Gtmi ds—of the Oi teen's Guards aud thfc
Prince Regent’s Guams—but never before*
xcept while wc were under the monar-
rhal rule of mother Britain, and her host of"
Royal Governors, “ sent from the footstool of
a Throne bevond the seasj” did we hear off
Governor's Guards ! A stranger seeing this
notice might suppose the Governor of tho
state to be in sucli apprehension of personal
danger, ns to require a body guard, or that
the people, forgetting they are Republicans t
had appointed him a Guard qf Honor!
ftT* In several of the newspapers wc re^
reive, We find the late Anniversary of our
Independence called the fortq-sixth—It was,
we think, only the 45th. This error, ns wo
conceive it to be, would not be worth notic
ing, if it were not so general a one,
A Tew Vases of Yellow Fever have oc
curred in Bullimore.
W E are authorised to announce Doct’r
David Kendall, a candidate to repre
sent Hancock county, in the Representative
branch ofthe Legislature, at the ensuing e-
leclinn. July 23. 24—tf
PROPOSALS
For publishing u paper in the town of Mila
ledgevilte, to be entitled,
WE, THE PEOPLE.
Tisnot in mortals to command success,
Rut we’ll do more, Senijironius,
We'll deserve it.” Cato.
* Absurd a* thismny appear, it is true, as any
one may convince himself, by turning to the
instructions not long since published iu the
newspapers.
t Ituinor says, and no doubt truljfc that Peter
Donaldson, the Tavern Keeper at the Springs,
gota part of it, aud quarrelled much because be
did not get mord.
t This is their impudent language, as will bt
seen from (he protest.
§ Tiio great seal of the state, represents the
Constitution as no arch supported on three pil
lars, inscribed Wisdom, Justice, Moderation.
Maxims and observations of Napoleon Bo
naparte, said lo be taken fi-om a Manu
script, found in the Port Folio of Las Ca
sas.
Maxim 4.—! care very little about the o-
pinions of the Parisians; they are like drones,
which are always humming—they judge as
gravely as a monkey about metaphysics.
Maxim 23.—In Europe they copy my
laws, imitate my institutions, finish my works,
ape my policy even to the ton of my court j
Extract of a letter from Havana, June 20.
“The lust account we have from Vera
Cruz is that the Insurgents are in sight of
that place, with a strong army, and that all
communications between Vera Cruz and
Mexico are cut oil’by the Insurgents, and that
the Captain General of Vera Cruz was ap
prehensive the inhabitants of that place would
rise in favour of a the-Insurgents, so that he
was obliged to have a strung party of troops
in the street to keep them under.
“ A convoy of Spanish vessels will sail in
the morning for Tampico; the only way left
to get from this place to Mexico.”
COUNTERFEIT notes and the liability
of Banks under certain circumstances, to
pay them becomes daily a question of more
importance to the public.—At this time, ow
ing to peculiar and most unexpected events
and discoveries, of which we hope to be at
liberty to speak hereafter, the subject presses
painfully upon the public mind.
Counterfeit Notes have been so well and
so accurately executed as to deceive the
Tellers of Banks and even of the very bank
from which they purported lo have been is
sued. This is surely hardship enough upon
the public aud subjects them sufficiently to
imposition, yet this is nut the worst.
Counterfeit Notes from the genuine plate
have circulated largely. For such notes we
cannot doubt but the Bank that permitted its
plate to be instrumental in the imposition
would be made liable. This, however hard
and oppressive as it is, is not yet the heaviest
imposition to which the people are subjected.
We havo even heard of Counterfeit Notes
which were not only from the Genuine plale
hut were actually signed by the President of
the Bank. Cau'there be any doubt but the
bank would be liable for all such counter-
frits )
To many persons it will seem incredible,
yet it is strictly true, that a man being arrest
ed, under most suspicious circumstances, for
passing counterfeit bank notes and held to
bail, in a very large amount, tile President of
the Bank, whose notes were counterfeited, be
came Ins security !!!—Phil. Press.
Savannah, July 17.
ANOTHER MURDER I*
A few days since we had occasion to
record a horrid murder, committed a-
bout U< miles from this city, on the Au
gusta road, by a negro fellow who calls
himself Essex. We understand that this
monster in human shape has again been
guilty of the foul crime of murder. It
seems, that on Friday morning last he
entered the house of a Mr. Dove, (who
was absent from home at the time,) in
Burke County, and abused his wife and
family in a most brutal manner. Mrs.
D. immediately dispatched a servant for
her husband, who repaired towards his
residence. Essex suffered Dove to ap
proach within ten or fifteen paces of the
house, when he levelled his gun at him
and shot him dead. The ball went
through Dove’s mouth and came out at
the back part of his head. Every exer
tion is making we learn to apprehend the
murderer, and we trust ’ere this, he is
secured.—Republican,
T HE Press has been truly and classical*
ly called the Palladium of Liberty.-^
In tliu dissemination of useful knowledge—in
the correction of political abuses, it stand*
proudly pre-eminent above every other in
stitution—it is the baud i .ade- to the Art*
and Sciences—the conservator of Genius*
and tlie Pioneer to the march of Liberty and
Virtue. However corrupt a Press may be ;
however ably and skilfully conducted, it can
not lung retain an undue influence upon tha
minds of the People ;—the glare of publio
observation through which it moves, like the
unsullied Mirror of Confucius, immediately
reflects its defermity, and exposes its venali
ty. Some one has aptly observed, that o-
pinion is the Queen of the If’orld ! She i*
emphatically so in a government like ours.
The aristocratic*l maxim, “thepeople ares
their own worst enemies,’’ under whatever
semblance it may appear, will still retain an
impress of its original features; and the kens
uf an enlightened community will soon peoe-
trate the gossamer muntle, and drag the mon
ster to light.
We tiie People, will be particularly de
voted to an impartial examination of the po
lities of the State of Georgia—The policy of
its present administration is one which fully
accords with our feelings and principles—
and so long as it adheres to that honest and
independent course wliich uas invariably
marked its progress, so long will the Editors
be devoted to its support. All other subjects
of Slate or National concern, will receive
that portion of attention which they merit $
and every exertion will be used lo render tha
paper a medium of useful intelligence.
Such are the sentiments of tlie Editors-- 4
and thus feeling k thinking, will they launch
their little barque Upon the political ocean.
With'Truth their chart, and Independent
their compass, they hope hi attempting to
avoid Scyila, they will nut founder on Ch?-
ryhdis; but ride in triumph on the Sea of
Principle into the Port of Public Safety.
Wk the people, will be published forth
with, under the management of one of tho
Editors of the Augusta Cnronicle.
The terms of subscription will be threw
dollars par annum, payable on the delivery
of the first number, or four dollars at tha
expiration of the year.
(£/» Advertisements and Job work ah
the customary prices.
BACON.
1000 Yfos. \iYiuvfe Bacon,
(principally HA>1S,) for sale by
E. k H. A. WOOD.
July 20. g4—<jt.
Notice thia\
THE CAMP-MEETING in the neigh
borhood of Milledgevillu, which has been
postponed until the last week in September,
is still postponed, until the following week,
which will be. on Thursday the 4th October
—this alteration is made in consequence of
its interfering with the General Election.
July 24, 1821.
WiU ijc &o\d,
O N the first Tuesday in November, 1821, at
the house of Jecamiah Moore, in the coun-
ty of Green,
ALL THE PROPERTY
belonging to the estate of William L. Fielder,
dec'd.—for the benefit of the heirs and creditors.
Terms of sale made known on the day.
JECAMIAH MOORE, Exo’r.
July 16 24—3m
Stats of Alabama, Dallas county.
Jesse Beene, Assignee)
of D. It. Burks, I FEBRUARY TERM—
vs. f CIRCUIT COURT.
Joseph Wilson. j
I N this cause the plaintiff issued an attach
ment, which was levied on the property of'
the defendant Wilson, and the defendant being
a resident of the state of North-Carelina, all
proceedings in said cause ere stayed by order
ofthe Court, until the next term, which is the
fourth Monday of August next; at which time the
defendant is notified to attend and defend said
cause agreeably to law, or judgment will go a-
gainst hint by default.
JOHN RADCLIFFE, CUr
Jaly V, iistl. - ,