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From the Xutior.ul Intelligencer,
Political Kfemily for the Organization cf
the Constitutional Union Parly.
In all popular governments, parties are
a political necessity. Without party or
ganization there can he no uuity of action
amoug those who have common purposes.
The principle on which all parties are
formed is, that men think alike are apt to
act alike.
When the community of thought and
purpose ceases to exist, the party which
Lad come together on the basis of that
common sentiment ought to disband, and
generally does disband ; because the on J
ly legitimate bond of uuion has been de
stroyed.
The history or our country affords many
illustrations of tho truth ot thi3 proposi
tion,
Iu England, parties are divided with
reference to popular privilege and execu
tive prerogative, aud have assumed, re
spectively, the name of Whig aud Tory.
The Whig parly is the champion of the
rights of the people, aud the Tory is the
staunch defender of the prerogative of the
Crown.
At the commencement of our revolu
tionary difficulties with the mother conn-
try, the party which favored the rights of
the Colonies, in opposition to power claim
ed by the British sovereign, by analogy to
the division of parties in England, assum
ed, and, to the close of the struggle, re
tained the name of Whig.
After our independence was acknowl
edged this party ceased to exist, with the
cause which had called it iuto being.
Between 17S3 aud 1789 new parties,
representing new ideas, sprnug into ex
istence. The question which then divid
ed tho country was w hether the colonies
should continue their separate existence
as independent sovereignties or form a
moro intimate uuion. Tho advocates of a
close union assumed the uaine of “Feder
al,” or Uuion party, whilst those opposed
to their favorite idea took the name of
“Anti-Federalists.” The contest between
these parties was earnest aud auimated.
It ended in the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, and shortly afterwards the
Anti-Federal ceased to exist.
After lac inauguration of Washington,
aud especially uuriug his second term,
parties sprung up representing the differ
ent ideas which were entertained of the
true construction of the Constitution, aud
ol the relative powers of the Federal and
State Governments. The Federal party
claimed a more liberal construction of the
Constitution and larger ppwers for the
Federal Government thau the rival party,
which adopted the name ol' “.Republican,”
was wiliiug to coucede. During the lat
ter year3 »f Washington’s second term aud
the administration ol the elder Adams the
contest between these parties raged with
great fierceness aud violence. The alien
and sedition laws gave color to the idea
that tho Federal Government was about
to uproot all the powers which had been
reserved to the States aud the people, aud
to establish a grand central power which
would override the rights of the States aud
the liberties of the people.
On these issues parties went before tbe
country, and tbe result was tbe election
of Jefferson, the Republican candidate,
by a triumphant majority. Tbe effect of
this election was to establish on a firm ba
sis the ascendency of the Republican par
ty, and tire Federal party, having lost its
cohesive principle, dissolved and disap
peared.
The republican party held unlimited
sway during the administrations of Jeffer
son, Madison, and Monroe—a period of
twenty four years.
Duriug the second term of Mr. Monroe,
organisations (I will not call them parties,
because they were associated not with refa
erence to great political principles, but
merely to advance the interests of favorite
candidates) were formed to sustain the re
spective fortunes of Wm. II. Crawford, An
drew Jackson, John Q. Adams, and Hen
ry Clay for the Presidency.
All these gentlemen belonging to the
Republican party, and tbe difference be
tween them on fundamental questions was
not regarded as material. They repre
sented different shades of the same gener
al ideas.
The contest resulted in the election of
Mr. Adam3 by the House of Representa
tives—no candidate having received a
majority in tbe electoral colleges.
Tbe administration of Mr. Adams,
though it was as pure and unexceptiona
ble as any of its predecessors, was assail-
„ ed with extraordinary Littemeaso by the
masses of the frieuds of bis defeated ri
vals, who assumed the captivating name
of “Democratic party,” anu putting for
ward Andrew Jackson as their candidate,
succeeded iu electing him by an over
whelming majority in 1828.
General Jackson came in power in 1829,
and being a man of iron will, as well as of
vigorous mind, bore down all opposition,
and administered tbe Government with a
strong hand and imperial will. Although
professing to belong to tbe old Republican
school ot politicians, ho gathered aiound
him Livingston, Mclaue, Taney, Dickin
son, and other shining lights of the old
Federal party, and seemed to have adopt
ed their counsels as the rule of his action.
The old Republicans and State-rights
meu were aghast at the boldness and ex
tent of his assumptions of power. They
feared that the government was fast tend
ing to a consolidated despotism which
would eugulf alike the l ights of the States
and the liberty of the people.
While the public mind was agitated by
these apprehensions, the clarion voice ot
Henry Clay rang out from tbe Senate of
United States an appeal to tbe people to
rally under the name of “Whigs” for the
restoration of the equilibrum of tbe Con
stitution, which had been disturbed by the
weight of Jackson’s popularity.
The response to this appeal was prompt
and energetic, aud iu 1840, Harrison was,
almost by acclamation, elected President
It would answer no U6ofnl purpose to
trace the mutations of parties from 1840
to I860. The questions which divided
them were rather ministerial than organ
ic. and, as a consequence of tbe want
of definite lines of demarcation between
them, disintegration, and the shifting of
parly relations by promiuent individuals,
ensued. This was'unmistakable evidence
of their gradual decay.
In 1854 the repeal of the Missouri com
promise aud the extreme ground taken by
the democratic party called iuto existence i
the now “so-called” Republican party.
Whig party, consequent on its defeat in
1852, and tbe divisions’of the Democratic
party, in 1860, the “so called ’ Republi
can party was enabled to achieve an easy
victory in tbe fall of 1860.
Instead of submitting calmly to tbe con
sequences of their own mismanagement
and internal disseusions, tbe Democratic
party adopted the heresy of secession.—
At a time when they bad a majority in
both branches ef Congress favorable to
their policy, and the Supreme Court so
. i
constituted as to give au effectual guaran
tee against any encroachment of their
constutional rights, they surrendered all
these ramparts of defence, and madly rush
into the vortex of disunion and civil war.
If it had beeu their purpose to devise and
adopt a lino of policy intended to defeat
a’il the ends they professed to have in
view, and to establish aud consolidate the
la consequence of tbe dissolution of the ! meat.
power of the Republican party, they could
not have found one better adapted to this
end. They presented themselves before
the world as factious agitators, who could
not put their finger on one single griev
ance which they had sustained at tbe
hands of tbe Federal Government; and
they aroused from the Potomac to the St.
Lawrence all that uuion feeling which is
so deeply imbedded in the hearts of the
American people. Tho terrible conflict
of arms ensued, which in the fourth year of
its continuance, ended iu the overthrow
of the military power of the South.
The close of tho war found the Republi
can party in full possession of power in all
the departments of the Government and
Congress, representing tbe angry passions
which had been excited duriug the con
flict. Unmindful of the lessons of history,
and the teachings of Christian charity and
common sense, that body seems madly
bent on mischief. Not only is every con
stitutional power invoked to minister to
their rage against tho Southern people,
but finding the prohibitions aud limita
tions of that instrument obstacles in tbe
path of vengeauce, they are seeking by
more than threescore “amendments” to
undermine and overthrow the great char
ter of American liberty.
Fortunately, that Providence which
seems to have guarded aud guided tbe
destiny of our country has raised up for
the nation a protector in the person of
Andrew Johuson, who unites the calmness
and law-abiding spirit of Madison to the
firmnesB and iron will of Jackson.
This man is now tbe hope of the coun
try. He stauds like a rock beating back
the raging and surging waves ot fanati
cism. He is cur city of refuge—our shield
of defence.
The great issue now before the country
is, Shall he be sustained or not ?
This issue involves two great questions :
1st. Shall the Union be restored ?
2d. Shall the Constitution be maintain
ed ?
The next elections are to decide these
questions, aud it is time that all true pa
triots should begin to organize with refer
ence to them.
All those who maintain the affirmative
of these propositions, without respect to
old party relations, or to opinions on col
lateral matters, should unite £o sustain tbe
Presideut. These are tho vital issues of
the day. We should bury all old differ
ences on questions that belong to the dead
past, and organize and act with reference
to the living present.
To effect this uuion, we must adopt a
name significant of the mission of the new
organization. It must reflect the aims and
purposes of the -party. These aims are
tho restoration of tho Union ana the Con
stitution. What name, then can be more
appropriate than the “CONSTITUTION
AL UNION PARTY?”
It embodies the objects and this creed
of the party and it would seem that it
should commend itself to the judgment of
all sober aud discreet patriots.
I pray you, then, Messrs. Editors, from
the Capitol at Washington, to fling to the
breeze the banner of the “Constitutional
Union Party,” significant of its purpose
by its name, emblazoned with the true but
emphatic mottoes of our patriotic sires,
“Tbe Union, it must and shall be preserv
ed”—“Tbe Constitution and the Union,
oue and inseparable, now and forever”—
The Constitution, the Union aud the en
forcement of the laws.” These are the
cherished words of great and good men ;
aud who can doubt that if Andrew Jack-
son, Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay
were now living, they would be standing
by the side of Andrew Johnson, sustaining
him in his patriotic efforts to accomplish
what they had so much at heart.
Though tbe mortal meu may not he
among us to cheer us on in the paths of du
ty, their immortal spirits still inspire the
heart and nerve the arm of every true patri
ot to uphold the Constitution and the Un
ion !
Names are things; they have au effi
cacy and a power that are not properly es
ti mated.
If we expect success in the great na
tional struggle we must adopt no narrow
partisan or sectional platform. We must
have oue broad enough and one strong
enough to embrace all who agree on the
liviug issues of the day.
You canuot rally meu to fight the bat
tle impending under the standards and or
ganizatious of tho past. They are ef
fete—obsolate. They have no relation to
the present.
It is folly to think that the frieuds of the
Constitution and the Union can he brought
together as Whigs or Democrats, or by
auy other obsolate party designation.
I regret to see that the Democrats^! the
North seem disposed to adhere to their old
party name. If their purpose be to court
defeat as they did iu 1860, they a reacting
wisely. But if they desiie victory they
must deserve it by a patriotic abandon
ment of old party names and prejudices.
Disguise it as we may, all well-informed
men know that democracy, as a party
name, is distasteful to the people of the
South from its supposed agency in bring
ing about our present troubles; and it is
distrusted in the North for its alleged sym-
pghy with disunion agitators.
must deal with things as we find
them. Prejudices are facts which must be
considered in the business of life. Wheth
er well or ili-lorraed they will exert their
influence, and especially in political con
tests.
The living issues have nothing to do
with old party questions orold party names.
They are higher and broader than any
that have heretofore divided the country.
They affect not only the Administration,
but the very existence of the Govern-
We must rife £o the greatness of the oc
casion. Momentous events have broken up;
ciisbauded party organizations. We must
disband party designations. We mustfor-
get old party prejudices. We mast sacri
fice. all these on the altar of our country.—
\Ye must come togetner as patriots.—
Our bond of uuion must be of a com
mon purpose to restore the Union and to
vindicate the Constitution from perversion
and from innovation.
Let the appeal then go forth to the coun
try in behalf of the Constitutio'h and tho
Union. The appeal wili not be in vain.
or memory lasts. A demoniacal spirit
seemed to have taken possession of the
soldiery, aud they rushed from bouse to
house, firing everything in tbeir progress.
Some, indeed many, aided the firemen in
their efforts to stay the ravages of the
flames ; and as our own men fetl exhaus
ted at tbe engines, men in tbe Unitod
States uniform stepped up to take their
places. Members ot Gen. Sherman’s own
staff assisted the firemen. Tbe Geueral
himself was obliged to move bis qurters,
moro than once or twice, on account of the
spread of the conflagration which was aided
The friends of Henry Clay and of Andrew | by a high wind. But while some were help-
Jacksou, of Millard Fillmore and Frank
lin Pierce, will alike respond to it.
The policy of Andrew Johnson will
give us a solid ground to stand on in the
outset, and the restoration and preserva
tion of the Utiion, and the vindication and
maintenance of tbe Constitution in tbe
spirit in which our fathers formed it, will
be an enduring bond of fraternity in tbe
future.
Away, then, with Wbiggery and Dem
ocracy, aud all the old trumpery of the
past. Let those who value the Union and
the Constitution, as above all price, come
together, and, with united hearts and voi
ces, declare our fixed and unalterable
purpose to stand by the “Constitution and
the Union,”
VIRGiNIUS.
From the Savannah Daily Advertiser.
The Burning cf Colombia.
In our paper of the 14th inst. we publish
ed a dispatch from Washington, stating
that Senator Sherman of Ohio had presen
ted a petition from a citizen of Columbia,
asking indemnity for loss sustained by him
iu the destruction of his property at the
advent of tho U. S. forces under Gen.
Sherman. The report says that tho Sena
tor read a letter from Geu. Sherman, alleg
ing that Columbia was not fired by Fed
eral authority, but by order of Gen. Wade
Hampton, aud that the town was on fire
when he eutered it.
When we received that dispatch, we
know that it contained a manifest error,
but at that time refrained from remarking• .. . .
upon it, and would still have muDt.in.d ! . vls, ? n °! tb „ e J Stb A O., that tbay were
bileuce but for the sneering
the New York Times aad other papers.—
ing us, and numbers wore setting new fires,
a few, with a diabolical instinct for destruc
tion, and a fixed determination, to use
their own words, to “burn out this d—d
rebel hole,” came along and cut the hose,
thus allowing the fire to rage unchecked.
Finding their efforts thus rendered
fruitless, the firemen departed for their own
residences, to endeavor to protect their
families from the fury cf an ungoverned
aud maddened soldiery. We returned
home and there sat through that fearful
night, sorrowfully watching the progress
of destruction, which fortunately did not
reach our dwelling. The hororrs of that
night we do not uow propose to dilate up
on. They have been made matters of
record, but the most tbrilliug and truthful
descriptiou falls far short of actuality.
We have thus give a plain account of
such incidents connected with the burning
as cai#a under our peisonal observation,
and leave it to the calm judgment of aii
unprejudiced minds to decide to whom the
responsibility of the destruction of Colum
bia really belongs.
The following from the same paper,
drives the nail in aud clinches it on tbe
other side.
The Burning of Columbia.—Mr. Ed-
itor: Your statement iu this morning’s
Advertiser presents the facts connected
with tbe burning of Columbia. I will add
to it the assertiou that this act of destruc
tion was premeditated, and that before
Sherman’s army left Savannah, I was told
by a Major General in command of a Di-
States the proposition to abolish K j av
throughout the Union, aud that tiiero^
every reason to expect that it will 3
be accepted by three fourths of th e Slate's"
so as to become a part ofjhe uational ’
to Columbia and intended to lay
comment, ol » he> „ ^ added funl , etm ^
We cannot believe that Gen. Sherman ev
er uttered or wrote the words attributed
to him, for be perhaps better than any
one else iu tho Federal army, knows that
the facts of the case are entiielv different., . .. ,
We -.vere living iaColu,i,bia’o.,tl,eev-!*' s » al,n 7 t universal from the highest in
1 -**(i to the lowest, and no oue had
that theoretically they were” opposed to
burning dwelling bouses, but in so far as
related to Sooth Carolina, he intended to
“shut hit eyes after they crossed the Sa
vannah river.” This vindictive feeling
i was almost universal from the
«• memorable 17th of February, 1865, and I f omD ' a “ d t0 lb ? aod ,10 . °“ e " M *
desire uo.v to plane our testimony on rec-! be ‘ 16 / °PP OT <“”"y »• observing it than my
Old simply as a matter of history, ,, ld ; self, for their bead qnarters were in my own
will therefore give only tbe facts coming; bo " se ' . Savannah.
under our personal observation. j Prom the Springfield Kepulrlicaii, (Rep.)
Early on the morning of the 17th after j Tria | of j effe „ oa
(ten. Johnston, tiov. Alaerath aud other, ,, ,, ,
nigh military and civil officials had left 1 Mr - ,cold ‘ ,h “. be '
the citv, a white flag was being prepared f a “ M tri,tor * a ™ , ,i0t ? a 1 '“ ,bad - and **7*
to be raised on Ibe market steeple as‘soon i,eba ‘ ["eventedtho trial of Dav.a in the
as it wa, light, that the Federal forces "V b - v wb ‘ ch ha can be a °"™, ted -
might desist from auy further shelling of h / , tbl ? b « ' b ° P«»' d «"‘
a defenceless piace. While the flag was in sboD ! d , ba y. e ° rder ' d bu lr,al b y coar ‘-
course of preparation, Geu. Hampton came n, . ar ,“ ab “f- Stevens does not say such
along, and requested tbe Mayor to desist, t«al would beeon,tttutional;hei»law-
as the city wsl not yet abandoned. About > « enough to know better. Probably ho
three hours alter-between eight and nine ™>>l d “ by “the war power, or by
o’clock—the Mayor, Dr. Thomas J. Good- that “neeeMlty wbich-know, no law J
wyn, and three of tho Aldermen, Messrs. b ! u be d ? e ! 00t , Ba y-. Ho ®" d " 1 c0 " ,<> -
Jobn Mckenzie, Jacob F. Wells amf John men . t 10 , d ? d K° tbe P omt - ? ba '' hol “ mat '
Stork, went in a carriage to meet the Fed- ter ,s P la,n 10 who c ?”. r6ad tlle
oral commander aud surrender the city,
Geu. Hampton and the rear guard of the
Confederate army having then just gone
out by tbe Wiuusboro road, and left us to
our fate. At a little after 10, tbey return
ed, aud with them a Col. Stooe, of some
Western regiment, we think either Indi
ana or Minuessota. They stopped iu
front of the market, aud in the pres-
euce ot several prominent citizens Col.
property should be respected, tbit they 1 " te 1 r P°« d object,ons to the constitutional
were obliged to destroy public buildings, '!' lal ol Dav ‘“’ aud , b< ‘5’ ar0 object,on.
but in doing so, care would be taken that ,bat “° b « wboll >' ' em0 ” d fo / ' evot '
as little damage as possible should be done f y« r »- So l.»“g a » Oongresa does not
to property owned by individuals. U = clare Vtrgm.a to be m the Union, and
About 1 o'clock, some cotton had been s0 ‘"“S * 8 ioderal tr00 P« are ke P‘ tbe
game law. The Conference Comafitte
to amend by mutual acquiescence, with 0 ,!
procuring an agreement of views on ti>
several matters discussed or auy of
Nevertheless it is of seme importance
we have been able to submit our
and views directly to prominent insurgent*
and hear them answer iu a certain anj D , ’
unfriendly manner.
tin-
Constitution. Jeff. Davis aud the other
traitors can only be tried by jury, and in
the State and district where the offence
was committed. They are entitled to a
speedy and public trial; to be confronted
with tbe witnesses against them, aud to
have all the other securities given to
tbe accused. Treason is defined iu fhe
Constitution ; tbe evidence nocessary for
conviction is specified, aod the punishment
definitely fixed. The Chief Justice has
Woman's Honor to the Gallant Dead.
The following article, contributed ofig»
ioally to the Columbus Sun, lias been sent
to us by a lady. It contains the lan
guage of tbe heart and nill speak for it
self :
Columbus, Ga., March 1C, 1866
Messrs Editors : Tbe . ladies are now,
and have been for several da}-a, engaged
in the sad but pleasant duty of ’ornament
ing and ineprovrug that portion of tbe city
cemetery, aacred to the memory of ourgaU
lant Confederate dead, d>ut we feel it an
unfinished work unless a day be set apart
annually (or its special attention. Wo
cannot r&Le monumcnal ahafts, aud de*
scribe thereon their many deeds of hero
ism, but we can keep alive the memory of
tbe debt we owe them, by at ieast dedi
cating one day in each year to embellish
ing their bumble graves with flowers.—
Therefore we beg the assistance of the
Press and the Ladies throughout the
South, to aid us iu our efforts to set apart
a certain day to be observed from the Po
tomac to the Rio Grande, aud be handed
down through time as a religious custom
of the country to wreathe the graves of
our martyred dead with flowers. (We
would propose tbe day of April, as
at that time our land may he truly called
the “land of flowers.”) Let every city,
town and village join iu the pleasant duty;
let all be alike remembered from the he
roes of Manassas to those who expired
amid tho death throes of our hallowed
cause. We’ll crown alike the honored
resting plsces of the immortal Jackson, in
Virginia, Johnson, of Shiloh, Cleburne, iu
Tennessee, and the host of gallant privates
who adorned our rauks—all did their du
ty, and to all we owe our grattitude. Let
the soldiers’ grave far that day at least
be tbe Southern Mecca to whose sbriue
her sorrowing women, like pilgrims, may
annually bring their grateful hearts aud
floral offerings. And when we remember
the thousands who were buried with “their
martial cloaks around them,” without
Christian ceremony of interment for their
bsloved bodies, we would invoke tbe aid
of the most thrilling eloquence throughout
the land, to inaugurate the custom by de
livering ou tbe appointed day, this year,
an eulogy ou the unburied dead of our
glorious Southern army. They died for
their couutry. Whether their country
had, or had not, the rigbt to demand the
sacrifice, is ns looger a question of discus
sion with ns. We leave that for the fu
ture nations to decide. That it was de
manded, that tbey nobly responded, and
fell holy sacrifices upon tbeir country’s al«<
v .-.I j . .i • J i eminent itself, should resume specie pay-
tar, and are thereoy entitled to their coun- i ment v 1
‘ r Vhfproud 6 bw°.r W, und« y ;bi«h tb.y j »»'■ Wsmivorth. But .appose Secret,,,
ii ? j ; j / t , i ti ^ t McCulloch can doit,
rallied iu defense of tbe noblest cauge for
which heroes feught, or trusting woman
prayed, has beeu furled forever. The
The best jokz of the season U
doubtediy that of Mr. Stevens ai !( j
Wentworth endorsing each other 1 !, hon
esty-
Let ns, implored Wentworth, he Locej*
tchile we are together. \Immense UugLi er
Mr. Wentworth. The gentleman aud 1
are acting together now.
Mr. Stevens. Not a bit of it. ILajgh.
ter.J
Mr. WeDtworth. I think bo is hones;
[Laughter.) I mean to be.
Mr. Stevens. I will endorse you
well as myself. [Merriment.]
Mr. Weutworth. The question is how
far we can travel together. Let us ag rtt
to be honest with one another while we art
together. When we can bo longer act to
gether honestly we will part. What I
want my friend from Pennsylvania to
state is this . [Here Mr. Stereu
looks at his watch with the air of a pa
tient martyr.] He wants to close mectf.
[Laughter.]
This Speaker. The gentleman from
Pennsylvania has only five minutes ot hi;
time left.
Mr. Wentworth [addressing Mr. Ste
vens.] You know more than all of ue p,;
together. [LaughUr.] Just state to this
house fairly and candidly whether, if
follow you, you can lead us to specie par-
ments—[shouts of laughter]—and whftii,
er you would if you could ? Now, pl» v
fair.
Mr. Stevens. My friend need not ap.
peal to me as a Republican. I know no
party on his question.
Mr. Wentworth. I followed you be-
eattte I supposed you were a Republican,
[Continued men iment.|
Mr. Stevens, [seriously.] All I can lay
is that if I believed we could resume spe.
cie payment in a mouth without crushing
the country, injuring labor, breaking Joira
manufactures, and oppressing the people,'
I would, if I had the power, order that
every bank iu the country, and the Gov- j
If he can, I will give him
State as a precaution against possible out
break, Judge Chase insists that Davis
cannot be tried. Punishment before con
viction, however manifest the guilt of a
culprit may be, is neither consistent with
statute law nor natural justice; and it is
not the wrong done to hint so much as that
done to the Constitution by putting off the
trial that is most to be deprecated. Dick
Taylor, the cruel turnkey of Libby Prison
at Richmond, is so mnch affected by his
placed iu main street in front of the Ex-,
change Block, was set on fire and at the
summons of tho bell, tbe fire companies of
the city assembled and extinguished it.—
While they were playing on the cotton,
fire was discovered in the jail, iu. the imme
diate vicinity, ivhich was set on fire by
6ome of the piisouers. A few moments
sufficed to put this oit*, and by this time
the cottou in the street was pretty well
consumed without having communicated . , - . -
. j. ,,,, rigorous Confinement iu the same prison,
fare to any of the adjacent buildings. Xhe- , . , . , , , , ...
-. i *■ ,| J a- that his hair hasturuod completely white,
writer, being then an officer of the “lnde-, T ,. , , ,, . . , /, ,,
j * tv 8 -p /i .» t Let him bo legally tried and legally puu-
peudent ± ire Engine Company, was re-j . . . „ j .l. ° J .
t n % * 6 ., . . i su ■ ished. He may deserve the worst that
quested by the president to look after the , . n . . , . , . „ .
1 ,, r e .u .. • *1 - can be inflicted upon him; but we cannot
smouldering embers of the cotton in the _ , . . , r • , . , ,
, , ... , i afford to punish men without law, however
street, aud we accordingly went there aud . , , A , r , n ... j
.t t , i wicked thev may be. 1 he precedent and
relieved those on tbe bose, tvho were i , , „ fect > r6 b „ d and £ !eem , weak
playing from ft bydraut, «, nolb.ng re-; d coward , fur , great na ,i„ n persist
*■- ‘“*. br °.? a * l,ia "; in sucl. a course. Let tbe traitors be tried;
While thus enga-,, h# Con9lit „ tinu and | a „, bo vindica .
maioed to be done but to throw
stream on the embers,
ged, Gen. Sherman and his staff came
down the street aud passed within a few
feet of us. Geu. S. is aware that tbe cot
ton fire was then almost out, us some of his
staff rode over the ashes where tho fire bad
been.
There were no more fires or alarms in
the city until about four o'clock in the
evening, when the bell sent forth its sums
mons. On going to the engine house, we
found that the alarm arose from the buru-
ing of the houses occupied by Gen, Hamp
ton, Gen. Lovell, Secretary Tronholm and
others, which were from one to three miles
outside the city limits. As the firemen
could not do any good in that locality,
having no suction hose arranged and fear
ing fires in the city, the engines were not
takeu from their houses. By order of the
Presidents of the companies, a detail of
men remained at each engine house, while
tho others returned home. Ou passing up
Maine street, ou our way home, we saw
Federal soldiers setting fire in the store oc
cupied by tbe “Central Association,” a so
ciety formed for the purpose of supplying
clothing and forwarding supplies from
their friends to those in the Confederate
army. This fire was tramped cut and ex»
tinguisbed, some Federal officers aiding in
the work.
At this time there was no fire in the city,
the burning cotton, which is said to have
been the cause of the destruction of the
city, having been completely extinguish
ed some hours previously. A short time
after, just after dark, the torch was ap
plied to several buildings iu different pla
ces, the nearest more than four huudred
yards to Iceward of where the cotton had
been burning. Then commenced a scene
whose horrors will live in tbe remembrance
of those who were preseut as long as life
ted. If the Chief Justice persists in obstruc
ting the course of justice, it becomes the
obvious duty of Congress to seek a remedy
The permanent suspension of tbe Const!
tution and laws, even by a Chief Justice,
is not to be tolerated.
country for which they suffered aud died
has now no name or place among the na
tions of tbe earth. Legislative enact
ments may not now be made to do honor
to their memories—but tbe veriest radical
that ever traced his genealogy back te tbe
deck of May Flower, could Bot deny us
the simple privilege of paying honor to
those -who died defending the life, honor
aud happiness of the
Southern Women.
The fiamploa Uoath Conference.
MR. SEWARD’S ACCOUNT.
New York, March 26.—The letter of
Secretary Seward to our Embassador in
Europe, Charles F. Edwards, giviDg an
official history of the Hampton Roads
Peace Conference during the winter of
1564 and 18G5, between Presideut Lincoln
and Secretary Seward on oar side, and
Messrs. A. H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter
and J. A. Campbell ou tho other, is pub-
ished,
The Secretary says that on the morning
of the 3d the President, attended by the
Secretary, received Messrs. Stephens,
Hunter and Campbell, on board tbe U. S.
steam transpoit River Queen, in Hampton
Roads. Tho conference was altogether
informal; tl^ero was no attendance of Sec
retaries, Clerks or witnesses. Nothing
was written or read. The conversation,
though, earnest aud free, was calm, cour
teous and kind ou both sides. The Rich
mond party approached the discussion
rather indirectly, and at no time did either
make categorical demands or stipulation
or absolute refusal. Nevertheless, during
the conference, which lasted four hours,
the several points at issue, between the . 9 UB ? POR Diptiieria.—A French pnv
Government and the insurgents, were dis» ilc,4Q * paper presented to tbe Irenes
Mr. Stevens,
great credit.
Mr. Wentworth. I believe he can,
therefore I shall vote for the bill.
Mr. Stevens. My friend from Illinois
is honest, and baa faith like tw-o grains oi |
mustard seed. [Laughter.]
Mr. Wentworth. I have followed yon j
on the negro question. [Shouts cf Laugh
ter.J
Mr. Stevens. And I shall be very glad
to follow my friend from Illinois.
Mr. Wentwoith, I do not want you h .
follow me. I want dollar for dollar. Will |
yon give us specie payment?
Mr. Stevens. I have said that I would M
if I could.
Mr. Wentworth. Well, McCulloch will jj
do it.
Mr. Stovens. I will not go for giving j
to any man the power contained in this
bill. I would hardly entrust it to my j
friend [Mr. Wentworth] himself.
Mr. Wentworth. Well, I trusted yon J
on the negro question. I want you to i
trust me on finances. Play fair. [Laughs ||
ter.j
The colloquy between Messrs Stevens
and Wentworth was greatly enjoyed by
the House. Few members were m their
seats, but were standing in the ar9a and 9
aisles in vicinity of tbe two principal ae g
tors, applanding and encouraging them. ]
There is a serious aspect to the abure
Attributing to Mr. Stevens the possessioc
of more knowledge than all the rest of tbe
Republicans is the secret of the overseer
power be has in the Honse. When, too, ■
the imputation of honesty to the leader ^
provokes general derisive laughter, the ;
proceedings will not reflect muchcrediup
on our legislators'—National Intelligent' J
A Manufacturing Town.—There are
now over 500 large manufacturing estab
lishments iu Pittsburg and surburbs, among
which ovre 50 glass factories, 5S oil refiue
ries, 31 rolling mills, 46 iron foundries, 33
machine shops, 12 boiler works, 6 large
steel works, 10 brass foundries, 16 potteries,
5 cotton mills, 4 wollen mills, 9 plow
works, 10 establishments for heavy forg
ing ; also a number of extensive white lead
factories, chemical works, saw, axe, cop
per and other manufactories of only the
great staple of trade, turning out nearly
$100,000,OoO in value of her own manufac
ture, making it the largest manufacturing
city of tho West.
Flight nr Time.—“Forty years one#
seemed a long weary pilgrimage to make.
It uow seems but a step ; and yet along
the way arc broken ahriuos, where a thou
sand hopes waited iuto.ashes; footprints
sacred under their drifting dust, green
mounds where grass is fresh with the wa
tering of tears, shadows eveu which we
would not forget. We will gamer tbe sun-
sbipe of those years, and with chastened
steps, and hope push on toward the twink
ling, where the waters are still, and the
storms never beat."
The Mexican Time*, of January 27, says that
several ex-confederates had arrived at (Joruova en
route to the American colony near Mari tan. This
colony is doing well, and eotton is being exten
sively planted. A Portuguese colony is settling
at Huacbing oe.
tinstly raised and discussed fully, intelli
gently, and in an amicable manner. What
the insurgent party seemed chiefly to fa
vor was a postponement of the question of
separatiou upou which the war was waged,
and a mutual direction of the efforts of tha
Government, as well as those of the insur
gents, to some intrinsic policy or scheme
for a season, duriug which, passion might
be expected to subside,* and the armies be
reduced and trade and intercourse between
the people of botb sections resumed. It
was suggested by them that through such
a postponement we might have immediate
peace, with some not very certain pros
pects of an ultimate satisfactory adjust
ment of political relations. This sugges
tion, though deliberately considered, was
nevertheless regarded by the President as
one of armistice or truce, and lie had an
nounced that we cau agree to no cassation
or suspension of hostilities, except on the
basis of the disbandoument of the insur
gent forces and tbe restoration of t^e
States in tbe Union. Collateral, and m
the subordinate to the proposition that was
thus announced, the anti-slavery of the
United States was revived iu all its bear
ings, and the President announced that he
must not be expected to depart from the
positions he had heretofore assumed in bis
proclamation of emancipation and other
documents. These positions were reiter
ated in hie annual message. It was fur
ther declared by the President that tbe
complete restoration of the national au
thoi-ity waa au indispensable condition of
asseutouour part to whatever form of
peaee (right be proposed. The President
assured the other party that while we
must adhere to these positions, be wonld
be prepared, so far as the power lodged
with the Executive, to hierctse liberality.
His power j&.limited by the Constitution,
and when peace should be made, Congress
must necessarily act iu regard to the ap
'propriaiion of money, a*d to tho admission
of Representatives from insurrectionary
States. The Riahmond party were then
informed that Congress had, on tbe 31st
ult. adopted by a constitutional majority a
joint resolution, submitting to the several
Academy of Medicine, asserts that leiaon
juice is oue of the most efficacious medi
cines which can be applied in diptLerit
and he relates that when he was a dresser
in the hospital his own life was saved by
its timely application. He got three dc*-
en lemons and gargled his throat with tbe
juice swallowing a little, at the same time,
in order to act on the more deep sealed
parts.
Ad
%
exchange says: “A yoang lady of f' nr i ? c .'
lance, yoang, lovely and intelligent, cx- d!l
on a celebrated physician te do ‘something’ w 1
rush of blood to the head.
*1 have been doctoring myself,’ said the langp--
fair one, with a senile, to the blatf. though bin-’
M. D., while he was leelingher puls*.
‘Why, I have taken Brandreth’s pills, l* arr '
pills, Stranberg’s pills, Sands’ Sarsaparilla, hi 1 *!
Expectorant, used Dr. Sherman's Loxengci, » b -
plasters and’—
‘My Heavens, Madam !* interrupted the
ished doctor, ‘all these do yonr compia‘ nt BiI
good!’
‘No! Then what shall I taka?’ pettishlyinq air ‘
ed the patient.
‘Take!’ exclaimed the doctor, eyeing her
head to foet: ‘take!’ exclaimed he, after a
ment’sreflection, ‘why, take off your cornets!
Girls, read and heed; be wise before yo !1 ,r ®
confirmed invalids. Mothers! talk to your dsn*'-
tsrs. The above is more truthful than fanciful u
witty.
In a letter to tne J>ew iorx v> aicnmau, ---
Johnson, Esq., of Montgomery, Ala., surikt* ^
nail on the head, in the following paragraph
Tbe letter was written in New York;
I say uow, as I said in the North and "VV e»* 1
months s.go, when there, that we are willing »
bygones bygones, if yon are ; that we :
seen in the last fonr years enough ol st.i«
bloodshed te last us our lifetime; that we ba»« ^
much to do in repairing onr broken fortune :
spend time in quarreling with auy man whoq
ing to get an honest living. I further sou ^
should not expect to see a man eome Soau 1
make it his business to use all sorts of Irare *
against the Southern people. Neither b
out into your streets and declare that the j
people were a set of liars and sconndrels- ^
did, I ahonld expect to be knocked down- j
should you go South and act thus, you*.^
share the same fate. But so long ss you *** j
there as I do here, your will be treated aatoj
gentlemanly, as I have been here.
The Internal revenue receipt* still keep '‘P
the average of eight hundred thouaauu ucii
day.
The Bight Spirit.
letter to the New York Watchman, T-
