Newspaper Page Text
them and tbe whites are forbidden in some
of (lie States w!>ere slavery does not exist,
and they are prohibited in ail siavebolding
States by law, and when not absolutely
coutrary to law they .are revolting and
regarded as an offense agaitist public de
corum. I do not say that this bill repeals
State laws on the subject of marriage be
tween tbe two races ; for, as the whites are
forbidden to intermarry with the blacks,
the blacks can only make such contracts
with the whites themselves as they are
allowed to make, and therefore they can
not, under this bill, enter into the rnsni-
nge contract with the whites. I cite this
discrimination, however, as an instance of
(he State policy as to discrimination, ami
to inquire whether if Congress can abro
gate all State laws of discrimination be
tween the two races in the matter ol real
estate, of suits and of contracts generally,
Congress may not also repeal the S.'nte-
laws as to the contract of taairiage be
tween the races. Hitherto every subject
embraced in the enumeration of rights con
tained iti the bill has been considered as
exclusively belonging to the States.
They all relate to the internal policy and
economy of the respective States. They
are matters which in each State concern
the domestic condition of its people, vary
lug in each according toits own peculiar cir
cumstances and the safety and well being
of its own citizens. I do not mean to ray
that upon all these subjects tbtre are not
Federal restraints, as for instance, in the
State power of the Legislature over con
tracts, there is a Federal limitation that
no “State shall pass a law' impairing the
obligation of contracts ; and as to crimes,
that no State shall pass an ex post facto
kUAUtlVU) IliC l/tuti'V v»*«vn S7 t-— V j | 1 . 1 . . I
.1 i law; and r.a to money, that no btate snail
as the entire race designateu as biacxs, | • J \ . .
i c i a rut | make anything nut gold and silver a legal
peoule of color, negroes, mulattoes, ana i j z = , * ,
uerL,, of Africa*blood. Every Mi | teoder ; hot wttoro con wo no* * leoerol
vldual of ,Li;he races born in the United ; prolilbltinn »g«ll>9t the power of any State
States, by this bill, is made a citizen of]
but will they continue its culture ? I
think not, after prices return to their old
standard.
Flighted requires an abundant supply of
cheap cotton ; she has bent all her ener
gies to foster its production in all quarters
of the globe, with what success the rapid
decline in prices within the past tw'clve
mouths abundantly evioep. There is ev
ery indication that prices will still contin
ue to decline, ami that within five years
Liverpool quotations will range from 6d. to
lOd. per io., if not even lower. When
this takes piaee otton will cease to be
cultivated in tbe United States by white
labor, and in 1876 we shall produce less
cotton than in 186G. Vim.
The Prrsitienl’a Veto of the Cifil Biglit’s Bill-
Wasuhvoton, March 27.
To fhe Senate of the United States :
I regret that the bill which has passed
both houses of Congress entitled “An act
to protect all persons iu the United States
in their civil lights and furnish tbe means
of their vindication.” contains a provision
which I cannot approve consistently with
my sense of duty to the whole people and
rnv obligation to the Constitution of the
United Elates. I am therefore constrained
to return it to the Senate, the house in
which it originated, with my objections to
its becoming a law. By tbe first section
of tlie bill, ail persous born iu the United
(States and not subject to any foreign pow
er, excluding Indians not taxed, are de
clared to be citizens of tbe United States.
This provision comprehends the Chinese
of the Pacific States, Indians subject to
taxation, the people called gypsies, as well
the United States. It does not purport to
declare or confer any other right oi citi
zenship ; it does not propose to give these
classes of persons any status ot citizens
of the States, except that which may re
sult from their status as citizens of the
United States; the power to confer the
right of State citizenship is just as exclu
siveiy with the several btatesas the pow
er to confer the light of Federal citizen
ship is with Congress.
The right ol Federal citizenship thus
to be conferred in the several States on
to discriminate, as do most o( them, be
tween aliens and citizens, between ar
tificial persons called corporations and
natural persons in the right to hold real
estate 1
If it be granted that Congress can re
peal all State laws discriminating between
whites and blacks, on the subjects covered
by this bill, why, it may be asked, may
not Congress repeal, in the same way, ail
the State Uwb discriminating between the
two races on the subject of suffrage and
office ? If Congress can declare by law
who shall hold lands, who shall testify,
the generally excepted races before meu- f and w ?° &h * U have capacity to make con-
tionod, is now lor lire first tun* proposed »»<*• « *>«»**• Confess can also
, . • r i if ao : c nUim,.,] hxr by law declare who, without regard to
to be given by law. it, as 16 c-imed by J , ’ . . , ° ,
” ,, , ra nofivfl horn l*aC8 OT COlOf, Shall have tllC ltgllt to Sit
inanv. a 1 ueisans wno are native uorn, . . . ®. ..
given by
many, all persons who are
already are, by virtue’of the Constitution,
citizens of tlio United States, tbe passage
e V i• i-ii : c „» ( .pK«arv to^ and Territory of the United Sia
of the peuding bill is not necessary to j .
make them such. It on the other hand, A ?, r « 9 P e f s 1 intones they
race or color, shall have the light to si
as a jurei, or as a judge, to hold any
office and finally to vote in every State
States.—
come
i r , lt Mi; 7 pp C oc mnv I,« within the the power of Congress,
such persons are not citizens, a6 may ue • f &
1 . c .. in * 01 '«s to them the lawMiiakmg power is
assumed from the proposed legislation to, ,
make them suck, tlio grave question pr *. ‘he F«ue.*l power, but *, to Ore Staler..
seats itself, whether, while eleven of the! »® «>.» ™.-tmgiu Can-
thirty six States are unrepresented in ; gress the power to meke rules and reguU
Congress, as at this time, it is sound poli-, tl0 "® lor .
cy to make the entire colored populotioo.! ® b J«‘ of the second section of the
end all other excepted classes, citizens of: <>.'» '» "> discrimination and protec-
tbe United Stales! Four millions of these f on to colored persons in the loll enjoy
entitle them to an me privileges . ,
nities of citizenship of the United States t shall subject or cause to be subjected any
Have the people of the several Stales ex- "< “T b, «."’° r « emt ®7 '»
j 1 „ I If rn».v b« deprivation of any right secure*! or pro-
pressed such a conviction l it may r j <- , , c
” , , , .. • ti.ss,, teefed bv this act, or to aiftcrent pumsli-
asked whether it is necessary t.iat they • r
. ... , , , in nnlor iliai ment pains or pen alties, on accou n t of such
should lie declared citizens in order mat i • r . /■ r . , , .
i i i o„;nnmont r.f person having at auy time been held in a
they rnav be secured in the enjoyment ol r ^ J
ei.rltfgf.rff^dto he conferred bv condlt,on of slavery or involuntary servi
the b
vi 1 rights proposed to be conferred by L “ u ‘
oil!. Those rights are by the Federal tl , ’
except as a punishment of crime
as well as by State laws secured to a fl whereof the party shall have been duly
domiciled aliens and foreigners, even be- «nv.cted, or by reason of color or race
- , , ,• t rv-v-rvrxac rtf . tlianis prescribed for the panislimnnt of
fore the completion of the process ot nat- r , „ , , v . .. .
,. . r i kj , £tnmu t si.ot a white person, shall be deemed guilty of
uralization, and it may be assumed tnat . . r . • - c .
the same enactments ore sufficient to give « m.sdemeanor am! on eonv.cimn, snail
like protection and benefits to those; b ,® punished„by fine not exceeding one
for
tio
ment,
r.eeDis to have been that peraum, , , . , r o. . a • , . .
stranters to and untamilUr with our insti-l or fn, « r « " f .*»>«® or te f nto ^ w . ,u 5 1 '
tutio
a cei
ran'■era to and unfamiliar with our insti-! .. . . . ” ,
• i l ,i.i *i,wrt.,»k 1 ff i*T conflict with the provisions of tb
,tio.is and our laws, should pass through* / ., _ .V
. - . t i lc . _‘i „f b ij„l ; bill now uudor consideration. It proviJi
ceitam probation, at the end ot winch,! v
..II* rkrt o n .o»oH Tiriv.p tl.ftv • ^ counteracting such forbidden legist!
the
ies
bolero allowing the coveted prize, they ; [ ? r cnunteracttrig such forbidden' legisfa
must give evidence ot their fitness to re- ■ l " ,n *>? imposing fine ami imprisonment
ceive end exercise the rights of citizen, i °r°" !b .® '"S’slator who may pass such
as contemplated bv the Constitution of conflicting laws, or upon the officer
tbe United States. I or •S®“»* w !'°, st,a " i’. nt or rttt^rnpl
T ie bill in effect proposes a discrimina- : to P’ 1 * , . h ®‘ n ' nl ° ® x ®«®«'™- ft <”«?«»
tion against large numbers of intelligent. »" ® ir ® nse ; , ! <,t » eomtnon cr.me
wo,thy and patriotic foreigners,and in fa-, committed agaiest law upon too per
vor of the negro, to whom after long years: *®" or property ot the black race. Such
of bondage the avenues to freedom and in- "" " ct ”»? deprive the black man of his
telligeuce have just now been suddenly 1 properly, but not ofhiaright to oeld prop
opened. He must, of necessity, iron, his ■ “ r, 7- « » deprivation of the right
previous unfortunate condition of servi- j either by the State imhcmry °r the
Jude, be less informed ns to the nature and I S L tate Legislature. It .s therefore assumed
character of our institutious, than he j ‘ hat u »‘ 1er . , th »s section Members of the
who coining from abroad, has to some ex-\ StaT Q ° Legislature who should for laws
tent at least familiarized himself with the j conflicting with the provisions of ibe bill,
principles of a govemmont to which he! , e dud ^ es .° , ie ,s?tate Courts who
voluntarily intrusts life, liberty, and the sh .°« ,d render jadgments iu antagomsn*
pursuits of happiness, yet it is now pro-| and that the marshals and
po'^d by a single legislative enactment to] saPn ^ s * v,1 ° should as ministerial officers
confer the rights of citizens upon all per-1 ^ XPCr, te the processes sanctioned by the
*sof African descent, born within the State laws ,s6ucd State Judges in the
i„a r,,vvW. r>f tWrt IInitpH SihIpu. whilnl execution of their judgments, could be
brought before tribunals, and there be sub
extended limits of the United States, while
persons of foreign birth who make our
land their home must undergo a probation
of five years, and can only then become
citizens upon proof tiiat they are of good
moral diameter, attached to the principles
of the Constitution of the United States,
and well disposed tu the goad order and
happiness of the same The lirst section
of ihe bill also contains an enumeration
of the rights to be enjoyed by those class
es so made citizens iu every State and
Territory iu the United States. As these
parties are to give evidence, to inherit,
purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real
and personal property, and to have full
and equal benefit of all laws and proceed
ings for the security of persons and prop
eity as is enjoyed bj' white citizens, so.
too, they are made subject to the same
punishment, pains, and penalties common
with white citizens, and to none others.
perfect equality of the white and
colored races is attempted to be fixed by
Federal law in every State of the Union
over the vast field of State jurisdiction,
covered by these enumerated rights. In
no one of them can any State exorcise
auy power of discrimination between the
different races in tbe exercise of a State
policy over matters exclusively affecting
tbe people of each State] It has fre
quently been thought expedient to dis
criminate between the two races by the
statutes of some of the States North # as
well as South.
It is enacted, for instance, that no white
person shall irtermariy with a negro or
mulatto. Chancellor Iveut says, speaking
of the blacks, that marriages between
ject to fine and imprisonment for the per
formance of the duties which State laws
may impose.
The legislation thus proposed invades
the judicial power of tbe States. It says
to every State court or Judge, if you de>
cide that this set is not unconstitutional—
if you refuse, under the prohibition of a
State law, to allow a negro to testify—if
you hold that upou such a subject matter
the State law is paramount, and under Ihe
color of the Bame iefuse the exercise of the
right to the negro—your error of judgment,
however conscious, shall subject you to
fine aud imprisonment.
I do not apprehend that conflicting leg
islation, which the bill seems to contern
plate, is likely to occur, so as to render it
necessary, at this time, to adopt a measure
of such doubtful constitutionality.
In the next place this is the duty of a
judicial decision, and converts tbe State
Judge into a mere ministerial officer,
bound to decide according to tbe will of
Congress.
It is clear that, in States which deny to
persons, whose rights are secured by the
first section of the bill, any cue of tho.se
rights, all crimiual and civil cases affect
ing them will, by the provisions of the
third section, comc’under the cognizance
of the Federal tribunals. It follows that
if auy State which denies to a colored
person anyoue of these right-, and that
persofi should ccuitnit a crime against the
laws of the State, murder or any other
crime, all protections aud punishment thro’
the courts of the State are taken awav,
and he can be tiie^ and punished in the
Federal courts. How is the criminal to
be tried if the offense is provided for and
punished by Federal I2W. That law and
not State law is to govern. It is only
when the offense does not happen ^to be
within the provi-l' iis of the Federal law
ib=»t the Federal courts are to try and pun
Fit him under any other law. Then ve
sort is to he had to the common law as
modified and changed by State legislation,
so far as the same is m-i inconsistent with
the Constitution and laws of the United
States. So that over this vast domain of
criminal jurisprudence provided by each
State or the protection of its own citizens
and for the punishment of her sons who
violate her criminal laws, Federal law,
wherever it can he made to apply, displaces
State law. The question bore naturally
arises, from what sources Congress derives
tbe power to transfer to Federal tribunals
certain classes of cases embraced iu this
section.
The Constitution expressly' declares
that the judicial power of tbe United
States shall extend to all cases in law and
equity arising under the Constitution, the
laws of the United Stales, and treaties,
made, and # which shall be made under
their authority ; to all cases affecting em
bassadors or other public ministers and
consuls; to all cases of admiralty and
maratime jurisprudence ; to controversies
to which ihe Uuitod fetates shall be a
party, to controversies between two or
more States, between a State and citizous
of another State, between citizens of dif
ferent States, between citizens of the same
States, claims of laud uuaer the grant
of the different States, and be
tween a State and the citizens thereof,
aud foreign State, citizens or subjects.—
Here the judicial power of the United
Slates is expressly 6et forth and defined,
and tbe act of September 24th, 17S9, es
tablishing judicial courts of tbe United
States, iu conferring upon the Federal
courts jurisdiction over cases originating
iu Slate tribunals, is careful to confine
them to the classes enumerated in the
above recited clause of tbe Constitution.
JThis section of the bill undoubtedly
comprehended the cases, and authorizes
the exorcise of powers that are not by the
Constitution within the jurisdiction of the
courts of the United States. To tiansfer
thorn to those courts would be an exercise
of authority well calculated .to excite dis
trust and alarm on the part of the Stales,
for the hill applies alike to all of them;
as well to those that have not been e.ngag
ed in rebellion. It may be assumed that
this authority is incident to the power
granted to Congress by the Constitution,
as recently amended, to enforee, by ap-
propriate legislation, the article declaring
that neither slavery nor involuntary ser-
vitude, except as punishment for crime,
whereof lue party shall have been duly
convicted, shall exist within the United
Stales or any place subject to their juris
diction. It cannot, however, be justly
claimed that, with a view to the enforce
ment of this article of the Constitution,
there is at present any necessity for the
exercise of all the powers which this bill
confers. Slavery has been abolished, and
at present nowhere exists within tbe ju
risdiction of the United States, nor ha6
there been, nor is it likely that tiiein will
be, any attempts to revive it by* tbe peo
pie of the States.
However, if any such attempts shall be
made, it shall become the duty of the lien-
eral Covermnent to eseicisa any and all
incidental powers necessary aud proper tu
maintain inviolate this governmental law
of the freedmeU.
The fourth-section of this bill provides
that officers and agents of the Freedmen’s
Bureau shall be empowered to make ar-4
rests, and that other officers may be spe
cially commissioned for that purpose by
tiie President of the United States, It also
authorizes the Circuit Courts of the United
States, and ihe Superior Courts of the Ter
ritoriee, to appoint without limitation,Com
uii-sioners, who are to be charged with the
performance of quasi judicial duties.
The filth section empowers the Commis
sioners so to be selected by the court to
appoint, in writing one or more suitable
persons lrum time to time, to execute
•warrants aud order processes desirable by
ths bill. These numerous officials aud
agents are made to constitute a sort of po
lice in addition to the military, aud are au
ihorized to summons a posse cumitatu*, and
even to call to their aia such portion of the
land and naval forces of the United States,
or of the militia, ns may be necessary to
the performance of the duty with which
they are charged. This extraordinary pow
er is to be couierred on agents irresponsi
ble to tbo government and to the people.
The general statutes regulating the laud
and naval forces ot the United (States,
the militia and the execution of the
by-laws, are believed to be adequate for
any emergency which can occur iu time
of peace. It it should prove otherwise,
Congress can at any time aineud those
laws in such manner as while subserving
the public welfare will not jeopardize the
right, interests and liberties of the peo-
The seventh section provides that a fee
oi ieu dollars shall be paid to each Com
missioner in eTery case brought before
him, and a fee of five dollars to his deputy
ur deputies for each peison he or they
may arrest and fake before such Commit
siouer, with sucii other fees as may be
deemed reasonable by such Commission
er in general tor performing such other du
tics as may be required iu the premises. All
these ices are (u be paid out of the Trees
my of the United States, whether there is
a conviction or not; butiu case of convic
tion tney are to be recti® able from the de-
leuuant. it seems to me that uuder such
temptation bad men might convert any
iaw, however benfieieut, into «u instru
ment of persecuttou and fraud.
By the eighth seetiou ol tho bill ttae
United States Courts, which sit only in
in one place for white citizens, must nu
grate with Marshall and Dffitrict Attorney,
and necessarily with the Clerk, although
be is not mentioned, to any part ui
the district upou order ol the i J res
ident aud there hold a Court for the
purpose of tbe mmo speedy arrest aud tri
al of persous chaiged with a violation oi
this act, aud then the Judge and officers of
tiro court must remain upon the order of the
Trosidc.it for tho time thergiu designa
ted. r t» :
The ninth section authorizes the, Presi
dent or such person as he may empower
for that purpose, to employ such iand or
naval forces of the UidicU Cvfatos, or of the
militia, as shall be necessary to pvovont
the violation and enforce ths due execution
of this act. The language seems to imply
a permanent military force, that is to be
always at hand, and whose only business
is to bo the enforce roe n’t. of this measure
over the vast region where it is intended
to operate.
I do not propose to consider th« policy
of this bill. To me the details of the bill
are fraught with evil. The white race
and black race of tbe South have hitherto
lived together under the relation of master
and slave, capital owning labor. Now that
relation is changed, and as to ownership,
capital and labor are divorced. They
stand now, each master of itself. In this
new relation, one being necessary to the
other, there will be a new adjustment,
which both arc deeyly interested in ma
king harmonious. Each has equal power
in setting the terms, and if left to the laws
that regolate capital aud labor, it is confi
dently believed they will satisfactorily
work on the problem. Capital, it is true,
lias more intelligence, but iabor is never
so ignorant as not to undestaud its own in
terests, ss not to know its own value, as
not to see that capital most pay the val
ue. This bill frustrates this adjustment.
It intervenes betweeu capital aud iabor
and attempts to settle the question of po
litical economy through tlie agency of
numerous officials whose interest it will be
to ferment d'scoid between tbe two races;
for as tbe brooch widens, their emplyment
will continue, and when it is closed, their
occupation will end. In all our history,
in all our experience as a people living uu-
der Federal and State laws, no such sys
tem as that contemplated by the details of
this bill has ever before been proposed or
adopted. They establish for the security
of tlie colored race safeguards—which go
infinitely beyond any of those which tho
General Government has ever provided
for the white race. In fact, the distinction
of race and color is by tho bill made to
operate in favor of the colored against the
white race.
They interfere with the municipal legis
lation of tbo States, with relations existing
exclusively between a State and its eit-
zens, and betweeu inhabitants of tbe-same
State, and the absorption and resumption
of power by the General Government,
which if acquiesced in, must stay and de
stroy our federative system of limited pow
ers,and break down tho barriers which pio
serve tho rights of the States. It is anoth
er step, or rather stride, toward centraliza
tion aud the concentartion of all legislative
powers iu the National Government. The
tendency of the bill mu&t be to resuscitate
tbe spirit of rebellion, aud to arrest the
progress of those influences which are
more cloudy drawing around the States—
the bond ot union aud peace. My lamen
ted predecessor, in his proclamation of the
1st of January, 1363, ordered and declared
that all persons held as aiavas within cer
tain States and parts of states therein dis-
cLiiigod; were, and tliencoforce be, free :
and furthermore that the Executive Gov
ernment throughout the United States, in
cluding the military and naval authorities
thereof, would recognize and maintain the
freedom ot such persons.
This guarantee has been rendered espe
cially obligatory and sacred by the amend
ment of the Constitution abolishing slave
ry throughout the United States. 1, there
fore, fully recognize the obligation to pio-
tect nud defend this class of our people,
whenever and wherever it shall become
necessary, and to the full extent compati
bly with the Constitution of the United
State. Entertaining these sentiments it
only remains for me to say that I will
cheerfully co-operate with Congress in any
measure that may be necessary for the
preservation of civil rights of the freed-
men, as well as those of all other classes
of persons throughout the Uuitod States,
by judicial process, under equal and im
partial laws, and conformable with the
provisions of the Federal Constitution. I
now return the bill to the Senate, aud re
gret that in considering the bill and joint
resolutions, forty-two in numbei, which
have been thus far submitted to my ap
proval, 1 am compelled to withhold my
assent from a second measure, that has re
ceived the sanction of both Houses of Con
gross.
[Signed J ANDREW JONSON.
Washington, D. C., March 27.
Genera! Gran; and the frestdenif.
The Galena (111.) Daily Gazette of tbe
14th instant has an article evidently writ*
leu by General Grant’s immediate friend,
called forth by the fact that “some time
since n Republican and Union meeting in
the city of Rochester, N. Y., had nominated
Gen. Grant as tbe Union candidate for the
Presidency in 1868.” It is very signifi
cant. While the attempt to nominate the
General for that office is characterized as
“porrnature agitation,” tbe writer states
that “his friends look forward with pride
and hope to tbe tirao when he shall re
ceive the highest office which can be be
stowed upon him by a grateful people, as
a reward for the estimable services he has
rendered his country.’' The article says
ihat “he takes no part with the President
as against Congress, and no part with
Congress as against the President.” His
“official acts” are his present platform.—
“His views in regard to the necessity of
the Fieedmeu’s Bureau, and the keeping
the troops in the rebel States, are record
ed.” “Ilia orders for the protection of
Union men in the South, and his opinion
of disloyal papers in the North, are «1bo
ou record.” “His written declaration,
nearly three months in advance of Mr.
Lincoln’s immortal proclamation, that
slavery sheuld be wiped out before the
war ended, is well known to all intelli
gent men.” This important declaration
is succeeded by an italicised passage,
which is as followy.:
“We know that all General Grant’s
hopes and sympathies are with the great
and patiotic Union party of thia conortv.
In feeling and in sentiment he is strongly
identified with tbe millions of loyal peqple,
who, in the long years of war and ear*
nage and blood, gave their hearts, their
blood, and their treasure to their counter.
We have neither sympathy not 1 , toleration
for any party, nor any 6et of men, who
were against the country in its terrible
time of trial and peril throngh which it has
safely passed.”
It i»*aid that O. 0. Olay isk®»m inimpria
onmeat for alleged complicity in the Oon*
Indurate raids from Canada, *f which the
Government has documentary evidence.
Thk Wohi.1i.—I bave observed that the people
0' the world never speak wdll,of it at parting.
From the New York Evenirg Post.
The C«Ur,n T«i—\ gond thing.
When, a few days since, we expressed
an apprehension that the tax on cottou pro
duced in this country might be imposed
too soon, we were not aware of a circutn
stance which has since been brought to
our knowledge, and by which that appre
hension is strengthened. The seed from
which tbe cotton plant in our country will
be raised the present season has been so
long enveloped in tbe fibre that it has lost
some part of its power of germination.—
The seed ebtained from cotton gicned im
mediately after it is gathered—that is to
say, passed through the machine which
separates the seed from the fibre—is more
certain to sprout when committed to tbe
ground, and to give birth to a hoalthy plant
than that which remains /or a long time
in the boll. The fibre of the cotton ab
sorbs from the seed the oil which is impor
tant to the nourishment of the young plant
until its rootlets are formed and sent forth
in quest of the sustenance contained in the
soil. It may happen therefore, that, not
withstanding tbe breadth of groun T plan
ted with cotton the present season, the
crop will disappoint the expectations of
the cultivator, and in that the imposition
of the proposed tax &f five cents on ev
ery pound of cotton raised will be a se
vere hardship. Another year there will
be no danger of a failure from the canse.
Meanwhile it is te he considered that
those who, whether original proprietors of
the plantations or enterprising men from
the North purchasing or hfrTng them, em
bark iu the cultivation of cotton, must be
gin the tillage with a large outlay of mon-
ay ou the neglected or ravaged plantations.
Fences are to be put up, implements to he
purchased, buildings to be erected. In
Brazil, which like our Southern States has
a virgin soil, and in which cotton of an
cellent quellity is raised, throe arrange
ments for tbo present year have been
made. In Egypt also, and in India,
where, in consequence of the dearth of
cotton caused by our late war, this branch
of agricultural had been stimulated to
great activity, the investments of capital
in thi* way have been already made, and
the cultivator has nothing to do but to
plaut, tend, and gather the crop. No
news would be more welcome to him than
to learn that his cotton is protected by a
tax laid by Americans on that very com
modity by which we hope again to super
cede him in the market.
To get his cotton to the seacoast it is
computed that it will cost the American cul
tivator on an average of two cants a pound.
Two ceuts more may be added for tbe ex
pense of bringing it to this market, This,
added to the proposed cotton tax, aud all
tbo previous expenses of which wer have
spoken, will make the burden which the
cultivator must bear before he can get bis
cotton to market a very heavy one.
W 0 are not inseeible to the force of the
arguments in favor of making a commodi
ty like cottou, in the production of which
we have the advantage of all other coun
tries, a source of revenue to tbe public ex
chequer. All that we desire i» that the
tax shall not fce imposed prematurely ; in
short, that we may not, in our baste to fill
tbe Treasury, kill tbe goose which lays the
golden egg.
[Frontht Paris Ky., Trne Ktxluskian, SJth u’J.]
\ Tragedy in RetBnrKy.
Fearful Tragciy—Maj. Waters, of*Ga., Killed.
On last Monday a fearful tragedy was
enacted in Millersburg, of this county.—
Henry E. Boulden, of this connty, about
nineteen years of age, son of Jesse H.
Boulden, was being tried before the Trus
tees ot Btillersburg, for a breach of tbe
peace, committed tbe night before, and
during the progress ol the. trial young
Boulden jnmped up drew his pistol, flour
ishing it and swearing, said, “any person
who said he fired his pistol tbe night be
fore told a lie,” and be would kill the per
son who touched him.
The Marshall attempted to arrest him,
and in the attempt t» do so he fired his
pistol twice, the first shot killing F. E.
Waters, son of H. H. W aters, of Columbus,
Georgia, and formerly Secretary; to Gov.
Brown. Waters wag abont 21 years of
age, aud bad lost a leg before Atlanta, da
ring the late war, having been a Major in
the 4th Georgia Regiment. He was a
student in the college at Millersburg, and
was looked upon as the most brilliant
voting man in tbe institution. He was
universally respected and loved, XDd is
deeply regretted by thote who knew him.
Though “a stranger in a strange land,”
by his gentlemanly deportment he had
won a host of friends. He was preparing
to leave for his home, with tbe Intention
of studying law under Gov. Brown.
When Boulden found he had killed Wa
ters, he was deeply affected, and kneeling
over his prostrate tiody, made great lanien
tation. Boulden had au examination tri
al at Millersburg tho same evening, before
Esquires Trigg and Barnett. They held
him to bail to answer at the next April
Bourbon Court in tbe sum of £2,000, Jes
se D. Boulden and Dr. Carpenter being
his securities. The citizens of Millerabnrg
were greatly outraged at the decision.—
Wo feel great sympathy for the friends of
both ths accused aud the deceased.
The father of yonng Boulden paid the
expenses of Major Waters’ fnneral. and
aent Joseph Miller with the body to Geor-
S‘*« ,
What is thk Tonuur for !—“God made
the tungue; and, since he never makes
any tbiug iu vain, we may be sure he made
this for some good purpose. What is it,
then ?” asked a teacher one day of his
class.
“lie made it that we may pray with it,”
answered one boy.
“To sing with,” said another.
‘•To talk to people with,” said a4hird.
“To recite our lessons with,” replied an
other.
• Yes. and I will tell yon what he did
not make it for. He did not make it for
as to scold with, to lie with or to swear
with. He did not mean that we should
nay nnkind.or foolish or indecent, or im
patient words with it. Now, boys, think,
every time wkon you uae yoar longues, if
you are using them in the way God means
you to. Do good with you tonguef, aud
not evil, it is one of the most useful
members of the whole buddy although it
is so small. Please God with it every
day.”—Claultan Puts.
The first sitting of the Conference in
regard to the Principalities, was held in
Paris ou tbe lOth. All the Powers who
sinned the Paris treaty were represented
Stoatjfcrn jlecuricrT
MILLEDtrFVlL UiJ.
TUESDAY, 1FAIL 10, 1 8 66.
THE BEGINNING OF THE END.
It is useless and unprofitable to discus* anj
longer tbe destruction of nur negro property bj
the military force of the U uited States Govern,
ment, and the ratification of the act by the * 0 j.
emu legislation of Congress and a forced com
pliance on the part of tbe States that feffered
the wrong by compelling them to abolish siaver 7
in their Constitution*. The act has been dono—
the people of the S oath have acquiesced in it—
the loss is being felt less and less every day, and
in a few years, will be forgotten in a pecuniary
point of view.
A political fruit tree Las been planted, and it
remains to be seen what sort of fruit it will b.ar ;
whether it will be pleasant to the palate and
wholesome to the body politic, or whether it will
be sour to the taste of some and destructive ef a
healthy social system, and finally produce a rap.
id decline. To drop figure and be more plain,
we would stole the case thus: Whether in the
destruction of our negro property, the coustrr
will become more harmonious and stronger the
ties that bind the Union together, or whether
the North in forcing the South to become, agri.
cultural, commercial and manufacturing, will not
produce a jealousy, and euvy, a competition and
a clash of interests between the two sections ?—
Instead as iu days past, of having a community
of interests and no clash, as forcibly and strong-
ly illustrated by President Johnson in a speech
in the'U. S. Senate in reply to Mr. Trumlmhcf
Illinois, au argument answered aud um.ni via
ble.
We will diseuss tbe question from the stand
point of common sense and common reason, and
with what political sagacity we can command.—
We believe that the North in its insane desire to
destroy slavery, and its success, h*j given ito«df
a deep stab, and time will prove the mortality of
the wound; and that the Union of these States
will be far lc33 binding than they w ere prior to
the days of I fcGl. The Georgia legislature p.issed
at its late session some fifty acts incorporating
manufacturing and mining companies. Georgia
is a small empire within itself, having ail the va
rieties cf soil and climate, minerals, fruits aud ag
ricultural products that could be desired. Ala
bama stands next in point of importance. Here
tofore, cotton was the great aud leading product,
with rice, sugar, molasses, turpentine aud tobac
co as the gTeat collateral helps to give wealth
and importance to the South; with negro labor
as the great lever to do the work, the soil the ful
crum, and the master as the power appi’.ied to direct,
and the Northern manufacturer, tbe weight, for
he has been a weight with <1 protective tariiT.—
The system or machinery worked beautifully and
hai moniously, but now destroyed and broken.—
The South must turn its attention to something
else besides mere agricultural pursuits. No long
er will tho agricultural products (?e converted in
to money, aud the money converted in laud and
negroes.
Heretofore the great wealth of the country was
in the hands of the planters; they have lost their
large wealth in the loss of their negroes; no more
land will they want, but will cultivate what they
have, making their 10, 20, 50. 100, 200 perhaps
500 bales of cotton, when, if let alone, would
have made as they formerly did, their 10, 50,100,
300, 500, 1000, 1500 bales as their wealth increas
ed and more lands and negroes bonght. The cot.
tot;, rice, sugar, &c., &.c., that will now be pro
duced, and money realised wiil look cut for other
channels, and investments wi!i be made iu manu
factories and commerce. We calculate that the
South ^vill make 1,500,000 bales of cotton this
year, her former production being about 4,000,000,
at the number stated, at 20 ceuts per pound, st
450 pounds to the bag, all low estimates as will
be perceived, we will have the sum of One hun
dred and thirty fire millions *f dollars alone for
the cotton crop, (135,000,000) independent of the
rice, sngar, tobacco Ac., making fully as much if
not more.
This great wealth must be converted into some
thing besides lands, and the North will find out
t»ita sorrow, a repentance too late to be repenttd
of, that it has placed a mighty club in the hards
of a strong man to beat out most -effectually it*
financial brains. The South will never need, or
ask for a high protective tariff, for being produ
cer and exporter and manufacturer, can afford to
sell cheaper, and work cheaper, than tho North ;
for the negroes wiil cot he allowed to be idle, be
ing among ns, they will bo worked to their own
and oar advantage. We would not be at all sur
prised that within the next five years to hear from
Massachusetts aud Connecticut au agitation to
re-open the slave trade, and measures proposed
to legislate tho negroes back into slavery. Inter
est and a common protection made us oce peo
ple, and it will keep us one, provided interest de
mands it.
We write not with sectional ftellings ; the same
spirit that desired a separation from the Mother
country by the Colonies, was not so much in the
idea of taxation and representation, as in the fact,
that the Colonies felt that they could take ca e of
themselves and intended te do so, or make ibe
trial. The declaration of Independence they knew,
was a declaration of war, they determined to stftke
interest against war; they were successful in both.
They becoma competitors with England, not de
pendencies. The South will soon become a compo-
titor with the North, and wh^u it does this gov
ernment like an overloaded fruit tree will break
of its own weight. We do not anticipate another
war, nor do we believe that teere will be any de
sire on the part of the North to maintain a Union
that will necessarily become antagonistic to it*
manufacturing interest. lie who carries fire into*
magazine must not be surprised if Lis folly *“
visited upon his own head by his own destruction-
Slavery was the gcMen chain that htd j the North
and South together, and a sectional philanthropy,
will feel and see for itself, that interest has but
very little respect for it. It required the labor
of years to build the temple ol Epheeus, hut one
fanatical fool burnt it down.
soLicrroKbBiP.
We see the name of Col. McAdoo, ?ugge?teJ by
eur neighbor of tbe Union, c= a fit and proper person
for the Solicitorship of the County Court, of
win county: From cor knowledge of Col. **«
abilities, if he would consent to serve, we k pP ^
of no better selection, as he was for years "h tn
a citizen of Tonnessee, Solicitor of the Kr.oxv*- 1 ®
circuit. Criminals would find it no child’s p* 4 /
|0 be artaigaad and prosecuttd by him-