Newspaper Page Text
v
TIIK GEORGIAN.
i’** ni.ihiikh rt
,10'KV M. IUUMRV.
lAIlf /if Ml, RIOIIT llOLCiRR—«OURTRf RARKR,
nvR imiit.ihr r»:w .m»* patahlr i* invA»rr.
Sjr . Ill newt and new advert! temenit aftfiear in
h§fh tin hr-"*—tint! *tofit In/ i»»vf #»r tm'v.
from iho II in yum iQUHigencnr.
"THUKR VK.ET IIK'ITKfl THAN TWO.”
An Irishman one* :w the story is told,
Wlmac wife wax reputed u terrible *ro1«I f
>Vas requested by hern* lie walked out that <lny,
T«> p\m U.4«'j a fkWet* if seen tu hi* wayi
A word to ‘hr win- it tufTu i'-nt for them,
Ami l‘:»t ilrcti led nothing ho much as to stem
Tlie strcnifth nf the current which flowed from
her tongue—
far worse than the poets ofXttntiypc snug,
lie; very well knew that her mandate was law,
So determined t»» purchase the ffist one hi* saw.
Not a shop in tlm town Imt was carefully sought,
At length with much trouhlc the skillet wa.
bought.
Now haply poor Pat that same day had agreed,
To meet a companion to tipple at Mk*ad—
Hot if lie took time to Oblige liis sweet mate, •
He could not meet his friends before 'twa* too
late,
Then swore that he never was in such a hobble,
for he lovM a fine frolic hut dreaded a squabble
Tims while he be wall'll his deplorable lot,
It happened!)) chunrv tlv.jt he turn'd tip the pot,
And Wat almost bewilder'd with pleasure to see
That he had hut twofevt,\\iv skillet had three/
H-* jump*! up for joy, not could he eonlroul
His feelings, Imt cried out **. Ih faith by uni euuL”
”Hnw ruxitrly I'm out of thin tacklet* dimmter,
° You've more feel than inn'd thoultl fin ely walk
fitting
m (h quick Home to Honey, let her tee you've come,”
%Ry time dinner*$ rendu, I'll certain b<' home.”
to ho pul down the skillet in hopes it would go,
Whether it did not, nr 1 suppose you all
know. 8.
COR OXER'S JURY.
Coroner's .Furies derived their origin from the
fbllowitig- circumstance:—A lady in England,
after bating buried six luisbamls, married a se-
tenth. In the view of knowing the real cha
racter of Ins wife, Utit seventh luuhami feigned
a love of the bottle: and one evening protended
to lie dead drunk. Sup]losing him to he asleep,
she procured a piece of lead, and melting it,
Wiu» about to pour it in his car thro* a pine.—
Convinced of her wickedness, he seized her,
and committed her to prison. Her six funner
husbands having been dug up, were all found to
have been dispatched in this way To this cir-
uninstaller, England is indebted for a Cormier's
Jury—allowing no corpse to be buried without
a legal inspection.
W\uAti*a\t?. PtVr.t* Current.
Havannah, March I, 1820.
Bacon, per lb
Beef, No. 1, |
, per bl
I)o do 2, do
Do prime do
Butter,, per lb
Bee’s Wax, do
gels. g ct*.
10 n 11
10 6V* a 11 00
9 30 u 10 00
10 00
DEBATE ON THE MISSOURI BILL,
IN TIIK
HOUSE OP RRPIffeflENTATIVE8.
Thurndmj, Jaiunrif 27.
(Mr. flolmrn\ Spefth Concluded.)
It im, therefor*, moat clear, that, wheth
er wc copaider the article of the ordinance
a confined to the territory, a violation
of compact, or modified by the constitu
tion, it is equally ineffectual as a prece
dent, and cannnt, for a moment, stand
in our way.
Ha'ing dismifted of the precedents to
my own aaliafactimi, and, as 1 hope, to
the •utisfactioii of the cuunnittee, I will
recur for a moment to the proposition,
that the political power of u state cannot
lie diminished by Congress, as a conditi
on of her admission into the Union, and
glance, as time will permit, at some of the!
consequence* of a contrary doctrine.
The power to impose, includes a power
to enfotre. How is this condition to be
enforced? Not by the singular process of
expulsion from the Union. You'must le
gislate. and if you l»*gi*lnt«*, you must ad*
jurate, and if von ndjucate, you must ex
ecute. Tin* judicial power of the United
Stales must extend to all cases affecting
the rights of restraint or obligation* of
service to nil contracts in derogation of
personal rights, and all trespasses where
in the right of cnertinn is questioned.
Your new state of Missouri wilt then Im*
subject to the jurisdiction of the courts-nl
the United Slates, in a great variety oF
cases, in which the. state courts of oilier
states bnve'excluaive cognisance.
This is not all. You may reserve other
political power* if you can reserve this.
Yoli may require that the governor shall
appointed by the Provident, that he
shall appoint the officer* of the militia,
and tlm* bring the military power of the
slate under the absolute controu! of tliq
President. You may demand of the state
to maintain troops or ship* of war, anil
in this way intimidate the states to yield
to the usurpations of federal power. You,
may, under this authority, regulate dew
sen, descents, and every tenure of pro
perty. In fine, you inav make a consti
tution entire, and impose it on a stale as
the condition of her admission.
And sir, if you can diminish, why not
increase the political power of a new state?
There might be a plausible pretext for this
this. A refractory state in the neighbor
hood to awe, an enemy to repel, or q ter
vitory to conquer. The. claim* for paM
or the prospect of future military or po
liticul services, might be urged ns reasons
for exempting a new state from the
constitutional prohibitions, and warrant
von in giving her authority to coin money
sing to take advantage of it, and yti no gislnture of Masaarhuaett*, which con-
parties to it! But this is not more surpri- eluded thum—'"And also to take measures,
sing than the most singular doctrine of if they think proper, for procuring a con-
the gentleman from New-Ynrk, that this' volition of delegates from all the United
treaty gives us sovereign control and the States, in order to reviae die constitution
same power* over this people which could thereof, and more effectually to aecme
have been exercised by France! ’Then l, the support aod attachment of all the peo-
suppose that if we had received the ces
sion from the Dev of Algiers, or the Grand
Seignior, our politics! powers would have
been the same as their*! This doctrine is
pie, by placing all upon the basis of fair
representation*’'] You see what it was
then, and this is a shadow of that shadow!
The constitution, as every one knows,
monstrous.—Congress has, to be sure, is the effect of compromise. The com
promise on this subject, wa* not a yield
ing up by the North, in representation,
u* an equivalent for direct taxation. It
wa* not expected that this odious mode
regard to the tight* of life, liberty amlrid obtaining revenue would be often re
power to regulate the government of Hie
territories. But so far is this from being
absolute, that if must, be exercised under
the same limitations and with the same
(none)
Brandy peach,
Casting*, pur Ih
Coffee, per Ih
Cotton, sou-'uffitud, per lb
do upland, do
Corn, per bushel,
Deer skill*, per lb.
Flour, Northern, perbl
Do Augusta, none
Gin liolluml, pcrgul
d» American, tin
liny, Northern per 100 lb.
iron, bar, per cwt
1-enff, per ill
tonil, per lh
heather, Hole, per lh.
Molasses, per gallon,
Nails, wrought, per lb
do cot, do
Oil, Florence, 1st quid, per do* 4 75
do linseed, per gallon,
ffo sperm. do
do tlsh ffn
Oats, per Uuahc I,
Powder, (Dupont) per keg,
Pepper, per lb
Pimento, do
Pwric, per HI (prime)
Ditto Me*s do
Hire, per hundred M>
Bum, Jamaica, per gallon,
limit, Windward Island, do
Bom, New-F.nghmd do
#alt, Turk's Wand, per bust
Do l.iverpool ground, do 0 65 (enrjo)
Do do blown, do 0 60 <» o 65
Balmoii, N.». I, per hi 18 DO
Shear Moulds, per lb 0 6
Ihot, do 0 10
Soap, do 0 1(1
Steel. blisterM,per hundred lb 1$ 00
0 12
a
0 20
0 25
n
0 2K
iff. 1 50
a
i 75
0 03 j
tt
0 04
0 25
a
0 28
0 33
a
0 35
0 14
i 5 A
0 60
a
0 6J4
0 (J8
6 50
(I
7 00
1 06
a
1 10
0 4tt
u
0 50
1 00
a
1 52
4 50
u
5 Oo
0 08
a
0 09
0 12
a
0 15
0 25
a
0 28
0 30
a
0 32
0 12
a
U 14
0 OH
it
0 09
loz 4 75
a
5 00
I 10
a
1 25
J 20
a
1 25
0 60
a
0 75
0 60
(i
0 65
6 50
a
7 01)
0 20
a
0 22
0 20
a
0 22
14 0(1
u
1.5 (HI
18 00
n
19 00
2 50
a
9 75
l 10
a
1 15
0 HO
a
0 tto
0 40
a
0 45
ict» 0 60
a
0 65
property, as citizens of a state are enti
tled to. And, upon another ground, is
not Congress pledged? At the time of
cession, the people held a property in
slave*. The act of 31st October, 1803,
authorising the President to take posses
sion of Louisiana, secure* to them this
right. On the 2(ith March, 1804, Con
gress separnted this District from that of
Orleans, (now Louisiana,) anil establish
ed a territorial government, with legisla
tive powers; provided for the security of
person* and property, and confirmed their
existing laws; and on the 2d March, 1805,
further provision was made for their gov
ernment, and their laws continued in
juice; and, on the 4th June 1812, the!
present territorial government was es
tablished, with legislative, executive, and
judicial powers, the usual rights secured,
ml I he existing laws continued and con-
rifled* Tl»e*l existing laws, during these
several alterations of the government, re
gulated the right and title to slaves, not
nply authorised bat established by Con-
yeai* Whence, sir, do you derive the
power to fake it away? Their govern
ment is established by chart it, which
without their consent, it is not in
your power to repeal. What, sir, have
we forgotten the doctrine of Lhe sanctity
if chartered rights? Would you pretend
<n greater power than the Parliament of
England? You have read in her history
of one of (ter Kings who seized upon the
franchises of corporations, and that these
acts, even at that period, were deemed
usurpation*.
Yon cannot have forgotten the stands
made by the colonies, in defence of their
barters. Great Britain never, until the
revolution commenced, ventured to vacate
them without trial and judgment, accord
ing to law. A prominent charge against
the parent country, in your Declaration
of Independence, is “for taking away our
chartered rigllts. ,,
But we are told, in h memorial on your
table, from Boston, that Congress has on
this subject unlimited control; that they
can impose any condition which their
pass tender laws, establish imposts, ami I “justice, wisdom, or policy may dictate.”
keep troops anil ships of war in time 1 ol Indeed! Ims it come to tlusr Absolute
Steel, Vvcrman,
do
16 00
a ' 0 065
a 8 to]
a 0 V U'
n 1.1 uq
11 \7 (HI
Suipu-, M-.i*. pr. 100 1st qu*l.
11 00
a
12 00
Bo N. 0. prime
10 30
U
11 00
Do inferior
8 00
<i
10 50
Do white Havana,
11 00
(i
11 62 i
Du bvuw u do
8 00
ti
9 00
Do loaf ilo
21 00
(i
23 00
Tea, hyson, pcr\h
1 00
a
1 10
Tobacco manufactured, per lb
0 15
a
0 25
Do leaf, do
0 1)5}
a
0 064
lallou*, do
0 18
a
0 2 u
Wine, Madeira, per gallon,
2 75
<1
3 00
Do Tcncriffc, do
1 25
it
1 off
IVhiskcy, per gallon,
0 40
«i
0 43
JLUHHEK.
Boards, pp
16 00
Do northern mcr.
12 00
Do clear
20 00
Do Ncantlioi?
12 00
Timber, ranging 1 ,
5 00
a
7 00
Slltlljflc*,
J 50
a
5 00
staves, w »
15 UO
a
20 00
Du K O
12 00
turns or EXCH.tvoR,
fin England, pur.
On Trance, no sales.
On lIuMniul, mi sales.
On Providence, 60 thus, | pr cl stis. »t par
Ou Huston, fit I days, par
On Note.York, 80 dais, par
On Philadelphia, do days, par
On Baltimore, tiU day s, par
On Charleston, sight, l per cent advance.
STOCK.
1.8. Bunk. g'.W
Stale do. of l .i-urgia, par
PUnler’.s Bank, par
Owricn Bank, H per ct. ode.
Marine e. Tin Ins. Co. (no sales.)
Strain Boat, (no sales.)
Pnlti Boat—(no sales)
Ogcclice Navigation, (no nates.)
Yaaon US Cents. ,
Spanish Dollars g per rent premium
American Uold, J per ct nl premium
Doubloons & is
pence?
Diminish the political power «F it new 1
Mute, mnl you a (’cumulate a feileml con
trol over it, ilnigerous lo llie other slates.
Inrrense it, Slid you put in jeopardy the
I'nion. Make u state menu any thint-
rlse tli.'in one of exact political powers
with the rest, aod there is no limit to which
you might not go, from nearly absolute so-
voteijcirty on theimeliund, to mel e colonial
suhjeclioii on the other. Here, sir, the
field is boundless. The mind might dwell
in piohahle eonjerlure, mi the evils that
would flow from this assiiniplinn of pow
er. Hot the lime i have already occupi
ed admonishes me to beware hmv severe
ly I tax the indulgence of the committee.
1,et It not he said, however, that, al
though ('(ingress cannot impose this con
dition, still they may, at their discretion,
refuse to admit. It was never expected
or intended diat the t’oogiess of the Uni-
fed Stales should hold any considerable
portion of population Under (hair exclusive
jurisdiction. \n extensive system of co*
lonlfcalinn would strengthen die federal
nrin and Weaken and endanger the pow
ers of the states. What would be the
condition of die federal compart, when the
population nf'llie territories approached
near that of the slates? Where would V
your stutc rights, if, in addition to that
yielded up hv the Constitution, Congress
lull I u vast population subject In their ex
elusive control? In ordinary cases, sound
policy requires, ami constant practice de
mauds, that the people of a territory
should be made a party to the federal
cotppact, as sunn as their exigence* and
I licit; interest* require it. And what is
your pretence in this case? You allow
them Il.ipe fur admission, hut refuse them,
unless they will surrender a political pow
er possessed by all the rest. But you have
unnlhyr obligation to fulfil. Yon hnve so.
lemnly stipulated with these people that
you fill! admit them. Portions of this ter
ritory have been included in three states,
which have been already admitted upon
the same terms which Missouri asks.
These people ore, hv your treaty, enti
tled, as soon as possible, and yet you will
pretend that if unt not possible to admit
them unless they will consent to lie dis
robed uf an essential attribute of suverign-
ty, nut demanded of auv other. Such an
excuse is an insult to ail ordinary under
standing.
Did the Constitution authorise this re-
sfrielion; the treaty I'm bids it. They are
tu be admitted “according to the princi
ples of the Federal Constitution”.—upon
the same terms, and retaining the same
sovereign powers of other states. They
*re to he entitled to “all the righ.s, immu
nities ami advantages ot the citizens of
the I niteil Slates”—to make their own
power of Congress, ami from Boston too?
Most of the gentlemen have changed their
tune since 1812, 13, and 14. Then their
jealousy of Congress was such, that they
would not allow them to determine when
the. country was in danger »f invasion, but
confined this power to the exclusive dis
cretion of (heir Governor. vVoiti absolute
power is conceded over the lives, liberties
and properly of the people of your terri
tories. Thon'from a jealousy of your, po
wers, or un attachment to the then Presi
dent, they insisted, seriously insisted, that
you should not have their militia, unless
the President should command them in
person, and obtained a judicial decision
to fortify them in this sage and prudent
constitutional stand. Now ‘Parliament
may bind the colonies in all cases what
soever;’and by tlie bye Parliament, with
tlioir colonies at their heels, will have the
means to bind them in all cases whatso
ever.
Your duties are, first, to govern and
protect them, until they are ripe for ad
mission, and then to incorporate thviu,
with all the rights, privileges, and immu
nities of citizens. You perform the first
obligation, and refuse the second, unless
tliev will surrender the rights granted in
tlie first. We say to Missouri, we admit
we were indebted in two obligations; we
have performed one, and will perform the
oilier, if you will surrender the conside
ration paid for the fust.
' This is your humanity. You refuse to
iidinit Missouri as a slate, unless she will
give up her slaves, and yet you will per,
mit her to keep them as a territory. Yon
negatived this restriction upon Arkansan
at the las* session, ami as territories you
have confirmed the right in both. Upon
vvlint principle of humanity, then, do you
non' act? Is a territorial government,
ru nted by Congress, having high preten
sions to absolute power, more consistent
with the dictates f humanity and com
passion than one formed by the people?
1 tear, sir, there is something of policy,
as well as humanity in this business, and
that the Former comes dressed out In the
garb of the latter.
©
The gentleman from New York has
told us that a slave representation beyond
the original states is unequal, and contra
ry to the spirit of the compact. I know
nut where the gentleman derived liis au
thority: surely not from the constitution.
It is there agreed that the representatives
shall he apportioned according to the num
ber nf free persons, and three-fifths id the
slaves—not in snob states as then existed,
hut in such as "may be included within
this Union.” The language is explicit
am! positive. Why is this spectre con
jured up again, to frighten the people out.
of their liberties? Bat it docs not frighten
sorted to. Slaves were property, hut they
were human beings. They had some, but
few, political rights secured to them by
the laws of their states. One side, as a
rule nf representition, contended lor their
full enumeration; and the other fur their
entire exclusion. It ended in a compro
mise, which embraced three-fifths. It was
a compart, and we are hound by it; and if
it was a bail nr good bargain, 1 wilt nei
ther complain of it mi the one hand, nur
boast nf il on lhe other.
Ibit it does appear to me, sir, that this
measure, on the ground of representation,
is a mistaken poliey. We wish (u dimi
nish the influence of this mighty people,
rising in the West. The representatives
of Missouri are one day tu form a local
balance against a slate in the Hast. IV
pulatinn is, according tu the "means nf
existence”—the ailment of productive la
bor. Five slaves will occupy a space
which’ would supply B free people, while
those slaves would be entitled to only
three-eighths of the unmoor of representa
tion) and yet the people of New England,
governed by a mistaken national policy,
would add ibis .among the reasons fur in
hibiting slaves in Missouri.
It is extremely unfortunate that reasons
like this, inducing an enquiry into the
equity of the basis of the constitution, and
calculated to excite geographical distinc
tions and jealousies, should ever have
been urged ill tips House. It is not im
probable that there are in this, as well as
in everv other government, men watching
every favorable op|mrtunity for a change.
If this subject did not originate in mo
tives of ambition, if a political scheme
was not the cause, it may be the effect of
this extraordinary sensibility. Ambitious
desperate men may take advantage nf pa
pular excitement, and, after all other
schemes have failed them, succeed by pru
duciog the worst of all, a geographical di
vision of party, and rise to power under
its banners. And, kir, it is already whis
pered that this hohhi/ did originate in a
part of the country very prolific in such
productions; that his blood is of diffWenl
kinds; that he is claimed by men uj high
standing and character, but of different
complexions, feelings and sentimental
that they have nevertheless agreed, as
many as can, to mmmthim together; llmt
they are jogging on with great cordiality
and affection; nml that the head of the
poney is directed towards tlie chair of the
general government. This may he all
suspicion; but if no such case has yet uc-
curred, should the excitement be kept up,
and the nature of man remain what it lias riotism, this hope will be a fall recoms
ever been, such and more mischievous pense for the solicitude for -your welfare,
schemes will be produced, discord will by which they have been dictated.”
No rebellion, nn resistance; your arm is
too strong, yon can rompef obedience.
But vou cannot compel affection. She
retires to her motive forests; the goods of
fortune flow profusely; siie grows, and lhe
sense of your injury grows with her growth
anil strengthens with her strength. That
voice which once you treated as the com
plaint of a child now assumes the tone and
firmness of ripened age. She now de
mands that justice which once she solicited
in vain. Instead of yielding, you impose
some time ten tn.v or.cfnm/t fo.r, to remind
her nf dependence. Her complaints be
come loud; her Neighbors sympathize in
her behalf. Mexico, having become rich,
powerful, and independent, is called in—
but I forbear; let the history of nation*
teach us a lesson nn colonization, and tu
beware now wc despise the jnpt com
plaints of a young and enterprising peo
ple, nursed in the lap of freedom. i
l fear 1 see in this struggle dangers an®
evils of serious import. May my fore-
hurling prove vain and visionary. But my
fears are strong that they will he found
to be fatal realities. I will relieve Ilia
committees, however, from farther re
marks of mine, nml conclude by reading
•i few sentences Irom the farewell address
of the man who was “first in war, first in
peace, and first in the hearts of his cuun-
try.”
“Itis of infinite moment that yon should
properly estimate the immense value of
your imiicnml union to your collective aod
tudvidual happiness; that you should cher
ish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at
tachment to it; accustoming yourselves to
think and speak of it as of tlie palladiu>4
of your political salety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous
anxiety; discountenancing whatever may
suggest even a suspicion that it can iu any
event be abandoned; and indignantly
Trowing upon the first dawning of every
attempt to alienate any portion of ouc
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the
sacred ties which now bind together the
vurious parts,
"In contemplating the causes which may
disturb oar union, it occurs as matter of
serious concern, that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing
parties by gmgrapliicnt discrimination-*
northern and southern, atlantic and weste
rn—whence designing men may endeavor
to excite a belief that there is a real dif
ference of local interests and views. You
cannot shield yourselves tun much against
the jealousies and heart burnings which
spring from these misrepresentations.”—
And then, as if he felt a premonition that
liis advice would be forgotten and liis coiner
Scl rejeeted, he adds, “In offering to you,
my countryman, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dure not hope
they will make the strong and lasting im
pression I could wish; that they will con
trol the usual current of the passions, or
prevent our nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked tlie destiny of
nations; hut if.l ntuy even flatter myself
that they may be productive nf some pnre
tial bcuefit, some occasional good that they
may now and then recur to moderate the
fury of party-spirit, to warn against the
mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against tlie impostures of pretended pat-
peace, paralize our prosperity, and at last
destroy our liberty.
The people of the United -States can
have hail hut one inferest. Their (iesare
strong, and (heir motives to union great.
They have fought slid triumphed, suffer-
d and prospered together. There is a
constant dependence uf the parts, indis
pensjlde to lhe
glory of the whole
even are injurious to fair legislation. A
fear that a geographical division will re
ceive more than, its share of profit or po
wer, will produce a corresponding jealou
sy, until every local or private act will
become a matter of compromise and bar
gain. But an excitement which divides
the United .States in nearly equal halves
is dangerous indeed. In such a case, tlie
passions have greater snipe, ambition
stronger inducements, and the intrigues
of a party more powerful temptations.
But the division is singularly unfortu
nate. It is the only subject in which the
(Debate to he continued.)
IN SENATE,
vlfonrfny, February 21.
Mr. Sanford, from the committee oft
finance, made a detailed unfavorable re-
liberty, greatness, and p„ r ( un t|, e petitions of sundry merchant*
. i ,'. n " in g jealousies „f Savannah, who pray a remission of dit
ties which have accrued on goods destroy
ed by the late fire in that city. The re
port was read, and ordered tii be printed.
Mr. Burrtti, according to notice, asked*
and obtained leave, and introduced a bill'
“further to extend the judicial system of
the United States;” ami a bill “more ef
fectually to provide for the punishment of
certain crimes against the United Stalks,
and for other purposes.” [The same hills
that passed the Senate, at rim last session,
8t were uot finally acted on the other
tfouse.
Mr. Stokes communicated to the Sen-
slave holding states could be made to) „ t e two acts’of 'the"l.e S isiature (if Nor'lh
unite against the rest. Are the general: Carolina, laving certain jiort duties on
interests ol Delaware more united with j vessels coming inti. Wasliington, in that
Imse id Georgia tnan Pennsylvania? Are; sta tc, for the purpose of clearing and im-
the interests ot Oluo moiv coincident with | proving the navigation of Tar rivffr, &c.
Massachusetts than Kentucky? Sir,.the an d requesting the consent of Congress*
hopes and prospects of North and East (hereto; which were read and referred
Mr. Elliot communicated an act of the
Legislature of Georgia, to grant certain
powers to the commissioners of pilotage
Constitution, and regulate the relations' . I |„ V e seen the phantom before.—
ami elm if sot the member* of the coinmu-' - •
nitv in their own way.
Sir, I have been surprised at the sug
gestion that these people were transferred
to us without their consent, and were no
parties Hi the compact. A compact made
101* the benefit of a people, and they choo-
It inode its appearance iu Massachusetts
in 1812, re-apppinvd iri ISIS, and in 1814
it became familiar; intei|Hised in our
scheme* of policy; and*, as appear*, die*
are interwoven with the prosperity of the
the South and West; and yet wc nave ar
med ourselves against them all. It is not w w «.
with them a qcstiim of policy, of political : taTtlm p'nrt''.il l)m i'e’ii, 'and to" renect"!
power, but of safety, peace, existence. , tonnage, duty on vessels, for certain pur*
I hey consider it as hastening nml pruvo- poses: which was read and referred,
king scenes ol insurrection mid massacre. miliums, of Teim. from the nidi-
rheir jealousy and their seusibliUty are j ( nr y committee, made made an unlavora-
roused, and they demand what motive,; report on the petition of Edward Ba»
what inducement, you have to this? They . k er . which was read,
are. answered, humanity! In the name oft- Several bills had a second reading,
humanity, desist. .She asks no such sac- The report of the cnuvnit'ee of claims
Create jealousies, unfavorable to the petitions of Noah Brown
. . .• " a ^ re ”"“ SL ' t pother aiK j others, and k»T Samuel F. Hooker,
against brother, kindle the llames of civil wore successively taken up; and the fiiiit,
discord, destroy the Lmon, ami your j»-|concurred v in, and the last recommitted,
ocrties are gone. Amt then where will wn mot ; nn „f Mr% Wilson, to trie commit-,
your slaves find the freedom winch y«U|^ 0 f t |,|. ngi
proffered them at the expense of yourj The resolution offered by Mr. MiUen,
°” 1 " ron the 18th inst. coNrerning a post tuple
But should these dangers he adverted, in the district of M aine, was taken up and
there are others in prospect. Missouri,by agreed to.
an act of territorial legislation, Innas a , The President cnmnufi'if-nted the re
constitution, and at the next session ap- port of the Necretniv nf the Treasury on
plies fur admission. She comes from her the petition of Jacob Harter; nod it was,
rivers and her forests, knocks at your door, 1 on motion of Mr. Sanford, referred to the
aod supplirates you for admission. She committee of claims. r
shows vnti vour promise, and that it lias | Mr. Smith, from the judiciary commit-
luleil the instructions to the delegates of I been fulfilled to three of her sisters, w hose tec, made an unfavorable report on die the
the Hartford Convention. [Here Mr. H. j merits see no greater than hers. V- u i petition of Mare Marie Duplal; which was
read part uf lhe iusuaictiuos from tlie Le-j stamp her with indignity—you reject her, j read..