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[Roars for Black and cries of
traitor I traitor I bit ’im.]
Cheers and counter cheers for both
gentlemen caused another delay of
three or four minutes.
Mr. Black. In this speech to
■which I called your attention, he
said: “I am not a foreigner from
Kentucky, like Mr. Black, who was
never heard of until after the war.”
[Great cheering.J He further says:
“Not only that, I am not one of the
attorneys of the Central Railroad,
like Mr. Black.” I am the local
attorney, in the city of Augusta, for
the Central Railroad, for which I
have no apology.
Voices. Right! Right! They
could not get a better one!
Another voice. The people can
get a better one to go to Washing
ton. [Cheering and more con
fusion.]
Mr. Black. If the time ever comes
that the Tenth congressional district
of Georgia is to measure its repre
sentative in Congress by such a stan
dard, I would not only not seek, but
I would scorn its highest honors.
Wild calls of Watson! Black!
Hurrah! Ding-dong, from the gong,
and a voice, “VVh<re is Jimmie ?”
Mr. Black. Now I ask your atten
tion, if you will favor me with it, on
account of that has been suggested
by the voice just heard and the fact
that 1 am the attorney of the Cen
tral Railroad. I am willing for a
fair and discriminating public to
judge with what grace such a criti
cism as that comes from a gentleman
who has been declared the nominee
of the Democratic party at the Har
lem convention upon a resolution
offered by the most distinguished
railroad attorney in the country.
[Applause.] I call your attention
now to the proceedings of that con
vention.
A little over two years ago the
Democratic party w r as convened in
regular convention called in the
usual w ay, by the usual party ma
chinery, represented by delegates
chosen in the usual way, to nominate
a candidate of that party to repre
sent the Tenth congressional district
in the Congress of the United States.
1 ask your attention now to this
resolution—a resolution offered by
the Honorable Joseph B. Cumming,
of Augusta, the same distinguished
jailroad attorney to whom I called
your attention.
Criei of Oh, Oh, and Black, Black,
Black, Black; ding-dong on the
gong; squawk, squawk on the un
known instrument. (Five minutes
consumed.)
/ The chairman (in a Sunday-school
tone). Gentlemen, please let us have
order. If we have any interruptions,
we have police, and the police will
please do their duty.
The policemen looked hurt (those
within my vision), because they were
performing their duty by industri
ou ly claquing for Black.—Reporter.
K Mr. Black. I do not know why
our friends ever there should greet
that name by any expression of dis
respect, because Major Cumming was
the gentleman who offered in this
convention the name of the gentle
man who is now their candidate, Mr.
Watson.
Cries of Oh! Oh! Bah! Bah!
Stamping cn the. stage where the
Hancock banner waved, and cries
from other parts of the hall of ’ish,
*ish, ’ish ; from other parts, hush,
hush, hush; shoo, shoo, shoo. The
ishes, and the hushers, and the
shooers succeed in keeping up a tur
moil for about tour minutes.
Major Black. This was the reso
lution, offered not only by a lawyer,
but a railroad lawyer—and the most
distinguished and eminent railroad
lawyer in this section of country.
Resolved—
A voice. Three cheers for the
distinguished gentleman, Major
Black.
Many other voices. Hush, hush,
hush, hush. (Cheering for both
gentlemen.)
Mr. BiAck. It appearing that
there is no other candidate but the
Honorable Thomas E. Watson. Re
solved that he be declared the nomi
nee of the Democratic party of the
Tenth Congressional District for the
Fifty-second Congress.
A voice. Where are you at,
Tommie?
Major Black. Hush, hush, my
friend. This is ungenerous to Mr.
Watson, and disrespectful to me.
A blare from the trumpeter of one
of the bands, and general con
fusion.
The chair, in a motherly tone.
The speaking will now stop until
there is order in the hall.
A voice from the midst of the
Hancock hoodlums, where most of
the disorder existed. It was Wat
sonT gang. Boys, Major Black
can’t be heaid, and we won’t let Mr.
Watson be heard—you bet.
The chairman. [Seriously.] I
hope you will let Mr. Black pro
ceed. [Solemnly.] I hope I will
not be called upon to call on the
police. You had better let the
speaker proceed, for the time will
not be counted against Mr. Black.
Five minutes consumed.
Mr. Black. I called your atten
tion to the fact that by this resolu
tion he was made the nominee of
the Democratic party of the Tenth
Congressional District. He was not
nominated as a Jeffersonian Demo
crat, of which we hear so much,
leaving him to interpret that a Jef
fersonian Democrat wag, but nomi
nated in a Democratic convention,
by Democratic methods, as the nomi
nee of the Democratic party of the
Tenth Congressional District.
A voice. Hurrah for Watson—a
solitary voice.
voice on the stage. They are
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23. 1892.
just trying to break him up, and we
ain’t going to let traitor Watson
speak. [Storm of approval from the
gang immediately in front of the
ladies,]
The chair. If there is not order,
and respect shown to the speaker, I
will be compelled to call upon the
police. [Virtuous looks from the
police.]
Mr. Black. We must have this
thing understood, because I cannot
go on without order. My friends,
you be quiet, please. [The gong
sounds.]
A voice. Where am I at?
At this point Mr. Watson and Mr.
Black had a coloquy in a low tone,
and Mr. Watson said: “This is the
reason that I objected to a joint dis
cussion in our home counties. I
knew how it would be, but Mr.
Fleming insisted upon it. To this
Mr. Black nodded his head sorrow
fully, and your reporter heard no
attention more, his being attracted to
the gang in front, who were indulg
ing in every conceivable form of
idiocy.
Mr. Black. If order is not restor
ed and maintained, Mr. Watson and
myself will adjouin the meeting.
Now-let me tell you—you may as
well understand it once and for all.
(Turning to Mr. Watson.) We have
agreed upon it, have we not? (To
the audience.) If order is not re
stored and preserved, the meeting
will be adjourned by mutual consent.
You are not afraid to have me meet
Mr. Watson, are you ?
Voices. No! No!
Other voices. It looks like it.
(Laughter, and the first during the
night.)
Mr. Black. I was proceeding to
make some comments upon this
Harlem convention which nominated
Mr. Watson for Congress some two
years ago. I was calling attention
to the fact that he was nominated
by a Democratic convention, in the
usual way, by the usual methods
pursued by that party, and as the
nominee of that party he went be
fore the people soliciting their suf
frages as such nominee; that he was
elected and went into Congress of
the United States with the now des
pised and hated name of Democrat
written across his frontlet. (Great
cheering.) In that convention, after
he was nominated, under the resolu
tion to which 1 have already made
reference, he made an address accept
ing that Domination, and I wish to
eall your attention to one passage in
that address. He said:
“Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. I
know that many a man entering
public life makes pledges which are
like names written in sand, but if I
could to-day take you into the holy
of holies of my heart, you would
find that the fires of my ambition
are watched by the festal virgins of
honorable purposes, who minister to
it day by day, and keep the flame
trimmed forever.
“But if I could take you into the
holy of holies of my heart, and lift
the curttin thereto, you would find
that the fires of my ambition were
watched by the festal virgins of hon
orable party ambition ministering to
it day by day, fend keep its flame
trimmed forever.”
(The above was intended for a
repetition of w hat the speaker read.
It is not a literal repetition, but
whether he made a mistake in read
ing or repeating, I cannot say .—Re
porter.)
Mr. Black. What was the hon
orable party ambition that kept its
flame foiever burning except that
party ambition that belonged to him
as the nominee of the party that
selected him as its standard bearer
of the Democratic party of the
Tenth Congressional District?
[Great disorder, led by Mr. Black’s
friends.]
Mr. Black. You do not know how
yon hurt me. As I -was saying, you
have selected me as your speaker,
arid anything you say may be con
strued as a confession that I am not
able to meet my distinguished com
petitor ; that I am not able to cham
pion your cause.
Cries of no, no, no. Counter
cries of yes, yes, yes; any fool
would see that.
Mr. Black. Not only that, he
wrote a book, and in that book he
has held up the Democratic party
and its leader, Mr. Cleveland, not
alone to the contempt but to the
scorn, not only to this people but to
the American people and the whole
world.
Voices. Hurrah for Black; down
with the traitor. (The speaker is
arranging his papers.) Another
voice, lie does not know he
is at. (Yelling of every variety.)
Mr. Black. Perhaps that I am not
going to read what you thought I
was going to. I, perhaps, am going
to call your attention to another
chapter.
A voice. Tell us what you will
do if you get there ?
Mr. Black. What am I going to
do? lam going to do all that any
honest man can do? [Applause
which endangers the kids and coons
on the rafters.] I am going on a
Democratic platform as a Democrat.
[Applause.] I am not going as a
representative of a class, but; of all
the
Voices. Down with the traitor;
down with the traitor; he sold out.
Another voice. You are a liar ; he
would not sell out is the reason you
are mad. [The Hancock contingent,
with the aid of the baggage car ally,
made a great uproar at this point.]
Mr. Black. Hush, hush, my
friends; let me make this speech.
A voice. You’d better "let them
help you; you are not doing much
good. [Laughter.]
[A noticeable feature of this meet
ing, so far, was the total absence of
laughter, usually induced by such a
contest. Brutality seemed to mark
the course marked out by the or
ganized blackguards; grim determi
nation, that of the people.]
Mr. Black (continuing). lam go
ing as the representative of the
farmer and the merchant, of the me
chanic and the laborer, of the pro
fessional man and the banker, of the
rich man and the poor man.
Cries of Rats! Rats ! Oh, how he
will represent the pdor man! Coun
ter cries of Traitor; hit the traitor
again ; tell us about the Corbin bank,
Major. (This interrogatory came
from a young dude on w r hom the
tailor, the shoemaker, the furnisher,
the laundress, the barber and the
bootblack lavished their choicest
blessings.)
Mr. Black (in a tone of disgust).
You just leave this matter in my
hands, friend.
He says that the present chairman
of the national Democratic com
mittee is Calvin Brice. He then
proceeds to speak of him in the
severest terms. He procreds to
speak of him in terms that one man
ought to hesitate to use toward
another; but concede, if you please,
that every word he used against
Calvin Brice is true; yet Calvin
Brice was chairman of the Demo
cratic executive committee at the
time that he received his nomination
from the Democratic party. [Tre
mendous applause.] I will not
speak of or enumerate all the gen
tlemen he singled out, but I will
mention one more, and here is an ex
ample. [Reads.]
Another great Democratic influence is
the Belmont family of New York. They
are millionaires and national bankers.
They are Jews and connected with
many business transactions for the Roth
childs.
Well, were they not just as much
Jews when he was nominated and
elected as they ever were before or
ever will be afterwards? (Great
cheering.) Were they not just as
much connected with national bank
ers before as they were afterwards ?
A voice. Oh, don’t tell him that. :
Mr. Black. Mr. Cleveland is the
only Democratic leader of whom he
speaks with any favor at all; but
while he does that with one breath
he retracts it in the next. Listen :
Mr. Cleveland, of course, is well
known. He is honest, Courageous, and
lives up to his professions. He deserves
the highest credit for the impulse he
gave to the tariff reform. But, roost un
icrtunately, he imbibed the financial
views of Wall street; repudiated the
free silver platform on which ho was
elected ; allowed the national banks the
use of the funds without interest, and
threw his whole influence against tariff
reform.
Voices. That’s so! That’s so!
Give us more of that; and, ’rah for
Black ; ’rah, ’rah, ’rah—Traitor,
Traitor.
Mr. Black [deprecatingly.] Boys,
boys, no more of that, if you have
respect for me, no more of that. [ln
spite of the protests of the speaker,
bedlam broke loose again and lasted
for a minute and a half.]
Mr. Black. Listen ! Listen.—
[Reads.]
These are only a few of the Democratic
managers, If the entire gang were cata
logued there would be found a miscel
laneous mixtere of railroad kings, na
tional bank presidents, Standard Oil
magnates, coal and iron barons, million
aire manufacturers, rich convict lessees,
stock gamblers, whiskey nngsters, trust
pirates, monopoly robbers, Tammany
boodlers and lottery swindlers.
And this indictment which he
makes is not made m the heat of
debate, not under the impulse of ex
citement, but in cold blood and in
cold type he drew up and stamped
that indictment against the very
party that conferred upon him the
highest honors—against a party
whose honors and emoluments he is
this very day weaving.
[lf the speaker is not supplying
his hearers with plans of relief he is
succeeding, at least, in lashing them
into fury. A thousand throats howl
traitor, traitor, and the tones are fast
assuming the snarl of the vicious
lice. Liar is defiantly hurled in
their teeth, and the mass of seething
humanity seems to be over a maga
zine which may explode at any mo
ment.]
Mr. Black. When a man makes
an arraignment an indictment
against the Democratic party as hav
ing been guilty of all these crimes—
of all the crimes in the decalogue—
is it not a pertinent question for any
good citizen to ask, “Well, how long
since you were a member of the
gang?”'
[Tongues wagged, fists flourished
in the air and the most offensive and
determined attitudes were main
tained.] It was not owing to the
effort of the speaker to arouse the
baser passions, for he could be heard
by only a very small circle. Whis
key and falsehood had done the
work in advance. Five minutes
more were consumed.]
Mr. Black. Now listen. I have
another matter to which I -wish to
call your attention, if you please.
When I made my Crawfordsville
speech I was under the impression
that he justified his course by the
Indianapolis resolution. I drew my
evidence from a published communi
cation of one of his warm supporters
and himself the author of the reso
lution. I since learned that he has
fallen back upon the St. Louis agree
ment or resolution. It was by the
boys there assembled agreed that
they would not support any man for
Congress who could not be relied
upon to do their best to put their
demands in the statutes, if possible,
without regard to caucus. That is
to say, that a man whom they elected
must insist upon their demands al
though a party caucus pronounced
against it. But that convention was
called long before he was nominated,
and I say that I know no reason why
a representative of the Tenth Con
gressional district should get his in
structions from anybody in St. Louis
or anywhere else.
Now, let us see. My distinguished
friend said down here at Sparta the
other day that my misery was that I
forgot some recent utterances of my
own.
[At this point some well-dressed
goslings, from fifteen to eighteen,
whom it is safe to say never earned
a meal’s victuals in their lives, began
guying a plainly clad working man
who stood “’twixt the wind and
their nobility.” In trying .to catch
both, I missed all but the concluding
words of the speaker’s sentence,
namely]:
In giving an account of this meet
ing at Senator Peffer’s he called it a
conference; but it was an abomina
ble, a damnable caucus when the
Democrats met.
[The speaking was interrupted at
this point by the continued interrup
tions, and the chairman said, “ The
police will take those boys from the
rear end of the hall.” They were on
the wi ong side to be taken; the peo
ple saw the point of tne joke, and
more confusion resulted.]
Mr. Black. Os a conference at the
house of Senator Peffer he says this:
“ The gentlemen present unanimous
ly agreed with the resolution passed.”
Where? By the Alliance at St.
Louis? No. By the resolution
passed by the great Alliance conven
tion at Indianapolis! ‘[Unlimited
confusion on the stage where the
Hancock banner ;waved.] I have here
tofore traced the history of that In
dianapolis resolution, and shown it
was prepared at the home of one of
his friends and supporters, and was
introduced and submitted to him and
met his approval And I repeat, be
cause I think it is important to be re
membered m this connection, that no
convention at Indianapolis, of farm
ers or any other body, had any au
thority to instruct or limit the action
of the representative of the Tenth
Congressional District of Georgia.
Nominated as a Democrat,elected as a
Democrat, and holding his obligation
to that party that put him in power,
he transcends his authority when he
recognizes any other master.
Now then, so much for the record
of my competitor, which is a subject
of fair and j v>t criticism. I have
dealt only witfe. the facts, and the
facts as * upon the public record
of f and most of them
furL dmself and his party.
Goi as a Democrat, yet,
froi >e he reached Washing
ton I the last day of the
sessio it here, Saul of Tarsus,
on his -p ge from Jerusalem to
Damascu i ot more intense in
hispwp* estroy the church
of God, .-as Jtr. Watson to
destroy party that put him in
power.
Voices. raitor! Traitor! and
how d< tand that.
Mr--._ Hush! Hush! Hush !
Now ' s she platform upon
whi\ .umpetitor comes before
the people of the \country soliciting
their support? I have not time to
go into an analysis., I will take up
the plank which \is known as the
financial plank. They want to abol
ish all banks—State national—all
kinds. No banks at ali, money to be
issued by the government to the
people. Listen to me. Let me say
to laboring men, you may not hear
me here, but the tiifie is coming
when you will recall all I have said
about this platform to-night, and
you thank me for it. but I could
stand here now and receive your
censure with a proud consciousness
that lam doing this in the interest
of the people, and the day will come
when you will thank me for it.
A voice. Oh, Major, what fools
we are. Ha, ha, ha I (Others join
in laughter and derision.)
Mr. Black. Listen, listen. Con
temptiuous laughter, but not boister
ous.) Listen to this, my third party
friends over there. Hear what I
have io say. You are willing to
listen ain’t you?
A voice. Go ahead, Major. We
can stand it. You can’t fool us a
bit.
Mr. Black. The financial plank
in that platform was conceived in
the interest of the agricultural class.
It was conceived by an organization
of which you are not members, and
to which you are not eligible. It
was not conceived in the interest of
the city laborers, and one of the rea
sons why the sub-treasury bill was
reported against by the present Con
gress or its committee was that it
was class legislation and against the
interest of the laborer and others
toilers.
Cries of. No, no, no. That’s too
thin. Counter cries of. Traitor!
traitor! Hit ’em Major.
Mr. Black. What is that scheme?
It is for the Government to issue
money and give it to the people of
th£ agricultural districts on agricul
tual products.
Cries of contemptous dissent, con
tinued, and roars of approval from
the speaker’s friends and interming
led with rats, rats!
Mr. Black. What is that scheme?
That scheme is for the Government
to issue money and give it out to the
people upon the agricultural products
of tne country. 1 say that this bank
scheme of the People’s party was not
conceived in the interest of the la
borer, and there is nothing in it to
show that it was. It affords no re
lief to the day laborer or city work
man. I wish I had time to go fur
ther in the discussion of this plat
form, but my time is almost expired,
and you know under what difficul
ties I have spoken. It is utterly
impossible to go into a detailed
argument of these great matters now,
but I say that there is no promise of
financial relief to the day laborer in
the platform of the party.
1 A voice. Your party will not
promise to help any one but the
bondholder and manufacturer.
[Great confusion. People’s party
men determined not to let these
statements pass, and others rage at
the thrusts. Said one of the stage
occupants : “By G—d, we will not let
Watson speak at all.” A roar of
assent in the neighborhood of the
reporters’ tables.]
The chair [in a Sunday-school
superintendent tone]. Gentlemen—
gentlemen, I hope that you will keep
order. [Laughter.] I will say so
you will understand that these in
terruptions will not be counted
against him. Be quiet, please. [Re
newed laughter.]
A voice. Major, don’t talk any
more, and we will see that Watson
does not.
Another voice. Rats; and your
man nearly done. [Great confusion.]
Mr. Black. Listen, listen to these*
words. I wish I Lad time to go
farther into a discusssion and
analysis of this platform, but my
time is almost expired, and you
know under what difficulties and em
barrassments I have spoken. It is
perfectly impossible to go into a
detailed argumeut of these great
questions. But I say this, that there
is no promise of finanaoial relief to
the day laborer and city workman.
[Cheers and jeers.] I say, further,
that the further this movement goes
the more its general temper and
spirit are unfriendly to all classes
and interests. I say that I am op
posed to the movement because it
raises class against class.
Cries of right, right, right. Coun
ter cries of rats, rats, rats ; prove it,
prove it, prove it.
Mr. Black. I am no especial
friend to the rich man, but I would
scorn to purchase a seat in the Con
gress of. the United States by ex
citing turbulence and antipathy
against the rich. The first offering
that was ever brought and laid at
the feet of the Infant Savior was
gold and frankinscense and myrrh,
and the women who came with an
alabaster box and broke it made a
costly gift. And in the evening of
the day of the crucifixion Joseph
of Aramatha, a rich man, came and
got Him and laid Him away in his
tomb. I say that no man can lay
just claims to more sympathy with,
and friendship for the poor than my
self. I do not care to lug in or pa
rade my own virtues, if I have any,
but I am willing to stand with peo
ple on the life for twenty-five years
spent among them, and if I should
go to the Congress of the United
States as the friend of the rich and
poor alike. (Cheers.)
Voices. Right! Right! Another
voice. Well, I should snicker.
(Laughter.)
Mr. Black. Who is that over
there ?
Voices. Nobody, nobody; go
ahead.
Mr. Black. Listen to these words
of one of the greatest statesmen this
country ever produced—the words
of Daniel Webster, the natural hater
of anything calculated to array the
poor against the rich and the danger
ous moneyed aristocracy, so power
ful at that period represented by thq,
revolution.
(The confusion was so great by a
bable of voices to my rear that I
cannot vouch for the absolute cor
rectness of the preceding and follow
ing paragraphs.)
Mr. Black (reading):
Sir, I admonish the people against a
curse like this. I admonish every indus
tricus laborer to be on his guard. I tell
him that the attempt is made to appeal
to his passions in the name of patriotism
—to injure and afflict his country in the
name independence, is to destroy Lis
independence and make him a slave. I
would say to every farmer who follows
the plow, to everp artisan who works at
the bench, to every laborer in the fields ;
to every man everywhere, that whoever
attempts to shake the stability of the
currency of the country, and flood the
country with paper money, stabs your
interest to the heart.
(Prolonged cheering.)
What about the candidates of the
respective parties? I have spoken
very briefly about platforms; but
who are the candidates who are to
represent the ideas set forth in these
platforms ? The People’s party has
presented for your suffrages a candi
date in the person of General James
B. Weavar. I have not time to
night to make an analysis of his pub
lic record. The Democratic party
has presented a candidate in the per
son of Grover Cleveland, a man who
is recognized, even by his political
enemies, as the most eminent illustra
tion of incorrupted and incorruptible
political honesty. A man of convic
tions ; a man who has the courage
of his convictions; the highest type
of American citizenship; the most
illustrious representative of Ameri
can Democracy—Grover Cleveland.
(Prolonged cheering, and consider
able chaffing.) They tell you that
the Democrats have been ruled by
Tammany. Did Tammany support
Cleveland? No. The politicians
and the press generally were against
Cleveland. Tammany opposed Cleve
land ; the politicians of the country
opposed Cleveland ; the press of the
country opposed Cleveland; but the
people—the democratic masses of
the country rose in their might and
put their standard in the Lands of
this great, big, true-hearted Demo
crat—this superb type of American
citizenship. (Great applause.) Not
only that. Let me advert for the
few remaining moments to another
important duty that lies before us.
A voice. We have a State elec
tion pending.
Mr. Black. Now, I ask you, what
is there in the demands of Lgood gov
ernment, what is there in the interest
of any class that would call for the
deposition of William J. Northen and
the exaltation of Mr. Peek in his
stead ? .
Voices. No, no, no, and yes, yes $
yes.
Mr. Black. I ask you what reason
is there why you should put out old
General Cook, now in old age, and at
the close of a life well spent in the
service of his country, in both peace
and war, and bearing upon his body
wounds—the enduring pledges of
honor won on battlefields of his
country? What reason is there for
putting out that other noble Rich
mond county man, Billy Wright, one
of whose legs, I believe, is buried on
the battle field of Gettysburg ? (Ap
plause and cheering.) And yet, and
yet, and yet, you are asked turn
them all out; to turn Gov. Northen
out, to turn Gen. Cook out to die in
his old age with the brand of infi
delity put upon his public record; to
turn Billy Wright out to tramp with
his one limb down to the grave, de
prived of all the emoluments of an
office where he has served the people
so faitlfully; and for what ? To put
another party in power, without a
history; without at least, any
superiority on the part of the candi
dates they present. Another party
that is a class party; that lives and
breathes upon the antipathies of class
against class, and locality against
locality. My God! will you do it?
Voices. Yes, yes, yes. No, no, no.
Mr. Black. Ido not believe you
will do it. Ido not believe that this
people will drop everything that is
worthy in the past, venerable in the
present, and honorable in the future
to follow this ignis fatuus. Ido not
believe that you will put the seal of
your conde amation upon those honest,
faithful officers to put in their stead
men selected by this new party; will
not jeopardize the interests of the
State by putting these men in power
who are not born among us, who are
not born of us, and who are not
friendly to all our inteiests. I be
lieve that the interests of all these
people—white and black, farmer and
merchant, laborer and mechanic, rich
and poor, professional man and cap
italist—have a common destiny, and
that destiny depends upon the tri
umph or defeat of that political party
that has lived since this government
was founded, and will survive until
the very foundations are shaken and
overthrown in eternal ruin. (Long
continued applause.) Listen! I have
one minute and a half more, and I
wish to say this: that if this people
honor me with their suffrages, and I
enjoy the distinction of a seat in the
Congress of the United States, I shall
go there as a Democrat; I shall go
there remembering that I represent
all the interests of all classes; and I
have no more sure, I have no more
solemn earnest of fidelity to the
pledges that I here and now make,
than a life of thirty years spent among
thia people, who have honored me
far beyond my merits, and who, what
ever may be the political outcome
of this contest, will hold the dearest
place in the warmest affections of my
heart.
Time was called at 9:45, and the
speaker took his seat amid thunder
ing applause.
mb. watson’s time.
Mr. Watson advanced and com
menced arranging his papers, while
his friends made the rafters ring.
He faced the audience, and it seemed
that every Black man in the house,
with very few honorable exceptions,
raised on his hind logs and howl eel.
The most strenuous efforts of three
thousand demons, reinforced by three
thousand stomaohefull of whisky,
doing their level best to prevent the
speaker from being heard, gives the
best conception of the situation, I
am not afraid of misrepresenting
this scene. I cannot come any ways
near showing it in its hideous de
formity. One, two, three, five,
seven, nine minutes passed, Mr. Wat
son facing the howling mob. At
length Major Black advanced and
tried to get a hearing, with the fol
lowing result:
Mr. Black. Fellow - citizens.
(Howh.) Fellow - citizens. (In
creased howls.) Fellow - citizens—
My friends, my friends, have you no
respect for me ? (Demoniacal howls.)
Have you no respect for me, my
friends? (Yes, yes; give it to the
traitor, Major; rah. for Black; more
howls, and a hurling back of deter
mined defiance by the People.) Mr.
Watson has a right to be heard; I
am in conclusion, and cannot speak
until he is done. I appeal to every
man here who has any respect for
me to try and restore order. I will
take it as personal disrespect to me
if you do not allow him to proceed.
Scores of voices from the Han
cock contingent. Major, they
rupted you. /
Major Black [between howls]. I
have a quarter of an hour in con
clusion, and I appeal in the name of
these good ladies, in the name of
these gray-haired men, in the name
of common decency, in the name of
the good name of Augusta that we
all love so well, that Mr. Watson
may be allowed to proceed, and that
you will give him a patient hearing.
A voice. His friends did not let
you speak.
[The candid reader, of whatever
political faith, can judge of the truth
or falsity contained in the excuse by
reading the speech above.]
Mr. Black.' I do not care. This
[CONTINUED ON FIETH PAGE.]
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