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sifijiaU f? for us, by the very nature of his al
lotment* ! Tlie i mjkjj mint* of industry, 1011-
ikictid with navigation and cotimi rciaicn ti
piizi, art p-rcinu* to tin- people of > hat quar
ter of he country, by anen nt prejudice not
less tlu.lt bv recent profit. The occupation is
rendered dear ad venerable, by all the chi-
Tisbed a:.90c.. tioiis of our infancy and ai! the
sagi and prudential max inis ofour ancestors.
Aitd, us to tin lessons of encouragemeut, de
rived tr* in recent experience, what nuiiot,
evi r within u similar p riod, receive and to
many that were sweet and salutary 1 What
liatio. ,in so ’llort time, ever before ascend
ed to .such a height of comm rcial great nest ?
It has been said by some philosophers ol
the other hemisphere, that nature in lb s
new world had worked hy a sublime scale ;
that our mountains and rivers and lakes
Were, bay or,d all comparison, greater than
any tiling the old world could boast; that
•he here made nothing diminutive—sxcsrr
its ammals. Aid ought we not to fear lest
tlie bitterness of sarcasm should lie concen
trated on our country, hy a course of po.icy
wholly unworthy of the magnitude and nature
of the interests committed to guardianship!
Have we notreason to fear'hat some future
cynic, v.i li an usperi v, which truth shall
make piercing, wild claie, that all things
in these United States are gnat— turn its
STATI.I.s*fn ; and that we are pigmii s, to
whom Providence has entrusted, for some
inscrutable purpose, gigan ic ” h.bors ? Call
Wi-deny the justice of sndi severity of re
in rk, if, instead of udop ing a scale o)
thought and a standard of action proportion
ate to thegreatn sa of our trust and the mul
tiple and necessities of the pi i pie, we bring to
our task the measures of pr Sessional indus
try ; and mite out contributions for national
safety by our fee-tables, our yard sticks and
our gill pots? Can we refrain’from subscr.b
iug to the truth of such censure, if we do
not rise, in some degree, to the height of
our obligations; and leach ourrelves to con
ceive, and with the people to realise, tin
vastness of those relations, which are daily
springing among states, which arc not so
much one empire as a congregation ?
Having concluded what I intended to sug
gest, in relation to the nature of the interest
to be protected. I proceed to consider the na
ture nf the protection, -which , it win our duty to
ox tend.
And, here, Mr. Speaker, lam necessita
ted to make, an obti rvation; which is so sim
ple and so obvious, that, were it pot for tile
arguments, urged against tlie principle of
maritime protection, 1 should have deemed
the nit re mention of it, to rt quire an apology
The remark is tb.s, that rights, in their na
ture local, ran only be maintained where
they exist, and not win r ■ they do not exist.
II you 1. and a fa Id to chfir.d in tuny u.
it would he vi ry strange t > jut up
a fence in Massachusetts. Aid yet, lion
does this differ from invading C.m il. , for the
purpose of dofci ding our tnarit me r glits ?
I beg not to be understood, M . Speaker,
by this remaik, as intending to chill the ar
dor for the Canada expedition. It is very
true that, to posses ourselves of the Cana
das, and Nova Scot,a and tlnir and, penden
cies, it would cost these United Slates, at
the least estimate fifty millions of dollars ; and
that Greut-Hmtain’s nauini.l pr.de and her
pledge of protection to the people of that
country, being put out of the qties'i n, w u'.d
se ll you the whole tfur.lory, fur half the mo
ney. lin .ke no objection, however, on tins
account. On the contrary, for the purpose
of the present argument, I may admit, tha
pecuniary calculation ought tube put out
of tin fi. Id, when spirit is io be shewn, or
honor vindicated. 1 only designed to inquire
how our maritime rights arc protected, by
such invasion. Si ppo. e that in every land
project von are successful. Suppose bo 1 1,
tiie Canadas, Quebec, H. lifax, evtry thing to
the North Pole, vours by f.iir conquest. Are
your rights on tlie ocean, therefore secure?
Does your flag-float afterwards in honor ?
Arc y'ottr seamen safe from impressment ? Is
vour course along the high wav of nation* un
obstructed? No one pretends it. No one
lias, or c.n shew bv anv logical deduction, or
anv detail of facts that the loss of ihe.n- conn
tr'es would so compress Ureat-Rntain, as to
induce her to abandon for one hour urn ol
her maritime pri tensions. Wi at then results ?
Why, sir, what is palp, hie as the day, that
maritime rights i r only to be maintained by
maritime means. This species of p.otection
must be given or ali clamor about maritime
rights Will be mlsunch rstood, by the p ople
interested in tin in, to I e hollow or false ; or
wliat is worse, an intention to co-opt rate wi h
the enemies of our commerce in a stilt f rtl.er
embarrassment < f it.
While Inn on this point I cannot refrain
from noticing a strange solecism, which seems
to prevail touching the term fag. It is talk
ed about as though there vvi.s something
mvstical in its very nature ; as though a rag
vvitli c rtnin Sll pis and stius upon it, tied
to a stick and idled a flip, was a wizard
wand, aid entailed securi yon every thuip
under it, or within its spin re. The re is no
thing like all this in the natim of the thing.
A flag is tt.i evidence of power—a land flag
is the evidence of lard power. A marit me
flag is the evidence of nu nt.me power. You
mav have a piece of hunting upon a s'uf!', and
call it a flag, but if you have no maritime
power to ma.ntain it, you have a name aid
no i .tv ; vou have tiie shadow, will out the
subs ane'e ; von have the sign of a flag, but in
truth—you have no fag.
Speech concluded in our next.
For the American Patriot.
THE REVIEW.
WHEN weak anil incapable men
r.’lv upon popular favor which they
have basely and corruptly purchased,
ami presume upon this support to pur
sue a system of expedients in direct
violation of the rights of freemen; it
becomes an imperious duty to drag
them forth and hold them up to public
•-. rn. No consideration of punctilio
mt st operate to soften tlie deep shades
dp. ceierinx, w hu h ti.e picture demand.;.
U mW be delineated to the life; a po
’ , fuK of the most singular eom
l uu'-’ds, that alike dishonors a freeman
.k. is aLaYVurian, must be unequivo
cally exposed. The bowlings of a
gang of savages shall not soften ona
remurk; alleviate one expression.—
J.angrtage is too feeble to eorrectlv de
pict the principles that have polluted
this country. The people are dupes to
hypocrites and impostors; the ardent
zeal of honoroble and deluded Amer
icans is worthy of a better cause. No
reflection is intended for the great bo
dy of the democratic faction; their
leaders deserve the execration of the
country. When a free nation is be
trayed by those ungrateful men to
whom its safely is confided; when the
ark of Liberty is wantonly endanger
ed; when the most awful ruins stare
us in the face; when tiie canker of
corruption is penetrating to the very
heart of the body politic; it were ba
rely criminal to shrink from a full de
lineation of the evil, tracing its con
sequences, and pointing out the anti
dote. Ido not pretend to be adequate
to the task, but my humble efforts shall
not he wanting in its discharge.
For nearly twelve years have we
been the sport of innovation and no
velty, of theory and folly. It is time
they should lie banished to the monk
ish cells from whence they have un
fortunately crept upon the nation. It
is time the apathy they have caus
ed should be indignantly thrown aside,
and the energy and dignity of the
country awakened and exercised. It
is lime that James Madison should re
tire, ami no longer disgrace the coun
try hy pretending to fill an office for
which he is utterly incapable.
It is the cry and cant of demagogues
and their pitiful echoes, that our wretch
ed situation is the consequence of Eu
ropean edicts and aggressions. It is
not the case. It is a pitiful subterfuge,
by which (hey hope to hide the hide
ous deformity es their own contempti
ble policy. it is an item in ti e creed
of deception; a mere terrapin shell
under whose protection they expect to
creep from public indignation. It shall
not avail. The causes of Ihe insults
and aggressions of foreign nations are
she pusillanimity, and oblique policy of
our rulers.
Whence, Task, the lamentable pic
ture every portion of the country pre
sents tn the eye ? Whence ttin mmim.
ful scene that smothers every pleasing
emotion, eve ry approbatory sentiment ?
Whence the dreary waste, ruins and
desolation w hich in all directions appal
the philanthropic mind? What depre
cated cause placed in our public coun
cils. incapacity, stupidity, which have
w ithered our prosperity and honor, pros
trated our commerce, and scattered the
fragment of our greatness far and wide;
which have corrupted the public mind,
and rendered the country the sport, the
ridicule of the world? Whence this
melancholy group of disasters ? The
political principles and administrations
of Jefferson and Madison w ill unfold a
full reply.
Falsehood and deception with all
their train of cunning and artifice, sup
port the tottering fabric of Democra
cy. They commenced their infamous
career at the very conclusion of the
revolution. Anarchy, congenial an
archy, is the element which democracy
delights to enjoy, and w hen it was about
being checked, the whole gang was
around into frenzy. The general con
vention assembled when the public cred
it was destroyed, confidence annihilat
ed and government merely nominal:
their object was to remedy prevaiiinc
defects, improve upon past experience,
and form a constitution adequate to all
emergencies: they accomplished this
great undertaking gloriously; opposi
tion immediately reared its hideous
head, objections innumerable were dis
covered. passion, prejudice, ambition
were enlisted, and every artifice that
duplicity could device were unhesitat
ingly practised in ordi r to render abor
tive the enlightened instrument which
rescued our country from anarchy.
This opposition did not expire with
the adoption of the elegant conciliato
ry chord which binds the States in
Union and friendship; it unfortunate
ly continued its maihiavelian opera
tions. All the judicious measures of
Washington w tie censured. The neu
tral it. t statesman
firmt n to, thereby
givin ruder of the country
dignity, and its operations success;
bis treaty with England, at once fixing
on a positive and favorable basis, our
commercial relations with that nation
and securing to our citizens an ample
field for lucrative enterprize s bis es
tablishment of the Bank, increasing
the active capital and circulating me
dium of tlie country, facilitating col
lection of the public monies w ith safety
and dispatch, and invigorating indus
try and exertion; in short, his every
measure were virulently attacked, the
flood gates of abuse were opened, the
mounds of decorum were broken down,
anil a torrent of scandal, calumny and
invective rushed forth, and contaminat
ed the pure principles of our citizens.
He himself was not spared, but was
swept along in the general current.
Every impulse of sinister ambition,
every instigation of self aggrandise
ment, every fabrication of falsehood,
every invention of fraud, every sub
terfuge of cunning, every art which
desperation could practise were em
ployed by a corrupt faction to destroy
the popularity of Washington and his
measures. The affections of the peo
ple were staggered and alienated from
his system by specious promises of
economy, and other hypocritical cant.
This opposition continued in all its
jaeobinical fury till the weakness and
indiscretion of Adams rendered it suc
cessful, and cursed the country with
a policy which now claims an exami
nation. Can success alter the eharae
of a faction ? If a felon goes unhung,
is he not still worthy of the gallows ?
The present situation of our country
is by no means such as to excite those
elevated and satisfactory feelings,
which national honor and general pros-
perity irresistably inspire; it unfortu
nately is rather the reverse. Who ean
contemplate our comparative career,
the present tottering, zig-zag policy,
and feel one pleasing emotion ? Instead
of conscious greatness, dignified mag
nanimity, hold enterprising courage
refined inviolable honor, great com
prehensive plans and energetic exccu
iii>. lili-li Sunn— Ha.- iiravery that
scorns low intrigue, a sacrcit 0 and
regard for the principles of the const!-
tution; instead of that dazzling bril
liancy of character which political vir
tue, grent talents, ant! acute sensibili
ty shed around a magnanimous and
generous nation; instead of that, en
larged conception, quick discernment,
firm resolution, pure and honorable
motives that should invigorate the
soul of this Union, inspiriring every
minute section with the most exalted
sentiments; instead of these grand de
siderata, what have we to console us?
Alas! a commerce in ruins wantonly
destroyed; an agriculture languishing
under an impotent administration; in
dustry paralysed; arts decaying with
the sleep of industry; a national cha
racter basely abandoned ; national feel
ings cowardly betrayed; tlie spirit of
the country treacherously deceived and
openly insulted; the honor of our flag
trampled upon and disgraced; a wretch
ed policy of weak and silly expedients
committing the most odious encroach
ments upou the constitution ; a bewil
dered government lost in the labyrinths
of their own folly; disaster, intrigue,
deception ; imposition, incapacity, pu
sillanimity ; low, sordid views, grovel
ing conceptions, impure motives; a
general and deadly iaugor palsying
every nerve of our abused country;
but let me arrest my pen, and discon
tinue tlie horrid and disgusting recital
of our internal state. Is it not a mere
outline, an imperfect sketch? And
when we turn our attention to our con
nexions with the world, we can dis
cover nothing to alleviate this unfor
tunate, this deplorable condition.
M ith England our relations have
been progressively eniharassing; sys
tematically increasing i>i confusion and
perplexity. Every opportunity for ad
justment swells the catalogue of com
plaints ; and every pretended indica
tion of sincerity proves false decep
tion. ■ Fublie law established national
principles founded upon justice and
reason, torn from their base, and scat
tered in fragments among sovereigns,
are unfortunately replaced hy capriee
folly and injustice. Bombastic threats,
deceitful negotiation, and degrading
expedients. Rre the weapons of our va
liant and redoubtable administration in
their cowardly hostilities with Britain.
With France our national concerns
have worn u most extraordinary com
plexion. Friendly conciliation, pro
tracted moderation, pacific disposition,
and the most calm equanimity, have
uniformly characterised govornment in
their intercourse with ‘ His Imperial
Majesty, the magnanimous Napoleon.’
The most savage violation of rights
held sacred even among barbarians;
the rao3t atrocious piracies, robbery,
and plunder; the burning of our ships
on the high seas; the indignant im
pressmt u of our seamen ; their con
finement in dungeons loaded with gal
ling chains; and innumerable other
violations and infringements on our
most sacred rights, have not been suf
ficient to awaken onr philosophic ad
ministration from their fatal slumber.
Neither have the most keen studied,
and reitteratedinsults; the most novel
and arbitrary promulgation of a savage
code of public law, trampling upon
every recognise 1 principle of justice,
and the most humiliating and degrad
ing exaction from sovereign states to
conform to tlie imperious dictates of a
barbarian under the penalty of denati
onalization ; neither have any of these
been able to cause the burning blush of
indignation in the stoic countenance of
pusillanimity. Instead of the aveng
ing sword and thundering cannon, we
see our vile administration cringing to
the feet of the Imperial Tyrant; base
ly fanning upon the grim monster, and
plunging our country into a state of
servile vassalage. Instead of leiting
loose the dogs of war, and wiping
away the infamy the Corsican Usur
per has thrown upon our fair fame;
we see the blustering patriots at Wash
ington, perfect petit maitres, all deli
cate politesse, exquisite condescension,
bowing and cringing; smiling and sim
pering, and upou tlie most familiar and
friendlv * inline •• Olood stain
ed ’ despot.
With Denmark a petty vassal of Na
poleon we submit with unconcern to
piratical robbery, and scornful insults.
Our commerce is the free prey of these
thieves and freebooters, and adminis
tration are afraid of resorting to any
other means of resenting them, than
by degrading and endless negociation.
lest the “ incomparable Buonaparte”
might take oflenec.
With respect to Spain, the conduct
of the American government has been
infamous. When the unfortunate pen
insula was betrayed, invaded, and
plundered by the “ cut purse” of Eu
rope, instead of generous assistance in
her glorious cause, the administration
of this free country is fomenting insur
rection in her provinces, and then base
ly robbing her of her colonies; guilty
of conduct w hich if committed by an
individual would damn him to eternal
infamy.
In whatever direction we turn our
eyes the effect of wild madness, cor
rupt folly, and stubborn stupidity pre
sent themselves, which demand and
shall receive a brief examination in
succeeding essays. The presidential
inauguration of Jefferson eclipsed the
brightness of America, whic h lias ever
sinee remained in total darkness. Ilis
policy is a curse which this country
will long deplore. His principles a
whirlwind, which have ih o.vn our
prosperity into a perfect wreck, and
wiil arouse abused, betrayed, and in
sulted freemen from their repose and
confidence, and sweeep pitiful Madi
son from his office.
PERICLES.
TIIE CRISIS NO. 11.
IT has been proved in the last
number, that if the decrees of France
were repealed or modified at all, they
were so in consequence of the Presi
dent's proclamation, But are they re
pealed or modified ? Where is
proof? As to the fact of revocation
on Ist November, it has virtually beea
allowed by Secretary Monroe not (~
be the case, who asserts that if t( u . y
were not on that day, they w ere effe/.
tually revoked or modified on and
February; hut where is tlie proof? m ,
substantial proof has been or can I*
produced—none else but the base as ’
sertion of France, which is failhlett
as the wind.
If there is any evidence in favor of
their repeal, evidence equally good
exists, which proves their continuance.
If in some cases they are said to bt
revoked, in others they are the fun.
daincntal laws of the empire.” If
some few vessels are allowed to es.
rape the clut dies of the Imperial Rob.
ber, does not almost every arrival frorn
Europe, announce to us some new in.
stance of the existence of the Decree*
and their rigorous execution ? So that
giving the subject the most favorable
construction, their repeal is equivocal.
And if such Is the real fact, is the at
titude. assumed with regard to En
gland sanctioned or justified by any
colorable pretext? Is a pretended re
peal of the Decrees of an equivocal
nature, to be a cause of war, because
England gives perhaps a more correct
interpretation to the acts of France,
and will not be juggled iuto a repeal
of her Orders, sanctioned by the laws
of retaliation ? Is tlie ground of war
against England to rest upon the stu
died ambiguity, equivocation and per
fidy of France ? The real nature of
the order, the pretended cause for war,
should be well considered. They rest
entirely upon the just right of retaliat
tion, and the moment the Decrees of
her enemy arc repealed so are the or
ders. They do not directly attack
neutral commerce, but incidentally af
feet it, in recoiling upon her enemy her
own barbarous system. And if no
substantial proof of the abrogation of
this iniquitous system can be brought
forward, why does the American go
vernment demand with a threat of war,
the relinquishment of the counterac
tion tn this system, without a similar
demand and threat agaiust the first
aggressor ? A cause of war should bs
clear and undoubted,—but is this ?
When such clouds and darkness hang
upon it, is such a cause just ?
There is another remark to be made
upon this subject. The well known
character of the French government
sanctions the conclusion, that in the
cases where the operation of the De
crees is suspended, it is done vvitli the
most perfidious views, to ensnare our
unwary merchants, or embroil us with
England; and even these very eases,
appear so clearly forced favors ggej
eopfions, ao 4 -p”f TTVtT
the existence of the Decrees. The
part relied on to prove the repeal, con
firm tlie reverse. At all events, if
they are not executed on the high seas
because France has not fullv the
means, they are effectually enforced
where she ean exert her power ac
cording to the language of oar govern
ment, “ the mode only, and riot the
measure, has undergone an alteration.”
The substance remains the same, hut
under a different form. And let us ask
where is the difference if the form is
only changed ? Is this mere change c f
name to justify our rulers in plunging
into such a flimsey snare our Unfortu
nate country? Isa measure the les3
injurious, the less a violation of right
because it is dressed up in a different
garbs? And is such the foundation of
the anticipated war? What a truly
contemptible ground, our government
have chosen ; it amounts simply to this
that either England or France “mav al-
ter the name of their edicts; the first
may enforce her order, under the name
of blockades, the other may change
“ the measure to the original mode,”
and all c ause of war, at least the pre
sent cause, will tumble to the earth.
Pbiis taking the whole subject into
view, no cause of war exists with re
gard to tlie Orders in Council, which
does not equally exist with regard to
the Decrees of Frame: hut, the real
unsophisticated fact is, that the French
Decrees never have, in principle, been
suspended, notwithstanding the Presi
dent has so asserted, w ith regard to
this country. An insidious policy in
duced a few exceptions; but finding
yet no actual war against England lias
taken place, the Decrees have revived
in full force, and daily events remove
any doubt on the subject. Nothin*
can more clearly evince tlie credulity
and precipitancy of government,
their utter incapacity for the reins of
power, than allowing themselves to be
thus imposed upon. Are we tiie mere
vassals of “ His Imperial Majesty,”
that we permit ourselves to be indig
nantly bnffetted into i.ts schemes? Do
we surrender our freedom at the foot
stool of a tyrant, and allow adminis**
trot ion to transform us into slavish
tools? Uandidlv to review the whole
course of our policy with re ;ard lr
Franco, it would seem to be the ease;
hy then should we continue in this
degraded state? Why not avenge tha
honor and rights of the country, from
the many stains and injuries indicted