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Volume 1.
THE
UPSON PILOT,
18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
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PR< >FESSIONAJj CART >^-
DR. JOHN GOODE,
TANARUS) E6PECTFULLY offers his Professional services to
the citizens of Thomastou and its vicinity.
Us can lie found during the day at Dr. Heards of
fline. and at his father's residence at night.
Thomas ton, Feb. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORN K V AT LAW,
TIIOMASTON, G.\.
fs!3—ly
IV W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOM ASTON, GA.
nov2s—ly
E. Warren. C. T. Goodk. ■
WARREN & GOODE,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlS—tf
A. C. MOORE,
D E NT IST,
THOMASTON, GA.
OFFICE at my House (the lato residence of Mrs.
Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class
■es of Dental Operations. My work is my Reference.
nov!B—tf
G. A. MILLER.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
BUSINESS CAKI) S .
granite hall,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
MA.COiSr, GEORGIA
B. F. DE^SE,
• (Late of the Floyd House.)
—ts Proi’Rietor.
HARIjEMAN & GRIFFIN,
Dealers in Staple Dry Goods ami
Groceries of every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
WE would call the attention of the Planters of Up-
and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
hoving we can make it to their interest to deal with
n<.
H-’ op f-j \v*mbe 10. lft&* % no*>2* • ts.
RUSI IST ESS CAR,I> S .
A. S. BROOKS,
Dealer in Family Orocories,
TIIOMASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
of Family Groceries, Iron. Hollow M are, &e., Atc.,
and a few Liquors for the afflicted.
I if’ Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts
JAMES M. EDNEy7”
General Purchasing and Commission Merchant,
A .NO DEALER IN
PIANOS, MELOIzEONS, PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING
MACHINES, Ac.
Publisher of “Cherokee Physician.” “Chronology of
N. C.,” “Southern IJishops,” Hickory Nut
Falls, Aic.
117 Chambers Mioet, \e\v-Yrk.
Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job
bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole
sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time,)
on the best possible terms.
Commission for Buying and Forwarding, Tico and a
Half per Cent.
REFKRKNCRSt
Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Ross. Falconer A Cos., Meli
us. Courier & Sherwood. Cook, Dowd linker & Cos.,
Furman Davis & Cos., A. T. lfruee &. Cos., A. 11. Gale &
Cos., New-York; MePUeeters & Glu-olin, John I>.
Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, la.; lion. John Baxter. Rev. W,
G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Tenn.,; lion, i lies. L. Jones.
Newport, Ky..; Brown & McMillai. Washington, 11. &.
I). Richardson. 1). Avert, Esq., Galveston, Texas; D. !
R. McAnnally, D. D , St. Louis. M ■>..; R. S. Foste' - , 1). ,
1)., Evanston, J. M. Jordan A Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. 15. |
Erwin, Esq., Washington D. C..; I*. D. T. Moore. K ;q., j
Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman, D. D., Scat- ;
taubuig. S. C.,; Rev. C C. Gillespie. New Orleans, La ; :
John W. Btoy. Esq., Charleston, Hon. 15. F. Perry, ;
Greenville, 8. C.,; lion. Wm. A. Graham, Hillsboro, ‘
Hons. Chas. Manly and J. W. Ellis, Raleigh, lion. D. j
L. Swain, Chapel Hill. Chas. F. Deems, D D., IViison, j
N. C.,; Dr. J. E. Fact. Macon, Mbs..; illyatts & Toler, j
Marion, Ala..; IV. Schley. Jr., Augusta. G. A. Mi n er, i
Thomastou Ga.,; 11. 15. Crooks. Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. i
Jam 20, 1859.
SYDENHAM AC EE. JNO. F. IVERSON j
ACEE Sc IVERSON,
5/ 25 V £S T S A\ f> It I* ILW IST S, j
SIGN OF GOI.DrX RAGLE,
COL U M 15 U 8 , G EORO IA .
i'EALERH in Foret v and Domestic Drugs, Medi-f
/ cines. Chemicals. Acids. Fine Heaps, Fine Hah and ;
Tenth Rallies, Perfume'y, ‘i'-usses and Shoulder I
15races, Surgical and Dental imi. uinents. pure M ines
and Liquors for .Medicinal purpose - Medicine Chests,
Glass. Paints. Cos, Van ishes, Dye Stuff-, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, Ac.
Ac. janC— ts.
?i)U M‘ j O A :L „
From the Louisvihe Journal. j
Cußa and the Democracy.
The bold attempt of Senator Slidell to
invest the President with the war-making
power, and at the same time to give him
the uncontrolled disposal of thirty million
dollars, deserves the serious and continued
attention of the American people. Al
though the measure failed, still the mere
inception of tiie scheme, and the fact that
a Senator in his place should propose su.h
a base sui render of legislative functions,
and siioo a wild departure from 11 he pre
cedent and conservative action of the gov- j
eminent, must bo regarded, in the einphat- j
ic language of ibe \\ ashington States , ns j
‘’ill-omened/’ It is, too, the more to he i
deprecated, inasmuch as it was not with- I
drawn through any conviction or aeknowl- ;
edgment of its impolicy, unconstitutional!- ;
ty, or its dangerous tendency, hut for the
avowed partisan consideration that its pas
sage would “ immolate” the Democratic
party. The organs of that party in Wash
ington made no appeals to the patriotism
of the Senate, hut to their fears; not to
their moral courage to resist a dangerous
usurpation, hilt stimulated the meanest of
all passions, under the degrading plea that
“however regardless they might be ol dan
°*er to themselves, they were not at liberty
to sacrifice the interests ol the Democratic 1
constituency. The wildest and most lat
itudinarian ideas of the olden Federalism, !
in which the youth ot President Buchanan j
was baptised—Achilles likt?, all but the j
heel, leaving him a chance for retreat —
never conceived the concentration of power
so illimitable, dangerous and despotic. Du
ring the entire war of the Revolution, when
George Washington was leading our ar
mies and possessed the unbounded confi
dence of the Colonial Assemblies, and ot
the Continental Congress, the sword and
the purse were never ihus placed in his
single hand ; and had intemperate friend
ship or over-jealous patriotism suggested 1
such a concentration, Washington would
have rejected it. both on personal and pub
lic grounds. He would neither have per
mitted his secret enemies to possess such
an argument against his sincerity, nor have
allowed the holy cause ot republican inde
pendence to he sullied by any suspicion of
interested motives. In all the excitement
which preceded the declaration of war
against Great Britain in ISP2 ; in all our
difficulties with the frontier Indians ; in
all the movements incidental to the inva
sion of Mexico, and in the demands made
! upon France by Gen. Jackson for indemni
! ty, it never entered tlie mind of any states
-1 man that the public interests, the national
I honor, or the efficiency ol our oftensive and
: defensive operations required the placing
jof dictatorial power in the hands of a
! President, the ue of money to use by in
, direction, or the invasion ot the rights of
: any co-ordinate branch of the Government
by another.
I Nothing can be more beautifully harmo
nious than the syr-tem of checks which the
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.’ 1
TIIOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 31, 1559.
sagacity of the framers of our Constitu
tion engrafted on that instrument. The
direct representatives of the people have
the exclusive control of the revenues ; the
sovereign States by the Senatorial sanction
have the exclusive treaty making power ;
and the President is bound to see the laws
faithfully executed. But the proposition,
which will forever he linked with the name
of Senator Slidell as is that of Carthage
with treachery and deceit, contemplates
the destruction of this elegant harmony,
the disruption of the entire system, and
the dangerous surrender of the very citadel
which was intended to guard the public
treasury. By it an immense amount, of
money was to he placed in the hands of Mr.
Buchanan with a view practically to nego
tiate a treaty with Spain for the purchase
of the Island of Cuba, and the money was
to have been drawn from the Treasury, not
in consequence of appropriations made by
law,” as required by the several terms of
the Constitution, but to be regulated en
tirely by the caprice of the President.—
Could foreign enmity or the jealousy of the
“ divine right” devise an entering wedge
more fatal in the tendency to sunder the
Union, than this offered by the parieklal
hand of a degenerate American statesman.
As Erostratus burned the temple of Diana
in wantonness, merely to eternize his name
in connection with a a'iant villianv. so Sii
d* 11 has the infamous notoriety of being
the first Senator of the United States who,
like the willing minion of the Syracusan
tyrant, was willing to surrender all that j
dignifies republican simplicity and shout l
“choose we a King in Dionysius.’ 4 Yvej
cannot over-estimate the degradation of j
the Senator’s position, or miscalculate the
imminence of party subserviency, when it
aims thus to aggregate all the co-ordinate
powers of the government and vest them
in a single irresponsible individual. Sup- I
pose such a proposition should pass, and j
Mr. Buchanan should be detected in trait- i
orous correspondence, or using the people’s j
money to wrong its owners, how could the
House of Representatives vole an impeach
ment afrer having given up its custody of
the treasury to him, or how could the Sen
ate act as the high court to try the im
penchviu m, when its members Dave con- |
sriited “to tie a stone each round the oth- i
cv’s nock,” and delegated to the President !
its most sacred functions? We confess
this is tai extreme case to suppose, but it
is a logical argument to the absurdity and
monstrous iniquity of the Slidell scheme.
There is no aspect in which we can view
this Thirty Million resolution, that pre
sents a single redeeming feature ot necessi
ty or even plausibility. Such a sum, if le
gitimately used, would bo inadequate to
accomplish the desired end, and though it
is not parliamentary to suggest an inten- !
lion to use it illegitimately, still the prac- j
rical common sense of the American people |
will intuitively deteci its corrupting ten- i
dencies and denounce it accordingly. Thir- j
tv millions of dollars—a larger sum, we [
believe, than was ever in the Federal i
Treasury at any one. time—placed under I
the.entire and irresponsible control of one
man ! Think of it, fellow-citizens, calmly !
and dispassionately. Say that our coun- j
try realized the most perfect ideal of Sir
Thomas More, and was an Eden without
sin or blot, would not such a proposition
come like the great tempter to corrupt iis !
innocence and spread the ghastliness of!
death over the grave of its purity ! Could l
the man be found, surrounded by partisan :
zealots, tiery-hearred extremists, and the j
knaves always following the Court as if it!
were a camp, who would be abte to resist j
the tempat ions, evade the importunities,
or escape the snares which baseness, cupid- :
ity and cunning would spread around him? |
The Slidell scheme, then, deserves to be !
branded throughout the length and breadth
of the land as the apple, which the great
foe of Republican rights—the monster Dev
il of Party —has temptingly offered, that ,
Democratic liberty might eat and die. It
has been urged and enforced by no appeal
to patriotism ; it was only defended on the
ground of miserable expediency and mark
ed by a most degrading subservience to a
President who has disappointed the hopes
of his political friends and alarmed the
fears of those who hoped that experience
would have matured his judgment, and
that he would have been proud to leave
his record on the page of history unsullied
by any such pandering to the vilest in
stincts of depraved human nature. The
scheme is radically, irremediably, and thor
oughly bad. It proposes to inaugurate
among us the very policy which renders
Louis Napoleon the scoff and by-word of
all enlightened people. It finds its prece
dence only in the decadence of the Roman
Empire when the imperial purse subsidized
the Pradorean guard, whose cohorts eleva
ted imbecility to the purple or ex;.lted in
famy to the post of honor, when gold was
the great corrupter. Not more fatally did
the hemlock which passed the lips ot Soc
rates penetrate the vitals of Greece; not
| more “assuredly did the axe which cut off
the head of Cicero sever the neck of Rome’s
| independence, than would the passage of
I the Slidell bill have poisoned the pure
I of American Dtririarior tr-i b.f r the
! genius of our country’s liberty a headless
trunk. The effect might not have been
immediate—the present generation might
not have felt it, but it would have come,
| burning its way “like the mines of sul-
I phur,” slowly, insidiously, treacherously,
and yet always hastening to the inevitable
ruin. God l>e praised that through any
agency it was defeated! Heaven grant
that the infamous threat of its revival next
session, made by John Slidell, may be re
ceived with hissing scorn from the entire
nation which has been outraged and in
sulted by the mere conception of his mon
strous proposition.
From the Washington States, (Democratic.)
Pledge and Performance—Our
Foreign Policy.
Among the “glittering generalities” of
the Cincinnati platform conspicuous stand
the following resolutions:
Heeo/vcd, That the great highway which
nature, as well as the assent of the States
most immediately interested in its mainte
nance, has marked out for a free commu
nication between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans, constitutes one of the most impor
tant achievements realized by the spirit of
modern times and the unconquerable en
ergy of our people. That result should be
secured , timely and efficient exertion of the
KMAA au /Vu‘/u irtu / CJ/IL IV Claim
over it, and no power on earth should be
suffered to impede or clog its progress by
any interference with the relations it may
suit our policy to establish between our
government and the governments of the
States within whose dominions it lies.—
We can, under no circumstances, surren
der our frt j'Onderance in the adjustment
of all questions arising out ts it.
Resolved, That in view of so command
iug an interest, the people of the United
States cannot but sympathize with the ef
forts which are being made by the people
of Central America to regenerate that por
tion of the continent which covers the pas
sage across the interoceanic Isthmus.
Resolved, That the Democratic party
will expect of the next administration that
every proper effort will he made to insure
(isu rncJanrn in the Oulj of J\lexico, and
tt maintain a permanent protection to the
great outlets through which are emptied
into its waters the products raised out of
the soil, and the commodities created by
the industry of the people of our western
valleys, and of the Union at large.
The principles of foreign policy herein
enunciated, were warmly approved by the
common sense of the nation ; and coupled
with the pledge of the Democracy to ap
ply them in the administration of govern
ment, they contributed in no small degree
to the triumph of the party. After the
lapse of two years, since the incumbency
of Mr. Buchanan, it cannot he impertinent
to inquire how far the Democratic party
has redeemed the obligations it so solemn
ly assumed before the country.
And first in regard to the ascendancy
which the Administration were expected
to maintain in the Gulf of Mexico. Nev
er, we will venture the declaration, was a
pledge so shamefully repudiated. Instead
of the ascendancy we are committed to as
sort, we exhibit the deplorable spectacle of
utter impotence and decay. No diplomat
ic representative at the capital ot Mexico,
but a solitary ship in the Gulf, and Amor- ;
ican influence completely obliterated from ;
the country, —thus it is that a Democratic ;
Administration has redeemed its obliga- j
tions to the people, and vindicated the na
tional honor in the eyes of the world. Nor
is this’all. Not content with the renun
ciation of their own “ascendency,” the U.
States ingloriously acquiesce in the usur
pations of foreign Powers. At this mo
ment, the French and British ministers in
Mexico virtually control the destinies ol
the republic. At this moment, an allied j
fleet from Europe rides supreme in the I
Gulf, and imposes its behests at the mouth j
of the cannon. At this moment, the Mex
ican republic is a helpless and submissive
vassal of Anglo French ambition ; and
while the just demands of the U nited States
upon Mexico are forgotten by our govern
ment, the comparatively inconsiderable j
claims of European creditors are enforced
by military demonstrations.
The picture is repulsive, but is exagger- j
ated is no single feature. Shall the Do- |
mocracy silently acquiesce in so signal a j
violation of their plighted faith to the na- ‘
tion ? Are they willing to he held respon
sible for so great a delinquency ? Two
years vet remain of Mr. Buchanan’s incum
bency*; and if the party will signify its res
olution to exact a literal fulfillment of its
pledges to the people, it may still “insure” !
this promised “ascendency” in the Gulf of j
Mexico. For ourselves, no matter what
the reproach of indiscretion in confessing ■
our own inconsistencies, we are determin
ed the Democracy shall not violate their
engagements, if perpetual admonitions ol
duty will avail anything for the defence of
their reputation. Apart from our volun
tary obligations, the obvious interests of
the country demand that the United States
shall at once assume their legitimate influ
mpjv* jrj Mexican counsels : and tho Demo-
crat who Deglects to urge the policy, is
laithless both to the pledges of his party
and the importunities of patriotism.
In another most important particular,
the Democratic Administration has failed
to fulfill the engagements of the Demo
| cratic party. By the declaration of the
Cincinnati platform, the Democracy are
pledged to the principle of American as
i cendcncy, and the annihilation of foreign
influence, on the Isthmus. We have “a
right to claim control over it,” and under
no circumstances will we surrender “owr
preponderance in the adjustment of all
j questions” affecting the States of Central
■ America. It was in these brave words
that the Democratic party declared its
purpose to protect the rights of the coun
try in Central America. Have we secured
the “free communication between the At
lantic and Pacific oceans,” which we prom
ised to realize by ”the timely and efficient
exertion of our legitimate control” over the
Isthmus ? On the contrary, the treaty
negotiated with the view of protecting the
rights of our citizens, is practically reject
ed by Nicaragua ; the transit is closed, and
the only “communication” with our Pacif
ic possessions exists by the sufferance of
British speculators.
In the maintenance of our “preponder
ance” on the Isthmus, what has been done?
. 1 . _ 1 „. 0 1411 CUUU 11 |
but if we understand the condition of af
fairs in Central America, the “pieponder
ance” is already waived in deference to the
superior claims of Great Britain. The
neutrality of the Isthmus is the watchword
of the Administration. In fact, the Amer
ican minister is instructed to stand aside
in apathetic indifference, while Gore Ouse
ley negotiates a treaty for the express pur
pose of substituting English ascendency
for the “preponderance” asserted in the
Democratic platform. We know the terms
of that convention. They were submitted
to Mr. Buchanan in advance of their prof
fer to the government of Nicaragua. They
make explicit provision for an equality of
British power on the Isthmus, and for the
privilege ot British interference in its po
litical relations. With the same right of
intervention, and with infinitely greater
resources of encroachment, England will
be sure to supplant the United States in
Central America. How can the embodi
ment of the Cincinnati platform consent to
such an arrangement ? Will the party
suffer its faith to be violated by the sacri
fice of an ascendency which it is pledged
never to surrender ?
Timid persons will shrink aghast at the
candor of these animadversions. The ser
vile spirit of the mute partisan will be
shocked by the exhibitiolTt f his own de
linquencies*
We would lain spare their sensibilities,
but we have higher aims than to play the
apologist of power. Our obligations to
the party are superior to the claims of an
Administration; and we intend to protect
the principles of Democracy against the in
fidelity of associates as well as the attacks
of avowed enemies.
Signs of the Time*.
Bogus Democracy, like a guilty culprit,
now trembles in its boots. On all sides
are to be seen unmistakable evidences of
its waning hopes and declining strength.
“The hand writing is seen upon the wall,”
in characters fearfully plain, and conster
nation possesses the rioters upon the pub
lic spoils. The recent disclosures of gross
corruptions and unheard ol profligacy, on
the part of the general government, star
tles the honest masses, and, like true pa
triots, they are fleeing from the rebellious
ranks into* which they have been deluded
by conspiring leaders*
’ The following melancholy strain, which
is dipt from the Atlanta intelligencer, of
last week, shows that his ‘‘harp is hung
upon the willow trees,” and, with the in- j
nocence of a wolf and the grief of a cormo- j
rant, he sobs forth this doleful refrain to
“fence men
“In these modern times we find many
politicians as well as public Journalists
who may be denominated as “fence men.”
Make the fence between Democracy and
Know Nothingism, where you will, they
forthwith get astraddle ot it, with one leg
on one side, and one leg on ‘Mother ’ side,
ready to pitch over one way or the other
as circumstances may make it necessary or
expedient for them to do. Well, this is a
free country and if a man wants to sit oil
the fence he has a perfect right to do so ;
but God save us from such politicians say
we.”
Now isn’t it too had that these bloated,
plethoric feeders upon public pap cannot
compel the people “to shell out.” always,
to satisfy their greedy maws. Then just,
to think how obliging they have been ; put
the fmxce where you will —run it towards
“filiibnsterdom,” —wall in “squatter sov
ereignty”—hedge out “States rights—tak
ing in the name of economy, but the realw
ty of prodigality —take in all possible cor
ruptions of the ballot box, and Govern
mental interference in election —take a
right to steal Cuba . and a sufficient anny
to concur Georgetown^ —take in the iu-
tegrity oi the National Democracy a* “tho
| paramount political* good”—take in “in
| ternal improvements by the general gov
| eminent”—take in a hundred million*
acres of public lands, to give to foreign
I criminals and paupers—take in the right,
j of aliens to tix the domestic institutions of
our territories—take in a custom -house for
every town that wants one—take in a sti
pend for every man of influence who has
worked for the party —take in any amount
of slavery agitation—take in all these
things and a thousand more—make the
fence to run, now North, now South, now
East, now West ; never straight but al
ways zigzagged, ahd by sinuosities
along. This is the kind of fence you make
and now’ though vou mav sob and “boo,
hoo, hoo,” never so much, honest straight
forward men must and will erosslit, and it
is no use for you to “snivel,” even when
you see"theni?going over by thousands.—
This the people do, not because they wish
to be on the “fence,” hut because they
wish to go straigh t forward and your crook
ed “fence” is in their way. — Horne Couritr .
As English Woman’s On moss op
Americas Ladies. —Madame Bodiclion,
who has recently published a tract on “ Wo
men and Work ” .pvimwiam v- ■*:
mat me me ot most women is a practical
denial of their duties to God. While on
a visit to this country, she was struck by
the utter idleness oft he “lady class” in so
ciety. There is, she says, “in America h
large class of ladies who do absolutely no
thing. In every large in the United
States there are large hotels or boarding
houses, containing several hundred inhab
itants each. This hotel p ipulation main
ly consists of families who live altogether
in hotels ; and the ladies—having no house
keeping whatever to do—have few of tho
usual duties of women'in Europe, and are
more thoroughly giveh up -to idleness and
vanity than any women I believe in tho
world.
These ladies have not tfie
which glosses over the lives of so many
women in Europe, and gives Lthem solid
value in society as upholders sos the arte
and literature; but are generally full of
the strangest affectations and pretensions.
The young ladies, especially, reminded me
of certain women 1 hare seen in seraglios,
whose whole time was taken up in dress
ing and painting their faces ; with this dif
ference—the ladies of the East spend their
days in adorning themselves to please ono
lord and master —the ladies of the West,
to please all the lords of creation. Which
is the noblest ambition ?
She also notices the fact that there is in
this country as strong a public opinion
against women working for a livelihood aa
in England. We never lit ar of a father
in independent circumstances giving his
daughter a prosessional education. “If he
can live in some style he counts on his
daughters marrying; and if he cannot, ho
probably sends them to some relative in a
city, who receives them for a long visit in
the hope of ‘getting them off/ Many
thousands of young girls c ome to the cities
to stay with brothers, uncles or friends, for
this purpose. A worse preparation for
any serious life cannot be conceived. Tear*
of idleness are often passed in this way;
years spent in nothing but dressing and
dissipation, and what does it lead to ?
Marriage probably ; but what sort of mar
riage can be formed by voting girls look
ing at the world from such a false position ?
With such a beginning to life, it is almost
impossible the girl can ever become a no
ble human being.” “In America —in that
noble, free, new country —it is grievous to
see the old, false, snobbish ideas of respec
tability casing at the heart of society—
making generations of women idle* and
c irrupt,- and retarding the on war 1 pr< gross
of the (in at Republic.”
A Proof of Sanity. — ln a court nv.m
in North Mississippi a man was on trial
for larceny. Ills sanity was doubted, and
the District Attorney thought it best to
prove it, and put the following question to
one of his leading w itnesses :
“ Do you think the prisoner can distin
guish between right and wrong ; can tell
the difference between good an I bad?”
Witness —“I think he can, sir for I saw
him take a drink of whiskey, and he said
it was good wliibkcy ; and, from this cir
cumstance, I should in S r that be could
‘tell the difference between goodnnAbad.’ ”
The bar enjoyed a hearty lallgh over the
novelty of the answer, in which his honor
freelv participated, and the proof was ac
cepted.
An Irish Judge said, when adrbessing a
prisoner ‘ “ ou are to be haogd”, and I
hope it will be a warning to you.*
“Round sir?” said the sailor, ih refer
ence to the shape ot the world, *• I’ve been
all over it, and it’s as tlat as a puncakt.’
Juries, like guns, are often ‘charged’
and sometimes w ith v ery bad amUOitiofli
Number 20.