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Volume 1.
THE
tpSON PILOT,
18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
Q-, A. MILLER,
Editor and Proprietor.
JAMES R. HOOD,
Publisher.
Terms of Subscription.
In advance, for 1 year, - $2 00
If payment be delayed 0 months, - 2 50
If delayed until the end of the year - - 300
Bates of Advertising.
Advertisements will be charged at the rate of one
dollar ]>er square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for
each subsequent insertion.
Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, -will be
inserted 12 months for £l2.
Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others
wishirrg to advertise by the year.
For Announcement of Candidates £5, invariably in
advance.
Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa
nied hv a resjsensible name. Obituaries of over 10
lines charged as Advertisements.
We commend the following Hates of Advertising by
contract to business men generally. We have placed
them at the lowest figures, and they w ill in no instance
be departed from :
PY CONTRACT. 3 mos. 6 mos. 0 nn>s. 1 year.
OJCK MMI’ARE.
Without change, £0 00 £8 00 £lO 00 £l2 00
Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 (Hj 10 00
Changed at will, * 800 12 00 14 QO 18 00
TWO SUCARKS.
Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00
Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00
Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00
THKKK BUCAUKS.
Without change, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00
Changed quarterly 18 00 22 00 26 00 31 00
Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00
HALS COLUMN,
Without change, 25 00 30 oo 40 00 50 00
Changed quarterly 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00
Changed at will, 35 00 45 QO 50 00 60 00
ONK COLI'MS,
Without change. 60 00 70 00 80 qq 100 00
Changed quarterly 65 00 75 00 00 00 110 00
Changed at will, 70 00 85 qq 100 qq 125 00
Legal Advertising.
Sales of Lands and Negroes, l>v administrators, Ex
ecutors ami Guardians, are required by law to be held
on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
Court House in the county in which the property is sit
uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub
lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice for the sale of personal property must be
given at least ten da\s previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must
be published forty days.
Notice that application will bo made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published weekly for two months.
Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub
lished thirty days—&ir Dismission from Administration,
month!} six months—for Dismission from Guardian
•hip, forty days.
Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must le published
monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers
for the full space of three months —for compelling ti
tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications will always he continued according to
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered,
It the following
ratks:
Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 50
“ Diemissory from Administration, 600
” “ “ Guardianship, 350
Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00
Pairs of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 150
Bales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50
Estrays, two weeks, 1 50
BheritTs till (la/*, 5 00
“ •* 30 “ 2 50
lir Money sent by mail is ui the risk of the Editor,
Erovided, if the remittance miicarry, a receipt be ex
ibited from the Post Master.
rrr. ,!?L -
PROFESSIONAL CAR DS.
DR. JOHN GOODE,
RHSPECTFULLY offers his Professional services to
the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity.
He can be found during the day at Dr. Heard’s of
fice, and at his father’s residence at night.
Thomaston, Feb. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
fedS—lv
P. W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
no\2s—ly
B. Wahrrj*. C. T. Goode.
WARREN & GOODE,
ATTORNEYS AT TAW,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlS—tf
A. C. MOORE,
D ENTIST,
THOMASTON, GA.
OFFICE at my House (the late residence of Mrs.
Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend t<> all elass
ee of Dental Operations. M v work is mv Reference.
novlS—tf
G. A. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON. GA.
BUSINESS car ds.
ghanitb hall,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
macon, Georgia
B . F . DENSE*
(Late of the Floyd House,)
ts Proprietor.
Hardeman & griffin,
Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and
Groceries of every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
, Tr _ MACON, GA.
ly R w ould call the attention of the Planters of Up
, ®on and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
benng we can make it to their interest to deal with
Racon Nf* ra Le r jq l?ss. an d - ts.
msi mm .
BUSINESS CARDS.
A. S. BROOKS,
Dealer in Family Groceries,
THOMASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., Ac.,
and a few Liquors for the afflicted.
W Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts
JAMES mTeDNEY, “
General Purchasing ana Commission Merchant,
AND DEALER IN
PIANOS, MELODEOXS. PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING
MACHINES, &c.
Publisher of “ Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of
N. C.,” “Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut
Falls. &c.
117 I'liaiulici’s Street, New-York.
Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job
bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole
sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time.)
on the best possible terms.
Commission fur Buying and Forwarding, Two and. a
Ilaif per Cent.
REFERENCES :
Wilson G. Hunt & Cos.. Ross, Falconer & Cos.. Meli
us Courier & Sherwood, Cook, Dowd, Baker & Cos.,
Furman Davis A Cos., A. T. Bruce & Cos., A. H. Gale &
! Cos., New-York; MePbeeters iV Gheselin, John B.
’ Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, Va.; Hon. John Baxter, Rev. W,
G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Tenn.,; lion. Thos. L. Jones.
New[*ort, Ky.,; Brown & McMillnr, Washington, W. &
D. Richardson, D. Ayers, Esq.. Galveston, Texas; D.
R. McAnnally, D. D., St. Louis. Mo.. ; R. S. Foster, D.
D.. Evanston, J. M. Jordan &: Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B.
Erwin, Esq., Washington, D. C.,; D. D. T. Moore, Esq.,
Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman. D. D., Spar
tanburg, S. C.,; Rev. C. C. Gillespie, New Orleans, La.;
John W. Stoy, Esq., Charleston, Hon. B. F. Perry,
Greenville, S. C.,; lion. Win. A. Graham, Hillsboro,
Hons. Chas. Manly and J. W. Ellis. Raleigh, Hon. D.
L. Swain, Chapel Hill, Chas. F. Deems, I). D., Wilson,
N. C.,; Dr. J. E. Fant, Macon, Miss.,; Myatts & Toler,
Marion. Ala.,; W. Schley, Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller,
Thomaston, Ga.,; W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, I’a.
Jan. 20, 1850.
SYDENHAM ACER. JNO. F. IVERSON
ACEE & IVERSON,
DRUGGISTS AND CHEMISTS,
SION OF GOLDEN EAGI.E,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and
Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests,
Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stull's, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, i me Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c..
&e. jan6—tf.
P> © L 0 T ] © ik L 3
From the Richmond Whig.
Letter from lion. John M. Botts.
Richmond, March 14, 1859.
To the Editors of the Whig:
Tito ridiculous and unfair attempts at
misrepresentation of what I said a short
time since in the Convention, by a portion
of the Democratic press in this city, can
only serve to satisfy all who heard my re
marks of the abandonment of all attempt
to answer the argument, and of the des
perate straits to which they are reduced
for something that will constitute a capi
tal upon which the existing canvass in this
State may bo conducted.
Despairing of all efforts to refute the
stubborn facts that have been presented
against the Democracy, they have resorted
to the most uncandid, disingenuous, and
unfair means, to create a popular prejudice
for the moment —not against the candidate
of our party, hut against me, who am in
no sense before the people for any office.
At this, however, I have neither felt sur
prise nor regret. I was not surprised, be
cause I have been too long accustomed to
such misrepresentations not to have been
prepared for it. I did not regret it, be
cause it conclusively showed the weakness
of our adversaries’ position.
But I did regret to see that Mr. Letcher,
between whom and myself the kindest rela
tions have always existed, had imitated so
bad an example ; and taking the “ cue”
from the Richmond Enquirer, had uncere
moniously and gratuitously introduced my
name into the canvass ; as if my soundness
or unsoundness on the slavery or other
questions, had any thing to do with the
contest between Mr. Goggin and himself ;
as if my merits or demerits were now pre
sented for the consideration and judgment
of the State. If he is correctly reported,
he has misrepresented my language, and
the meaning it conveyed.
1 am not in the habit of taking positions
that will impose upon me the necessity for
retraction or apology, on the score of youth,
indiscretion, or thoughtlessness. It is cus
tomary with me to weigh and measure all
my words,.and it is usual for me to say
what I mean, and mean what I say; and
on the occasion alluded to, I certainly
meant all that 1 did say.
In the New York Herald of the 10th,
Mr. Letcher is reported to have said sever
al ungracious and uncomplimentary things
of me, that I had no reason to expect trom
him.
“John M. Betts,” he said, “had taken
the stand against him. How stands he ?”
“The Richmond Whig has been compelled
to denounce bis unsoundness.” “He avow
ed in his Richmond speech his willingness
to unite with free negroes to put down the
Democracy.” “ Spoils were ot more inter
est to him than the rights of the South.
When and w*here have I taken the stand
against him ? I have mentioned his name
but once, and then in terms ot warm per
sonal friendship, and chiefly to show the
’ inconsistence of those who had denounced
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MOUSING, APRIL 7, 18-59.
him as being “a decided abolitionist,” “un
true to the South,” “unfaithful to Demo
cracy,” “deficient in moral integrity,” and
wanting in mental capacity,” and yet, in
the same breath declaring their purpose to
vote and work for him, if he should be the
nominee of the party. My object w r as to
show that the institution of slavery and
the interests of the South were least cared
for, by those who were most “fussy” on
the subject, and that the democratic party
had only used the question of slavery as a
football for party unity and ascendancy.
This is the only connection in which I
have used Mr. Letcher’s name, and if that
is offensive, then I plead guilty of having
thrown the first stone, although I did not
make one of the charges myself. Several
weeks ago, certain facts were placed at my
disposal, under the supposition that I in
tended to take an active part in the can
vass, connected with certain speculative
operations of Mr. Letcher in Washington,
that cannot be otherwise than detrimental
to his prospects if disclosed, as they cer
tainly will be, and if they should be estab
lished ; but which I declined to meddle
with, because they partook of a personal
as well as of a political nature, and be
cause I felt towards him all the ties of per
sonal friendship.
But, “ the Richmond Whig,” he says,
“ has been compelled to denounce his un
soundness.” How far it is either generous,
or proper, or admissable, for a gentleman
to repeat a charge or denunciation, that
lias been again and again, to his knowledge
unconditionally withdrawn voluntarily and
without consideration other than that of
well settled conviction and manly acknowl
edgment, I leave to Mr. Letcher, on a less
interested occasion, to determine. But if
he relies upon the withdrawn charge of the
Whig to establish unsoundness in me, how
does he propose to acquit himself of the
unwithdrawn and lately reiterated charges
of unsoundness and unworthiness against
him by the Enquirer—notwithstanding he
is the candidate of the party that the En
quirer is now pretending to support.
And, “I announced my willingness to
unite with free negroes to put down the
Democracy,” he says : When and where
did Mr. Letcher see this, except in the
Richmond Enquirer—authority that one
might suppose he would not be eager to
quote, or establish as reliable—and which
he was obliged to know was a gross misre
presentation of what I had said ; for he
had certainly read my speech as reported,
and that certainly furnished no foundation
for such a charge.
There was but one report of my speech
as far as 1 have seen, and that was taken
for the New York Herald, by its regular
reporter, who, I take pleasure in saying,
reported me, in substance, with great accu
racy, and his report was never seen by me
until it was in print, and that represents
me as saying, in reply to a complaint that
I was willing to receive the vote of the Re
publican party —“ that if there was a State
in the Union composed entirely of free ne
groes, and the Constitution gave them the
right to vote, I would he much obliged to
them to help me to beat the Democratic
party ” —and so I would—and Mr. Letcher
and all his party would, as all know, make
every effort and sacrifice to secure their
votes to keep them in power.
But, will Mr. Letcher, as a lawyer, a
politician, a gentleman, or a man of sense,
say that this language justified him of say
ing of me, before a crowd of his constitu
ents, and in my absence, with no one to
represent me, or correct him, that 1 had
said I was willing to unite with free ne
groes on any terms, or for any purpose ?
First, it was apparent to all, that my re
mark was intended merely as an illustra
tion of my deep seated and earnest convic
tion of the necessity for, and determina
tion to use all Constitutional and lawful
means to accomplish, the defeat of the de
mocracy, and not as a proposition to seek
their aid even, for the reason that there
was no such State in the Union, and nev
er could be ; and, secondly, to receive aid
from them was very different from uniting
with them, as every body is obliged to
know, who understands the weight and
meaning of the English language.
To unite or coalesce with a party implies
a recognition of equality and reciprocity ;
to receive aid from them implies neither
the one nor the other.
1 presume if Mu. Letcher’s house or barn
should be on fire, he would be glad to get
aid, either from Black Republicans, or free
negroes, to put it out. let nobody would
ever suspect that HE would unite, or coal
esce. or form a partnership in business
transactions for pecuniary speculation, or
business advantage with either. W e all
know he would be too pure and immacu
late now, whatever he might have been
willing to do in 1855, to form a coalition,
or to unite with that degraded, unworthy
and disfranchised portion of our popula
tion, known as W bigs and Know Noth
ings ; hut will he say he would not be
thankful for their aid to beat Mr. Goggin ?
Or will he, or any other man of respecta
bility and common sense, say,, that if a
candidate for office, he would not prefer
that the votes of any class of people, that
were clothed by the Constitution with
power to vote, should be given to him,
rather than to his competitor. If they
will, then I have only to say, that I don't
believe them, and nobody else will; but if
true, they ought at once, as Col. Benton
would have said, to be “cut for the sim
ples.”
During the revolutionary war, the ne
groes were armed and their aid accepted to
repel the enemies of the country ; and at
the battle of New Orleans, Gen. Jackson
availed himself of the aid of the slaves of
Louisiana, in beating back the British
forces under Packenham. But, was it ev
er charged that either our forefathers, or
Gen. Jackson, proposed to unite with the
negroes, free or bond, on terms of equality
or reciprocity ? Such an attempt in this
case on the part of Mr. Letcher is unwor
thy his past position and of the position
he seeks to fill. Let him leave such efforts
to a reckless party press, and conduct the
canvass on his own merits, anil the merits
of his party, on the merits of its principles,
with a manliness that would seem to indi
cate that he had some little remaining con
fidence, that the cause he represents is up
right and just, and not impliedly admit
that neither himself nor his cause can he
sustained, unless by a resort to an expedi
ent, that will neither add to his political
advantage nor to his personal honor.
There were five persons formerly of this
city, who are now dead, but whose memo
ries will live in the public regard for many,
many long years to come, who never omit
ted an opportunity to cast their votes for
me when I was a candidate, either for the
State Legislature or for Congress—and of
whose support I have felt, and shall ever
feel, a just degree of pride—they were
John Marshall, John Wickham, Chapman
Johnson, Watkins Leigh, and Ilob’t Stan
ard ; and yet, when the sheriff came to
count up the votes at the close of the polls,
they counted but five—and if I have re
ceived the vote of one “ Molungeon,” and
he had been authorized by the Constitu
tion to vote, and had had a majority of
only one—it would have been difficult to
tell, whether I was most indebted for my
election to the “Molungeon,” or to the
Chief Justice of tlm United States ; and it
rny competitor had received six “ Molun
jreon” votes, or the votes of six worthless
and degraded locofocos, (supposing there
could be any such,) they would have more
than balanced these five of the first men
the State could boast, and I hardly think
1 ever had a competitor, who would not
have claimed the beuefit of the return on
tlie ground that one constitutional vote
was as good for an election as another.
But, lastly, he says, “Spoils are of more
interest to me than the rights of the
South.” Now, 1 ask John Letcher to lay ;
his hand upon his heart, and answer, be
fore Heaven, whether he believes this to be
true. What spoils have 1 received, or
sought ? What evidence have 1 given of
a desire, or thirst for spoils? What par
ty have 1 forsaken or abandoned ? What
principles, or opinions, have I changed or
recanted when a candidate, or not a candi- ;
date, for public honors and emoluments ?
When was I charged with taking spoils,
under the instructions of 39 men, that I
would not take without them, and that I
was not entitled to receive ? When was I
charged with keeping watch over flic
Treasury to defeat private claims, old sol
dier’s bounties, and old widow’s pensions,
whilst I was voting the appropriation of j
millions, for purposes that would necessa- j
lily enhance the value of my own private j
speculations? No, Mr. Letcher; a sacri
fice of principles for spoils is a very com
mon charge against politicians, especially
those of the party to which you belong ; ;
but no such charge has ever been before
made, or can now be sustained, against
me.
If when I have been denounced and j
beaten by my own party —and had ever) j
possible inducement and promise of re
ward held out by the other —if when daily j
examples were spread before mo, of those j
who had renounced their party associates, j
abandoned their long cherished opinions j
and principles, and gone over to those
whom they had for years and years de
nounced as rogues and royalists, and thieves ;
and traitors, and were then rewarded for !
their apostacy with high honors and emol
uments —if when I saw all this, I stood
firm and immovable in mine integrity, and j
mv principles, not in a hopeless minority i
onlv. but almost by myself alone, when
spoils and honor and distinction were with
in my grasp—if this gives evidence of my ,
preference for spoils over the rights of the ,
South, or any thing else that was right or j
just, or proper in itself, then Mr. Letcher’s
denunciatory charge is well founded, and I
will submit without defence. But, if. on
the contrary, my course has exhibited a
preference for truth, and honesty, and jus
tice, and right, and principle, and love of
country, then Mr. Letcher's charge falls
harmlessly at my feet, and recoils with ten
fold severity upon him who rashly makes
it, and I leave him to the full enjoyment
of whatever advantage it may yield him.
But, John Letcher does not believe it
himself, and honest John should have been
too honest to have said it. Let him reach
the Gubernatorial chair by fair and honest
means, if he can, but let him exhibit more
generosity and fairness than thus to at
tempt the sacrifice of a friend, or make his
reputation a stepping stone to his own pre
ferment ; but he must not expect me to sit
with my arms folded, under such imputa
tions from him. Respectfully,
JNO. M.BOTTS.
Letter from the lion. William
A. Graham*
Os North Carolina, to the Whig General
Committee of New York.
Hillsboro’, N. C., Feb. 25,1859.
Gentlemen : I regret that my absence
from home and indispensable engagements
have thus long delayed the acknowledg
ment of your letter of the 7th instant,
transmitting a resolution of the Whig Gen
eral Committee of the city of New York,
and requesting my views on the present
aspect of affairs. I still more regret the
want of leisure at present which would en
able me to respond to this request in a be
fitting manner.
You do me but justice, gentlemen, in
classing me in the “Old* Guard,” which
was wont to be marshalled under the head
of Clay and Webster, and which, in every
time of public emergency and national
danger, has appeared itself the life-guard
of tlie Constitution and a Constitutional
Union ; which, whether in or out of power
in a party sense, lias ever been loyal to the
Government and relied upon to extricate
it from difficulties and save it from the an
tagonisms of factions and sections. Most
heartily do I concur with your committee
that there should be an end of agitation
on the subject of slavery. In the Consti
tution formed by our fathers they mutual
ly agreed to stipulations on this topic,
which in the first half century of the Re
public were rarely misunderstood. Upon
successive enlargements ot our borders and
the institution of new States and Territo
ries it gave rise to divisions of the most se
rious character. These, upon two memo
rable occasions, were composed under the
auspices of Henry Clay ; and, it the set
tlements thus made were not approved by
all they were acquiesced in, and regarded
as final by the great majority of the Amer
ican people.
Without designing to censure those en
tertaining and acting on a different opin
ion, I more than doubt the wisdom of re
opening this controversy since the compro
mise of 1850. It has been productive of
no result but violent, factious, arid dis
graceful contentions in the distant Terri
tories, and sectional alien;!* on among the
States. It excited hopo’:A the South and
fears in the North which have been alike
disappointed, and which never can be re
alized. The law of soil and climate turns
out to be nearly the same in effect with
the law penned by Clay. Practically,
therefore, there is no longer an existing
cause of discussion on this vexed question,
and agitation must die out unless new fu
el shall he found for the flame. The polit
ical organization w hich may aspire to guide
the future destinies of the nation must
consequently appeal to public sentiment j
on topics more expansive and general than |
opposition to or zeal for the establishment j
of slavery in a Territory which must soon
become a State and regulate its own insti
tutions. The period is passed when this
issue, like the rod ot Aaron, can be per
mitted to swallow’ up all questions of na
tional policy, to obstruct, as for years it
has done, the attention of Congress to the
national interests, and to proscribe as un
worthy of trust all who do not subscribe
to the tests of political orthodoxy set up
by extremists on either side.
* In view of this approaching calm in the
public mind, I cannot but regard the quick
ened appetite for the acquisition of Cuba,
and the very extraordinary measure rec
ommended to obtain it, as anew paitv de
vice, having for its object to introduce a
new test of party fealty, instead of that
which is about to expire. It should ever
be borne in mind that the extension ot
their territories was not one of the objects
for which the people of the 1. nited States
entered into the Federal T nion. It is true
that in the progress of our histoi), mag
nificent domains have been acquited, ad
din<- greatlv to the national commerce and
power, but always of territories contiguous
to our own, ot the main land of the conti
nent. by treaties made with the assent of
the sovereign for a reasonable equiva
lent, or by conquest in war. These, how -
ever. have been but incidents in our course,
and “to form a more perfect union, cstab- j
lish justice, increase domestic tranquility,
provide for the common defetice, promote j
the eneral welfare, and secure the bles
sings of liberty to ourselves and our pos
terity” still remain the great purposes for
which the Government was established. —
I do not know that, under all circumstan
ces I should saw with Mr. Calhoun, that
“to us Cuba is forbidden fruit.” The time !
may come when it may he expedient and
necessarv to enlarge our boundaiics, and ,
even to cover islands of the sea. But 1* t
all such events he the results of time and j
necessity, and effected without injustice or
loss of national character. The adminis
tration of Mr. Fillmore promptly refused
the overture of England and France furs
stipulation that neither of the parties
would acquire this island, and at the samo
time declared that the United States would
never consent to its transfer from to
any other European Power; and tue en
forcement of tliis declaration is all that
our interest or honor require. The pres
ent limits of the United States compre
hend an empire of sufficient magnitude to
satisfy every just aspiration for national
grandeur, and care should be taken nei
ther to sully our good name, nor to bur
den the present population of the country
with exactions of hundreds of millions to
purchase more lands, to the end that we
may boast more extended domains. And
when we know of a certainty that Cuba is
not for sale, and that propositions for its
! purchase are offensive to its proprietors, it
is not only idle, but. mischievous to appro
priate moneys for its purchase, and there
fore seizure in the event of refusal.
Whig policy, gentlemen, is founded on
no one idea, which may form the subject
of a temporary excitement, expending all
its energies now upon Kansas and now up
on Cuba. It builds its structures on no
narrow platform, formed to be interpreted
in different sections with different mean
ings ; but it looks to all the groat inter
ests of the nation contided to the Federal
Government, and seeks to adorn them by
the means committed to its power. While
abstaining from the exertion of powers de
nied. it contemplates the free and benefi
cent exercise of those conferred for the pub
lic good. It endeavors to allay sectional
excitement, and to promote sentiments of
harmony and union by doing justice to all
sections. Economical in fact, not in idle
railing or boasting, it estimates the amount
required for an efficient public service, and
appeals to an intelligent people fur its con
tributions, not by direct taxes, but by duties
distinctly levied and honestly paid on for
eign imports, with discrimination when
necessary in favor of American and against
foreign interests. \\ hen last Invested with
authority, undei the mild and just rule of
Fillmore, 11 gave due attention to all the
national interests vA an annual cost of less
than fifty-two millions of dollars —although
there was an overflowing Treasury which
it constantly but vainly besought Congress
to reduce, and the complaint then made in
a higher quarter that this amount of ex
penditure was extravagant, calling for tho
intervention of Democratic reform, when
under its author we have seen expendit
ures mount uj) to eighty millions per year,
in a time too of profound peace, proves
what was said long ago by the most philo
sophic of statesmen, that “the art of gain
ing power and that of using it well are of
ten found in different person*.”
But our system of policy is too well un
derstood by the country to need detailed
exposition, and in my opinion the people
are ready lo return to it, as to the safeand
tried paths of experience, if all who ap
prove it in sentiment will co-operate in ac
tion. They want not war, nor rumors of
war, but peace, except when a resort to
arms may be necessary for the defenoa of
American interests and power. Thy *fw
actuated by no lust for conquest and do
minion, They are wearied of sect ional ag
itation, and desire if possible a restoration
of fraternal feeling. Instead of extrava
gance, they require retrenchment, not hv
sudden efforts, made in dread of popular
displeasure, which threaten to destroy
wholesome public institutions, but by a
well considered reform and correction of
abuses, beginning with those practiced un
der the eye of Congress itself —in the de
partment of public printing, for example.
They desire, in line, a more conservative,
national, and healing influence in the pub
lic counsels, and need but a union of effort
on the part of all entertaining these senti
ments to eth et the object ot their wishes,
1 um, with sincere respect, gentlemen,
Your obedient servant,
WILL. A. GRAHAM.
To Messrs. J. Philips Phenix, Willis
Blackstone, A. M. Biningcr, D. L. Levy,
and A. K. Smith. Committee.
David Webb, Esq., Cor. Secretary.
Quizzing a Joked. — A gentleman cros
sing one of the New York ferries, Was ac
costed by one of those peripatetic venders
of cheap literature and weekly n< wsj open?,
who arc to be found in shoals about all our
public ]daces, with, “Buy Hulwers last
work, sir ? Only two sliihin. ihe gen
tleman willing to have a laugh with the ,
urchin, said, “why, 1 am Bulwer myself 1”
Off went the lad, and whispering to anoth
er. at a little distance, excited his wonder
ment at the information he had to impart.
Eyeing the pretended author of Pelham
with a kind of awe, he approached him
timkllv, and. holding out a pamphlet, said,
modestly, “Buv the School for Husbands,
sir YoiSre not Mrs. Buhcer, an you,
too!” Os course, the proposed sale was
effected.
Flattery is a sort of bad money which
our vanity gives currency.— ttoch/oii^aUHi
Number 21.