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Volume 1.
THE
UP SO N P I L 0 T.
IS PUBLISHED EVERYjJATUBDAY MORNING,
q. > J\,.
Editor and Proprietor.
JAMES K. HOOD,
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Sales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex
ecutors and Guardians. are required by law to bo held
on the first Tti'ulav in the month, between the hours
of ten in the forenoon ami three in the afternoon, at the
Court House in the county in which the property is sit
uated. Notices of these sales niiv-t be given in a pub
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Notice for the sale of personal property must be
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Notice to Debtors and Creditors ol‘ an Estate must
be published forty days.
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Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published \veekly for two moiiLlim
Citations for L* r T Admhijstradon mn-t be pub
lished thirty days—for Dismission from Adimni. tration,
monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian
ship, forty days.
Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published j
monthly for four months—for establishing h t papers j
for the full space of three months—for couipedit r ti j
ties from Executors or Admini--.tr:do; where* a tooel ‘
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months.
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at the following
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list rays, two weeks, 1 50
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“• ‘• 80 2 50
i C Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor,
provided, \f t\\o remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex
hibited from tlte Post Master.
PK< >FESSI( )NALi CAR! >S.
WM. G. HORSLEY^
•A 11 orll o v a t Yj nw ,
TJIOMASTON, GA.
A\ ILL practice in l jison. Talhnl. Taylor. Crcuvfonl,
Monroe. i'ike and Merriwether Couutic?.
April 7. ls.j{t —1 v,
dr. JOHN GOODE,
11 TH IJA oftPrs ]iN I‘rnt'es.siurisil services to
t it* i iti/.t'iis ni | Immasion and its vkiuuv.
ne can lx> found during the day at l>r. Heard's of
’ ■ at his lather’s residence at night,
rbomaston. Fell. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
feds— 1 v TIIOMASTo * x GA.
” p - NV - ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
nov2.V-ly THOM ASTON, GA.
Wabre.v.
AX* C. T. Goope.
11W _V BB 5 & Goor> E,
TORNKVB \ r T Ji\AV
HUSTON C 0„ GA. “ ’
n A. 0. MOORE,
1) E A T T IST,
AFprop TIIOMASTON, GA.
G Hicks hvlfpr ?"“*■ le I:ue residence of Mrs.
88 Denial ftJ. : am to attend to all elass-
‘ My work is my Reference.
G. A. MILLER,
attorney at law,
THOMASTOX. GA.
JO
: 1 N It S S CARLS.
r. GEORGE W. DAVIS,
, A ! a I ‘? a . ut 'hd Stock of Spring and Sum
l C " ui ] )r ’ s ‘ n ” every article usually kept in
tall au, l see him at his old stand.
I 7. 1869.
HALL,
Ar up OSITETHE LANIER HOUSE
’ Ac OX, GEORGIA
B • F . DEIV SE ,
I Late of the Floyd House,)
I I’aofmnToii.
BUSIN ES H C ABBS.
} W. A. SNELIT
Doaler in pure Drugs and Medicines,
THOM ASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand and for rale a largo Stock
of pure Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals and Patent
Medicines, consisting in part of Dr. Ayer’s Cherry Pec
toral and Cathartic Pill- - . and Sarsaparilla, Wistar’s
RaLam of Wild Cherry. Mustang Liniment, Perry Da
! vis’ Vegetable Pain Killer, Roberts’ Cholic Mixture,
• Alcohol, Linseed Oil, Train Oil, Spirits of Turpentine,
, Coach and Japan Varnish. Also, Dye Stuffs, fine Cog
nac Brandy, Ten Year Old Apple Brandy, fine Bourbon
| Whiskey, Old Port and Madeira Wines, Fine Cigars
i and Tobacco, all of the very best quality. Besides
j those, he lias lino and fancy, articles for the Toilet,
! Paints, Varnishes, &e., and in fact every thing usually
kept in a first class Drug Store.
I Call and see him at the stand formerly occupied by
Harwell & Goode. May 19
STDF.NHAM ACEH. .IXO. F. I VERS OX
ACEE &. IVERSON,
s> ri: a a is t s a a s> c u e i?i ist s ,
SIGX OF COI.DEN EAGLE,
COLU M B US, GEOII GI A .
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
cines. Chemicals, Acids, Fine Snaps. Fine Hair and
i Tooth Brushes, Perfumery. Trusses and Shoulder
i Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chest.-,
■ Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs. Fancy and
j Toilet Articles, .Fine Tobacco and Havana Sugars, &c..
&c. , janG— ts.
HARDEMAN & GRIFFIN,
BE in-IRS IN
STAPLE DRY GOODS AND GROCERIES
Os Every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
WE would call the attention of flic Planters of Up
'V son arid adjoining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
ns.
Macon, Ga., November 19,1858. nov2s—tf.
ip ©i i fj ©
Speech of Hon. Wm. C. Hives,
Delivered in the City of Richmond, 17r
fjinia. May 3, 1859.
Mr. Rives Began by remarking, that llie
habits and pursuits.of his life, for many
years past, had removed him entirely, from
scenes of political excitement. I have no
desire, he said, again to engage in them.—
While 1 had a public duty to perform, I
endeavored to discharge it honestly, faith
fully, and to 11 io best of my ability more
(tiiKwu.i t<-> cvcvo I (mu Li hmm>. my j
consilium's. Cherishing’’ with sincerity I
the ] iin ij Its I brought with me into pub- j
lie life, I e- uld not, asanhonest man, change I
them at the bidding of party.
My f ervid's were no longer acceptable ;
and I have since lived a private citizen.
Contented and happy, with no complaints
or regrets in the past —no aspirations in
the future.
But, fellow-citizens, I should be sorry to
say that 1 have lived an unconcerned spec
tator of public events. In a free country
every citizen, the humblest and most ob
scure, its well as the highest, has a patriot
ic duty to perform in watching over and
defending, according to His opportunities,
the precious deposit of the public liberties.
Candor com] els me to declare that, from
time to lime, i have seen much cause for
patriotic anxiety, hut never so much as at
the present moment.
It is this conviction which has induced
me—l may say constrained me—not with
s out many struggles against the force of
; habit and that love of retirement which
grows stronger by every day's indulgence,
to appear before you, in obedience to the
Hattering’ call that has been made upon
me. I know how incapable lam of add
ing. bv anything 1 can say, to the force of
the many able and eloquent appeals that
have been already addressed to the intelli
gence and manliness of tlie country. But
powerless as my voice is, I teel that I should
be recreant to the duty of a good citizen,
if 1 were not to raise it in such a cause,
while there may be one of my countrymen
willing to listen to me.
1 do not appear before you to plead for ,
the triumph of a party. No, fellow-citi
zens ; it is a far higher cause which now
demands the exertions of us all. A bold
and unblushing corruption has invaded ev
ery department of our muionaladministra
tion, which, if not promptly and vigorously
checked by the sovereign rebuke of the
people, must soon engulf the public liber
ty, as it is rapid!} undermining the public
morals.
The wisdom and valor of our ancestors
bequeathed to us noble free institutions,
which were intended to place the public
liberty securely under the guardianship of
the public virtue. It is these noble insti
tutions which daring official abuses, em
boldened by impunity, would now pervert
; to the destruction of Liberty, by undermi
ning every guarantee provided for its secur
ity—even the virtue and patriotism of the
people themselves. Shall we not, then
rally to their defence, one and all of us ?
Shall we be told that this is the cause of a
party ? Believe me, fellow-citizens, it is
the vital cause of constitutional freedom —
the common cause of every American citi
zen, Democrat, Whig, or by whatever party
denomination he may have been hitherto
known, who values his birthright, and is
manfully determined to defend it.
That 1 have presented to you no exag
gcrut* and picture of our public situation, is
‘THE UNION OF THE STATESs —DISTINCT, LIKE THE
TIIOMASTON, GEORGIA. SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 28, lxA
| unfortunately too well established by facts,
; now of universal notoriety. Revelations
brought out, during the late session of
Congress, have placed them before the pub
! lie in a form not to be questioned.
Look at the report upon public printing:
and you will see there how elaborate! v and
ingeniously, in that large department of
the public expenditure, corruption lias been
organized into a system to multiply bribes
to the employes and supporters of the Gov
ernment. Every contract, whether for paper
I for priuting, for lithographing, for engrav-
I mg, has been so managed as not
only to yield a rich harvest to the
contractor himself, but to the officer
of the Government who awards the con
tract, and to the intermediate agents em
ployed as brokers to procure it. Thus is
a single job made, by its ramifications, to
enlist and remunerate a dozen or more
political retainers, at an enormous cost to
the Treasury : for the prices allowed to the
contractor must be correspondingly high
to enable him to pay the customary trib
| utes to his patrons and associates.
And this rank scene of corruption’ has
been passing under the very nose of the
Government, in the city of Washington.
One of these leviers of black mail— one
who received the modest sum of $39,000
for bis good will and patronage in the sale
and brokerage of public contracts —was
i but the other day owner and conductor of
j the official organ of the Government, and
1 is even now, we are told, public printer in
fact, though notin name.
Look now at the huge report made upon
the operations in the navy yards of Phila
l delphia and Brooklyn—a document gigan
j tic and staitling in the official iniquities it
reveals. I have neither the time nor the
| patience to enter into the disgusting dc
i tails of these revelations. But one glaring
j and monstrous fact appears from them all
; —the systematic employment of contract
; for every variety of work and materials in
both of those vast establishments, and that
with the direct approbation of the Govern
i ment itself, to reward partizan services,
; and to debauch the suffrages of the people.
There you will see contracts involving
large amounts of the public money, direc
ted by the Government to be given, in
i ODcn violation of law, to the highest, in- ,
stead of (lie lowest bidder, bom tin :-te .
consideration of the number of subsidized ‘
voters in the employment of the preferred
party, whose suffrages were required in the |
critical moment of a contested election.— j
So minutely and systematically was this
policy carried out in one of those establish
ments,* that Democratic members of Con
gress representing the adjoining district’
were formerly constituted by the Govern
ment its authorized agents for making an
equitable division of the public spoils
among its supporters ; and in this manner, :
the yard was filled so the number of several :
thousand, with worthless and incompetent
men, whose only claim to employment was .
founded on political service, and among
whom, in the language of the report, “idle
ness, theft, insubordination, fraud, and
gross neglect of duty, prevailed to an alar
ming extent,”
The developments made present the
Government as moving in a constant circle
of corruption. First, the Government, !
with the public money, corrupts the con- i
tractors and their employes to vote for;
members or Congress : then the contractors
corrupt the members of Congress, with a
stipulated per centage, to procure them
other contracts ; and finally, the members
of Congress, by one species of influence or
another, corrupt the Government to bestow
the contracts which they had stipulated to
obtain. v
But, fellow-citizens, I cannot follow out
these revolting details ; there they arc up
on record, where you can examine them
for yourselves, and ponder on the mournful
degeneracy of the public morals they dis
close, and upon your solemn duty, as men
and patriots, to rebuke and correct tiic
evil. I have referred to those things with j
the deepest humiliation as an American
citizen. I sincerely wish, for the honor of
my count rv, that they could be shown lo
be” party libels. But, unfortunately, the
facts are too notorious- —the knowledge of
them is too wide-spread and universal—to
admit either of denial or suppression.
The whole air is filled with them. They
are propagated on the winds to the corners
of the earth. AY hat has made AA ashing
ton, as the central seat of the government
—the public offices—Congress itself, a by
word and reproach with the yet uncon lam
inated mass of the people, but the belief j
that corruption festers there, and is thence
diffused, like a subtle poison, through eve
ry branch of the public administration Je
sending upon it. Have not Senators of
the dominant party —elevated by their
character as well as their position—open
ly proclaimed in the Senate chamber their
solemn conviction that the Government of
the United States, of which they form a
part, “ is the most corrupt now existing on
the habitable globe ’?
The time is come, when patriots and
good men of all political, denominations
must seriously reflect upon the duties
* Brooklyn,
; CNF, LIKE THE SEA”
vinca they owe to their country, irrespec
tive mere party considerations. If we
incun to the noble heritage of
freedom ancestors have trans
muted to is the time to make the
effoD.. Public morality is the only basis
on which free institutions can stand. If
that is once sapped, the edifice itself must
crumble to she ground.
Waive not been an inattentive olPrver,
: ffl^Hpbilizens, of what lias passed in other
countries, as well as our own, during the
.eventful epoch in which we live. 1 have
iv. itrr^ssed- 1 he downfall of an ancient mon
arch} in Europe. I have seen a constitu
tional representative government establish
ed upon its ruins ; and in eighteen short
yeai y, I have seen that government subver
ted by a revolution, to make way, after a
brief and convulsive period of anarchy, for
| a military despotism.
A\ hat occasioned the premature down
tall of the representative government of
I ranee ? It was political corruption un- •
, denuiuing-it at its base. Louis Philippe!
I and Ins ministers, instead of resting on
the virtue and intelligence of the country
! for support, sought to rule it by an open
i and shameless system of corruption. The
elective franchise being confined to a com
paratively small portion of the nation, and j
that fraction being itself corrupted by the !
Government, the mass of the people could
right themselves only by revolution ; and 1
the Govermnbnt fell.
L is a remarkable instance of the cer
tainty with which effects follow their cau
ses in the political world, that 31. de Toe
queville, one of the most profound politi
cal philosophers of this or any other age,
announced from his place in the chamber
of Deputies, while all seemed sure and sta
ble in the eyes of the government, that the
country was sleeping upon a volcano, and
that a revolution was at hand. And what
was the ground of his prediction ? There
had then been no popular tumults —no
public disorders. He pointed alone to the
depravation of the public morals by the
malpractices of the Government—to the
system of political corruption it had intro
duced, and on which it relied—as the fa
tal cause which must inevitably bring on a
| national catastrophe.
Now. ff'llo'A-citizens. I take unqu JQiv r :
.-• a, vitil some knowledge ol facts m both \
courta ries, to say that, great as were the [
abuses then committed by the Govern-1
mi nt of France, they were, in no respect, !
! greater than those which are this day re- !
vealed to us as habitually, systematically!
practiced bv our own government-. For-!
| Innately for us, our political institutions {
have, in the general light of suffrage, fur
nished the people of America with an offi
cii nt insu’umaut for the peaceable correc
tion of these abuses, if they choose to make
1 use of it. This great right, Mr. Jefferson
! has emphatically told us, is the appropri
ate and “peaceable corrective of abuses,
, which in other countries are lopped by the |
! sword of revolution.” But if the people, |
i enslaved by their party leaders, will not j
apply the “corrective, it is the same thing
ns it they had it not: and we must then, \
like other nations, run the risk -of violent
!” react ions and revolutions, of which few can
ibn see the issue, when they are once en- |
tered upon.
AA r e have had impressive admonitions!
that these tire not mere visionary specula
tions, even in this land of the largest liber
ty. AA hat have already been the results
of the heedless exercise or of the party en
slavement of the right of suffrage in the
hand: of certain portions of the American |
people ? Have we not seen vigilance com
mittees forcibly superseding, in several
communities, municipal governments that !
sprang from the forms of popular election, ;
but whose abuses and corruptions were so j
great that the most virtuous and. in gene
ral, p< ace-h>\ ing citizens, co-operated in
their ovei throw : and even those who gave j
existence io th m by their suffrages, look
ed.on. and rejoiced in their downfall.
And what is this but revolution ? And j
may whai has occurred in your cities,
occur, in process of time, on the theatre ol
the nation, if such enormous governmental
abuses as I have exposed to you this day,
be permitted to go on, not only uij correct
ed. but accumulating, and. acquiring a
m ae daring boldness by impunity ? Leave
net, 1 beseech you, f-How-citizens, this
dear native land of ours to the cruel alter
native of a tame surrender ol its liberties,
or of a fearful resort to a revolutionary
vigilance committee taking possession of
the Government at AYashingtou.
No, fellow-citizens ; let us organize our
legal, constitutional, salutary vigilance j
committees at the polls. Let us throw off
the debasing shackles of party thralldom,
and assert the majesty and sovereignty of
the pcq alar will. Let us resolve by the
potent voice of our suffrages to exclude
from the high places of the Government
those, whether individuals or parties, who
have in any manner sanctioned, participa
ted in, or been accessory to the gross and
daring abuses which dishonor the country, ;
while they imperil its liberties. .
I know the re are many of my Democrat
ic friends who loathe and detest these offi
cial imquiti* s as I do. I*nv to them, then.
respectfully but earnestly—do not make
yourselves responsible for and accessory to
i such abuses, bv giving your confidence and
support to those who practice them Stand
up in the virtue and manliness of your
own freedom. You are she rightful mas
ters. Do not consrut to wear the tarnish
ed and dishonored livery of your servants.
You owe no allegiance but to your coun
try ; and she now calls upon you to per
form your duty, your whole duty to her,
fearlessly as patriots, conscientiously as
men.
It is th? fatal Jffetrino of passive party
obedience and non-resistance—a doctrine
! so long and successfully inculcated by the
party in power —that lias brought the af
fairs of our country into their present de
plorable condition. They have assiduous-
Iv taught that tlio first and indeed only
I duty of every man, in the exercise of his
civil and political functions, is to follow
| and obey his party leaders : that the pre
dominance of his party, under all circum
! stances, and whatever be the consequences
| to his country, is the one paramount and
; absorbing object which should engage all
his zeal, to the disregard of every dictate
! of conscience, and of every call ol patriot
j ism.
This mercenary and slavish doctrine has
been enforced by the terrors of excommu
nication on the one hand —by the lavish
promises of reward on the other. “To tlie
victor belongs flic spoils of victory,” is the
motto emblazoned oil their standard. The
offices, the employments of the Govern
ment, arc no longer, in their eyes, public
trusts, to be conferred and administered
for the public good ; but of every grade
and description, from the highest lo the
lowest, they are the legitimate booty of a
conquering party, to be dealt out in lar
gesses and rewards to its followers. Thro’
jobs, through contracts, through the prod
igal and unscrupulous expenditure of the
public money, upon every possible pretext,
the Treasury is delivered up to pillage, to
stimulate the activity and feed the cupidi
ty of partisan hordes.
The startling abuses which have been
recently brought to light, in the various
branches of the public administration, arc
not accidental, or occasional, or simply
norsonai. TUev are iffo. neeessavy. logical,
inevitable results of the system of political
morality embraced, and indeed professed,
by the party in power. It’ the Govern
ment is to be administered solely for the
benefit and selfish interests of a party, then
fellow-citizens, your rulers have not been
unfaithful to their creed.
And who, permit me to ask, according
to this modern system of political tactics,
constitute the party? Arc they the rank
and file—fhe great body of worthy and
respectable citizens who do the voting—
that constitute the party, in a practical
sense? No, fellow-citizens jwe all know,
and I am sure that many of my Demo- j
cratic friends will sustain me in what I say ;
—it is a few adroit political managers,
who, for the most part, make a trade of |
politics, that constitute the real party, in
every practical, influential sense. It is ;
they that make the nominations —they :
that, make the political issues—they that >
construct the party platforms; and the
sovereign people, however their conscien
ces and better feelings may revolt, have no j
option, under this new martial law of par
ty discipline, but to obey, or ;o be shot as
deserters.
Is this, fellow-citizens, the system of
government which our noble and free-born
ancestors bequeathed to us ? Is this a gov
ernment of the people ? Is this a Democ
racy. in the virtuous and honorable sense
in which only a free people would accept ;
it, or is it not rather an oligarchy of the
worst and most degrading character —a
sordid oligarchy of mercenary office holders
and office-seekers ? 1 have the satisfac
tion to know that there are Democrats in
Virginia, at least, who repudiate such a
system —who will not permit themselves to ;
he manacled with such >ile fetters —-who
will assert their privileges as freemen, their ,
dignity as men.
In a free country there will be, there
must be parties. But to the virtuous and
honorable, and to merit the support.of.
the people, they must he founded on pnn
ciple, and honestly pursue the public good j
as their aim—not the acquisition of power j
for mere selfish and interested ends.
bee, fellow-citizens, how this natural •
anil legitimate constitution ot parties has
been perverted of late in this country, by
the corrupting influences of the new system
of political ethics taught and practiced by
the party in power. What were the dis
tinguishing’ principles of the Democratic
party, professed in the days of its purity,
by its great founder, Thomas Jefferson ?
Simplicity and economy in the public ex
pense —a jealous limitation of executive
power —a sacred regard for the freedom of
elections —a stern prohibition ot all official
interference with them —peace and honest
friendship with all nations.
AYith democratic tradition, and even pro
fessions of simplicity and economy, your
two last administrations have, in six years,
carried up the expenses of the government
from forty to eighty million: of dollars._(l
spcalc approximately arid in round num
bers,) having exhausted a surplus of 20 or.
millions, and now* living lrmn hand to
mouth, on the beggarly and ruinous cxj'C
dient ot loans ; while rU the same time wo
j hare seen Democratic members of Congress
by an act of unprecedented cupidity and
in violation of all decency, as well as the
| spirit ot the Constitution, doubling their
pay and voting the increase into their owh
pockets by a retrospective provision, and
surrounding themselves at an enormous
j waste of the public treasure, with luxuri
j ant accommodations and extravagant al-•
lowances. that put to shame all we read of
. oriental magnificence and self-indulgence.
\\ itli like professions of democratic
jealousy of executive power, your President
| modest ly calls on the representatives of the
people to transfer to him the power of
peace and war—to give him in effect, the
1 sole treaty making power—to place mil-,
lions of the public money at his discretion
—and to invest him with military protec-:,
torates ov r foreign States. With the
same professed allegiance t< Democratic
I principles—he tramples under foot tlie sa
| ered regard inculcated by the founder of
the Democratic party for the freedom of
elections* and brings the whole patronage
and influence of his high ofliee to control
I elections in the States, from the humblest
| representative thist to that of Senator of
the l nited Stales. Succeeding to the
Democratic maxim of peace and honest
friendship with all nations, he threatens
all by bellicose denunciations, in order to
keep up the llagging spirit of party devo
tion by fact it ions appeals to national pride
and honor.
Can such a party as this he said to be
founded on any public principle ? If it
is, it is upon principles directly the reverse
of those which were taught by the author
and acknowledged oracle of the democratic
faith—which gave that great man the con
fidence and support of the people—and
which originally established the ascendancy
of the party in the councils of the nation.
Will the intelligent and patriotic peopled!*
this country permit themselves to be duped
by a mere’ name, seductive as it may be,
when every principle which belongs to it
in its proper interpretation, and in its an
cient and, honorable traditions, is noerdv
renounced and disregarded by those who
now assume it ?
But I may go further, and risk if there
is a single principle of any sort held in
common by the members of the now domi
nant parly ? The favorite and prominent
measures of the present administration are
the thirty million Cuba appropriation—-
the transfer of the war making power —the
Mexican protectorate —the Facilie Railroad
—a ]r>te five tariff, and, until lately
the Lceompton Constitution. Is there
any union of the party upon a single ono
of these measures? No, bll ov-citizens,
there is division and dissent iori upon all of
thorn—flagrant intestine war upon some—
and upon others, it is hard to decide wheth
er a majority of the party agree with or
differ from their President and chief in the
measures recommended by him.
But still, with rare exceptions, they ad
here to and sustain him. As the living
ropres illative and embodiment of the par
ty, lie is to be Supported at all hazards.
The politic and ascendancy of the party —the
power of disposing of tlie offices, employ
ments, emoluments, solid personal benefits
of tlu l government, is hot to he jeoparded
by indiscreet scruples about matters of so
little comparative importantance as prin
ples and the general interests of the coun
try. Such, fellow-citizens, are the results
of tic modern system of party discipline—•
of the code of political morals inculcated
by the party in power. What is it but to
proclaim by their own act, the justice of
the sentence pronounced years ago by a
distinguished statesman ot South Caroli
na : “ that they arc held together only by
the cohesive power of the public plunder.”
One of the chief arts by which this party
has so long held possession of she govern
ment. to the serious injury of the country
and in spite id the reprobation of their
measures by a large and unquestionable
majority of th** people of the 1 nited States,
is t he fabrication of sectional issues ami the
fomentation of sectional jeal"ueiee to di
vide the country, and thereby to prevent
nuraeri us masses of virtuous find Mori ara
ble men in both sections, who cordially
agree in detestation of their practices, from
uniting in any efficient co-operation to
displace thorn from power. The great in
stviiin ;:t f popular delusion which they
use f r that purpose, and to which alone
they own their unnatural foothold in the
South, is the incessant and pernicious agi
tation “of questions connected ith slavery.
They put themselves forward its the spe
cial atfd exclusive friends of the rights of
the slaveholding States. They officiously
volunteer to make political issues for the
South ■ and when by means of tea se facti
tious issues. tbcV have inflamed the South,
and secured her votes, a part of tin m equiv
ocate about the meaning amt import of
tlffir ob liges, and others betray her into
false and untenable positions, where she is
doomed to humiliating defeat, and whetr,
[■ r.E fourth r.\or J
Number £&