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THE FEDERAL UNTOMT,
«rery.,Saturday at Thrce dollars per an
num, in ad* inoe, or Pour if not pa:d before the end of die
ye* . The Office is Da Wayne-Street, opposite foe
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ministration, must be published Thirty days at least.
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.and Ci editors to render in tbeir accounts must be publish
ed Six weeks.
Sales of negroes by Executors and Administrators must
be advertised Sixty days before the day of sale
Sales of personal property (except negroes) of testate
and intestate estate by Executors and Administrators,
must be advertised Forty cats.
Applications by Executors, Administrators and Guar
dians to the court of ordinary for leave to sell Laud must
lie published Four months.
Applications by Executors nod Administrators for Let
ters Dismissory, nun be published “'ix months.
Applications for for'closure cf Mortgages on real Cs-
' tate must be adrerti: < d orscr a month forr-ax months.
Sates of real estate by Executors, Adnriinis’rotors and
Guardians must be published Sixtt Days before the day
of sale. These sales must be made'at the court-house
duo: between the hours of 10 in the morning and four in
lac <lt. roooo No sale from day to day is valid, unless
.go expressed in the. advertisement.
Orders of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy
of fbt bond, or agreement) to make titles to Land, must
be advertised Three months at least.
Sheriff’* sales under executions regularly granted by
4l;e< arts, must be advertisid Thirty Days.
Sheriff’s sales under mortgage executions must be ad
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.•vu r T tisorc* sen s’jeai vracssur v ftc • ^mcmbni
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
MILLEDGEFILLE, GEORGIA, j/lTURDAY* JULY 10, 1830
r^-r^- : ■ ■ n.-i=r
VOLUME 1, NUMBER X.
.a
IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776.
sen. in the course of human events, it
V.Vcoines nectary fur one people to dissolve
the political bands which )«>v^ connected
them witlranoiber' and to assume among the
powers of file earth the separate and equal
Stat e n to which the laws of nature and of
nature's God entitle them: a decent respect
for the opinions of mankind, requires that they
should declare the causes which impel them
to (he separation.
to a jurisdiction, foreign to our Constitution
and unacknowledged by otir laws; giving h>-
is«ent to their acts of pretended h gislaiion:—
For quartering large bodies of armed troop.'
among us;—
For protecting them by a mock trial, from
any murders which they'should commit on the
inhabitants of these States:—
For cutting off our trade with all parts of
the world,—-
For imposing taxes upon us without our
consent:—
For depriving us, in many cases of the ben
efit 1 -of trial by jury: —
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried
for pretended offences:—
For abolishing the free system of English
not At b hefty to dis-
. ' t*
with root Apes which
regard, to return to that retirement from which
1 bad been reluctantly drawn. The strength
ot mv inclination to do this, previous to the
last election, had even led to the preparation
of an address to declare it to you; but mature
reflection on the then perplexed and critical
poslUFe of our affairs with foreign nations, and
the unanimous advice cf persons entitled to
my confidence, impelled me to abandon the
idea;
“I rejoice that the stale of your concerns
external as well as internal, no longer renders
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with
the sentimeut of duty or propriety, and am
persuaded, whatever partia'ity may be retain
ed for my services that in the present circum
law in a neighbouring province, establishing} stances of our country, you will not disapprove
therein an arbitrary government, and enlarg
ing its boundaries so as to render it at once an
example and fit instrument, for introducing
the same absolute rule into these colonies?—
For taking away our charters, abolishing our
most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally
the forms of our governments:
For suspending cur own Legislatures, and
declaring themselves invested with the power
to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever
He ha»abdicated Government h re. by de-
ckuypg us out of his protection, and wag.ng
warAgainst us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our
coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the
lives of our people.
He is, at this time, transporting large armies
ol foreign mercenaries to complete the works
of death, desolation and tyranny, already be
gun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy,
scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages,
and totally unworthy of the head ofa civilized
nation.
He has constrained our fellow citizens, tak
en captivo on the high seas, to bear arms a-
gainst their own country, to bocome the exe
cutioners of their friends and brethren, or to
fall themselves by their hands.
lie has excited domestic insurrections a-
mongst us, and ha« endeavored to bring on
the inhabitants of our frontiers, the meiciles-
Indiah savages, whose known rule of warfare is
l
We hold these truths to be seif evident
that il! men are created equal; that they are j an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sex-
ios, and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions we have
petitioned for redress, in the most humble
terms; our petitions have beeu answered only
by repeated injury. A prince whose character
is thus marked, by every act which may define
a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler ofa free people
Nor have we been wanting in attention
to cur Ilritish brethren We have warned
them, from time to time of attempts made by
their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable
jurisdiction over us We have reminded them
of tlie circumstances of our emigration and
settlement here. We have appealed to their
native jut icc and magmuiimily, and wo have
conjured t hem by the lies of our common kind
red, to disavow these usurpations, which
would inevitably interrupt our connexions and
correspondence. They too, have been deafto
the voice of justice and consanguinity. We
must therefore acquiesce in the necessity,
which denounces our separation, and hold them
as we hold the rest of mankind—enemies ia
war;—in peace, friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the
United States of America, in General Con
gress assembled, appealing to the Supreme
Judge of the .vorld for the rectitude of our
intentions, I>o, in the name and by the author
ity of the good People of these colonies, so
lemnly publish and declare, that these United
Colonies are and ought to be, free and inde
pendent States; that they .are absolved from
all allegiance to the British crown, and that
all political connection, between them and the
State of Great Britain, is and ought to be total
ly dissolved; and that as free and independent
States, they have full power to levy war, con
elude peace, contract alliances, establish com
merce, and to do all other acts and things
which independent States may of right do.—
And for the support of this declaration, with a
firm reliance on ihe protection of Divine prov
idence, we routaliy pledge to each other our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Signed by order and in behalf of the Con
gress, JOHN HANCOCK. President.
Attest, Charles Thompson, Sec'ry.
WASHXNGTON’S
FAREWELL ADDRESS
endowed by their Creator with certain unal
ienable rights'; that among lhe«e are life, lib
erty, and the pursuit of happiness That, to
•secure these rights, governments are instil tiled
•.-.mopg men. deriving Umir just powers from
"the consent of the governed ; that whenever
•tiny form of government becomes destructive
of these ends, it i* the right of the people to
»!ter or to abolish it and to institute a new go
vornmml, laying its foundation on such princi
ples, and organizing its powers in such form,
as to them shall seem roost likely to effect
their safety and happinnrs. Prudence, indeed,
will dictate, that governments long established
c-lv ijbl not be ch u 7orl f<*r light and transient
onuses, ami accordingly ail experience lias
hown that mankind are more disposed to suf-
or. while eviisf arc sufferable, than to right
Ur receives by abolishing the forms to which
•:h. p Y are accustomed, But when a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariblv
:lin sime object, evinces a design to reduce
them muff* absolute despotism, it is their
duty to throw off such government, and topro-
e\v guards for their future security —
Such ha? bean the sufferance of these colonies;
and such is now the necessity that constrains
them to alter their former systems of govern-
rnert. The history of the present King cf
Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries
e.nd usurpations, all having in direct object the
establishment of an absolute tyranny over
these States. To prove this, let facts be suh-
^xnittod to a candid world?
He has refused his assent to laws, the most
wholesome nrd necessary for the public good.
He has forhiden his Governors to pass
laws of immediate £ pressing importance, un
less suspended in their operation, till his assent
■should be obtained; and, when so suspended
lie has utterly neglected toattend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the
accommodation of large districts of people,
unless those people would relinquish the right
of representation in the Legislature—a right
inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants
only.
" lie has called together legislative bodies, at
places unusual uncomfortable, and distant
from the depository of heir public records, for
the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com
pliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative houses re
peatedly, for opposing with manly firmness,
his invasions on tl e r:ghts of th'’ people.
He has refused fora long time alter sue);
dissolutions, to cau=e others to he elected;
whereby the legislative powers, incapable of
auihilation, have returned to the people at
.large, for their exercise; the state remaining
in the mean time, exposed to all the danger
of invasion from without, and convulsions
within.
He has endeavored to prevent the popula
tion of these States; for that purpose obstruc
ting the laws for neutralization of foreigners:
reusing to pass others, to encourage their mi
gration hither, trod raising the conditions of
Dew appropriation of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of
justice; by refusing his assent to laws, for es-
Vablishiog judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on hi9 will
alone, for the tenure of his offices, and the a-
mouni and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices
and sent hither swarms of officers, to harrass
our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times ot peace,
Standing rrmies without the consent of our ie-
ll^haTaffected io render llie military inde
pendent of. and superior to. the uvil pow-
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATE9 :
"Friends and Fellow-Citizens.
‘The period for a new election of a citi
zen to administer the Executive Government
of tt>e United States being not far distant, and
the time actually arrived when your thoughts
must be employed in designating the person
who is to be clothed with that important trust,
it appears to me proper, especially as it may
conduce to a more distinct expression of the
public voice, that 1 should now apprize you
of the resolution I have formed, to decline be
ing considered among the number ofthose, out
of whom a choice is to be made.
“I beg you, at the same time, to do me the
justice to be assured, that this resolution has
not been taken, without a strict regard to all
the consideration? appertaining to the relation
which binds a dutiful citizen to his country;
and that, in withdrawing the tender of service
which silence in my situation might imply, I
am influenced by no diminution of zeal for
your future interest; no deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindness; but am sup
ported by a full conviction that the step is
compatible with both.
‘‘The acceptance of, and continuance hither
to in the office to which your suffrages have
twice called me, have been a uniform sacri
fice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and
to a deference for what appeared to be your
desire. I constantly hoped that it would have
my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first under
took the arduous trust, were explained on the
proper occasion. In the discharge of this
trust, I will only say that 1 have, with good in
tent,ons, contributed towards the organization
and administration of the government, the best
exertions of which a very fdhible judgment
was capable. Not unconscious in the outset,
of the inferiorit y of my qualifications, experi
ence, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the
eyes »f others, has strengthened the motives
to diffidence of myself; and, every day, the in
creasing weight of years admonishes me more
and more, that the shade of retirement is as
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sat
isfied that if any circumstances have given pe
culiar value to my services they werp tempo
rary I have the consolation to believe that,
while choice and prudence invite me toqui*
the political scene, patriotism does not for
bid ! t.
In looking forward to the moment which i?
to .terminate the career of my political life, my
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep
acknowledgment of that debt ol gratitude
which I ©we to my beloved cuuntry. for the
many honours it has conferred upon me; stii!
•more for the stedfost confidence with which it
has supported me, and for tins opportunities 1
have thence enjoyed of manifesting my invio
lable attachment, by services faithful and per
severing. though su usefulness y.u qual to my
zeal If benefits have resulted to our country
Irotn these services, let it always be remem
bered to your praise, and as an instructive ex
ample in our annals, that under circumstances
m which the passions, agitated in every direc
lion, were liable to mislead amidst appearan
ces sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune
often discouraging-—in situations in which not
unfrequently, want of succe-s has count* mm
ced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of
your support was the essential prop of the ef
forts. and a guarantee of the plans, by which
they were effected. Profoundly penetrated
with this idea, I -.hall carry it with me to my
rrave, as a strong incitement to unceasing
vows that heaven may continue to you the
choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your
union and brotherly affection may be perpetual
—that the free constitution which is the work
of vour hands, may ba sacredly maintained—
that its administration in. every department
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—
that, in fine, the happiness of the people of
these States, under the auspices of liberty, may
be made complete by so careful a preservation,
and so prudent a use of this blessing, as wifi
acquire to them the glory of recommending it
to the applause, the affection, and adoption of
every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop But a so
licitude for your welfare, which cannot end
but with my life, and the apprehension of dan
ger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an
occasion like the piesent, to offer to your so
lemn contemplation, and to recommend to
your frequent review, &ome sentiments which
are the result of much reflection, of no incon
siderahle observation, and which appear to me
aU-importaot to the permanency of your felici
ty as a people. These will be offered to you
with the more freedom, as you can only see in
them the disinterested warnings of a parting
friend, who can possibly have no personal mo
tive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as
an encouragement to it, your indulgent recep
tion of my sentiments in a former and not dis
similar occasion.
Interwoven as is thelove of liberty with ev
ery ligament of your hearts, no recommenda
tion of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm
the attachment.
The unity of governnent which constitutes
you one people, is also iow dear to you It is
justly so; for it is a man pillar in the edifice
of your real independence; the support of your
tranquility at home; yotir peace abroad; of
your safety; of your prosperity; of that very
liberty which you so hig’ily prize. But. as it
is easy to foresee that, from different causes
and from different quarters, much pains will he
taken, many artifices enployed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth; as
this is the poiut in yoir political fortress a-
gainst which the batteros of internal and ex
ternal enemies will be nost constantly and ac
tively (though often covertly and iqsiduously)
directed; it is of infinre moment, that you
should properly estimaie the immense value
of your national uuion to your collective and
individual happiness; tlat you should cherish
a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attach
ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think
and speak of it a9 of the Palladium of your, po
litical safety and prosperity; watching for its
preservation with jealous anxiety; discounte
nancing whatever may suggest even a suspi
cion that it can, in any event, be abandoned;
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawn
ing of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country.from the rest,! or to enfeeble the
»acred ties which row link together the vari
ous parts.
For this you have every inducement of sym
pathy and interest. Citizens by birth, or
er He bw combined «ilb olbe», to subject qs|bc«o much earliet in mj power, consistent}*, chok* of a commoa count?, that country bat
aright to concentrate vour affections The
name of American, which belongs to you in
vour national capacity, must always exalt the
just pride ol patriotism, more than any appel
lation derived from local discriminations.
With slight shades of difference, you have the
same religion, manners, habits, and political
principles. You have, in a common cause,
fought and triumphed together; the indepen
dence and liberty you possess, are the work of
joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common
dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerat ions, however powerful
ly they address themselves to your sensibility,
are greatly outweighed by those which apply
more immediately to your interest. Here
every portion of our country finds the most
commanding motives for carefully guarding
and preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse
with the South, protected by the equal laws of
a common government, finds in the production
of the latter, great additional resources of mari
time and commercial enterprise, and precious
materials of manufacturing industry. The
South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by
the same agency of the North, sees its agricul
ture grow and its commerce expand. Turn
ing partly into its own channels, the seaman
of the North, it finds its particular navigation
invigorated; and while it contributes, in diffe
rent ways, to nourish and increase the general
mass of the national navigation, it looks for
ward to the protection of a maritime strength,
to which itself is unequally adapted. The
East, in a like intercourse with the West, al
ready finds, and in the progressive improve
ment of interior communications by land and
water, will more and more find a valuable vent
for the commodities which it brings from a-
broad, or manufactures at home. The } Cest
derives from the East supplies requisite to its
growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of
still greater consequence, it must of necessity
owe the secure enjoyment of indiep^ncaMe out
lets for its own productions, to the weight, in
fluence, and the future maritime strength ofthe
Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an in
dissoluble community of interest as one nation
Any other tenure by which the West can hold
this essential advantage, whether derived from
its own separate strength, or from an apostate
and unnatural connection with any foreign pow
er, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus
feels an immediate and particular interest in
Lnion, all the parts combined cannot fail to
find in the united mass of means and ef
forts, greater strength, greater resource, pro
portionally greater security from external dan
ger, a less frequent interruption of their peace
by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable
value they must derive from union an exemp
tioo from those broils and wars between them
selves, which so frequently afflict neighboring
countries noi tied together by ihe same gov
ernment; which their own rivalships alone
would be sufficient to produce, but tvhich op
posite foreign alliances, attachments, nnd.in-
trigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence
likewise, they w$l avoid the necessity of those
overgrown military establishments which un
der any form of government are inauspicious
to liberty, and which are to be regarded as
particularly hostile to republican liberty In
this sense it is, that your union ought to be
considered as a main prop of your liberty, and
tluit the love of the one ought to endear to
you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive
language to every reflecting and virtuous mind,
and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a
primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt whether a common government can
•’tnbrace so large a sphere? Let experience
solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such
a case were criminal. We are autboiiz«d
hope that a proper organization of the whole,
with the auxiliary agency of governments for
the respective subdivisions, will afford a hap
py issue to the experiment. It is well worth
a fair and full experiment With such power
ful and obvious motives to union, affecting all
pans of our country, while experience shall
not have demonstrated its impracticability,
there will always be reason to distrust the
patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may
endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may dis
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious
concern, that any ground should have been
furnished for characterizing parties by geo
graphical discriminations—Northern and South
ern—Atlantic and Western, whence designing
men may endeavor to excite a belief that there
is areal difference of local interests and views..
One of the expedients of party to acquire in
fluence within particular districts, is to mis
represent the opinions and aims of other dis
tricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much
against the jealousies and heart burnings which
spring from these misrepresentations: they
tend to render alien to each other those who
ought to be bound together by fraternal affec
tion. The inhabitants of our Western coun
try have lately had a useful lesson on this head:
they have seen, in the negotiation hv the ex
ecutive, and in the unanimous ratification bv
the Senate of the Treaty with Spain, and in
the universal satisfaction at the event throngh-
out the Uuitcd States, a decisive proof how
unfounded were the suspicions propagated a
mongthem of a policy in the general govern
ment and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to
their interests in regard to the Mississippi.-—
They have been witnesses to the formation of
two treaties, that with Great Britain and that
with Spain, which secure to them every thing
they could desire, in respect to our foreign re
lations, towards confirming their prosperity.—
Will it not be their wisdom lovely for the pre
servation of these .ad vantages on the Union by
which they were procured? Will they not
henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such
there are, who woatd sever them from their
hrethfen, and connect them with alien*?
To the efficacy and permanency of your U -
nion, a government lor the whole is indispensa
ble. No alliances, however strict, between
the part? can be an adequate substitute; they
must inevitably experience the infractions and
interruptions which all alliances in all times
have experienced Sensible of this momen
tous truth, you have improved upon your first
essay, by the adoption ot a constitution of go
vernment, better calculated than your former,
for an intimate udioq. and for the efficacious
management of your common concerns. This
government, the offspring of our own choice,
uninfluenced and unawed; adopted upon fall
investigation and mature deliberation; com
pletely free in its principles* in the distribution
of its powers uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself, a provision for its own
amendments, has a just claim to your confi
dence and your support Respect for its au
thority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence
in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fun
damental maxims of true liberty.' 1*he basis of
our political systems is the right ofthe people
to make and to alter their constitutions of go
vernment. But the constitution which at any
time exists, until changed by an explicit and
authentic act of the whole people,is sacredly
obligatory upon nil. The very idea of the
power and the right ofthe people to establish
a government, pre supposes the duty of every
individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws,
all combinations and associations, under what
ever plausible character, with the real design
to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the re
gular deliberations and action of the constitut
ed authorities, are destructive of this funda
mental principle:, and of fatal t endency. They
serve to organize faction; to give it an artifi
cial and extraordinary force; to put in the
place ofthe delegated will of the nation the
will of a party, often a small, hut artful enter
prising minority ofthe community, and accord
ing to the alternate triumph? of different par
ties, to make the public administration the
mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous
projects of fiction, rather than the organ of
consistent and wholesome plans, digested by
common councils, and modified by mutual in
terests.
However combinations or associations cf
the above description may now and then an
swer popular ends, they are likely, in the
course of time and things, to become potent
engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and un
principled men, will be enabled to subvert the
power of the people, and to usurp for them
selves the / reins of government; destroying af
terwards ihe very engines which hare lifted
them to unjust dominion.
Toward the preservation of your govern
ment, and the permanency of your present hap
py 9tate, it js requisite not only that you steadi
ly discountenance irregular oppositions to its
acknowledged authority, but also that you re
sist with care Ihe spirit of innovation upon it?
principles, however specious the pretexts —
One method of assault may be to effect in the
forms ot the constitution alterations which will
impair the energy of the system, and thus to
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invit
ed, remember that time and habit are at least
as necessary to fix the trae character ofgov-
eruments, as of other human institutions; that
experience is the surest standard, by which to
test the real tendency of the existing consti
tution of a country; that facility ir* changes up
on the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion,
exposes to perpetual change from the endlesy
variety of hypothesis abd opinion, and remem
ber especially, that for the efficient manage
ment of your common interests, io a country
so extensive as ours, a government of as much
vigor as is consistent with the perfect security
ot liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will
find in such a government, with powers prop-
erly distributed and adjusted, its suiest guar*
dian. It i?, indeed, little else ihfn a ua
'here the government is too feeble to with-
sUmi .he enierpris.es of faction, to confine each
member of the society within the I ton it» De
scribed by tbe law?, and to maintain all in the
secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of
person and property.
I have already mtimated to you the danger
ot parties in the State, with particular refer
ences to the founding ofihem on geographical,
discriminations Let me now take a murw.
comprehensive view, warn you in the most so
lemn manner against the baneful effects of the
spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from
our nature, having its root in the strongest
passions of the human mind. It exists under
different shapes in all governments, more or
Icwr-stifleffr cmurouied, or repressed; but in
those of the popular fir m, it is seen in its
greatest rankness, and is iraly their worst one
my.
The alternative domination of one faction,
over another, sharpened by the spirit of re
venge, natural to party dissension, which
different ages and countries has perpetrated
ihe most horrid enormities, is itself a frightfol
despotism. But this leads at length to a mort
forma! and permanent despotism. The disor
ders and miseries which result, gradually in
cline the minds of men to seek security and
repose in the absolute power ot an inc iv.dua!,
and sooner or later the chief of some peevaife
ing faction, more able or more fortuuate than
his competitors, turns this disposition to the
purposes of his own elevation, on tbe rums of
.public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be
entirely out of sight,} the common and contin
ual mwchiefe of tbe spirit of party are sufficient
to make it the interest and duty of a wise peo
ple to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public cooti-
cils, and enfeeble the public admiuistration.-«r
It agitates the commun ity with ill-founded jea-
lougir^ and fifac alarms; * *