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ut one |»art against another; foments occasion
al riot and insurrection. It opens thn door to
foreign influence and corruption, which finds a
facilitated access to the government itself
through the channels of party passions. Thus
the policy and the will of one country are sub
jected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free coun
tries are useful checks upon the administra
tion of the government, and serve to keep alive
the spirit of liberty. This within certain lim
its is probably true; anil, in governments of a
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with in
dulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of
party. But in those of the popular character,
in governments purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. From their natural
tendency, it is certain there will always be
enough of that spirit for every salutary pur
pose. And there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by foTce of pub
lic opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire
cot to be quenched, it demands a uniform vi
gilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, lest,
instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country should inspire cau
tion in those intrusted with its administration,
to confine themselves within their respective
const itutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise
of the powers of o- e department, to encroach
upon another. The spirit of encroachment
tends to consolidate the powers of all the de
partments in one, and thus to create, whatever
the form of government, a real despotism. A
just estimate of that love of power and prone,
nesg tope's© it which predominate in the hu
man heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the
truth of this position. The necessity of recip
rocal checks in the exercise of political power,
by dividing and distributing it into different
depositories, and constituting each the guar
dian of the public weal against invasions of
the others, has been evinced by experiments
ancient and modern: 9orne of them in oar
Country and under our own eyes—To preserve
them must bo as necessary as to institute
them. If, in the opinion of the people, the
distribution or modification of the constitution
al powers be in any particular wrong, let it be
Corrected by an amendment in the way which
the constitution designates—But let there be
no change by usurpation, for though this, in
one instance, may Be the instrument of good,
it is the customary weapon by which tree go
vernments are destroyed. The precedent
must always greatly overbalance in permanent
evil, any partial or transient benefit which the
use can at any tunc yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead
to political prosperity, religion anti morality
aro indispensable supports. In vain would
that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of
human happiness, these firmest props of the
duties of men and citizens The mere politi
cian, equally ivjth the pious men, ought to re
spect and to cherish them A volume could
not trace all their connexions with the private
and public felicity. Let it simply be asked,
where is the security for property, for reputa
tion, for life, if the sense cf religious obliga
tion desert the oaths which are the instruments
of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let
qs with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence
of refined-education on minds of peculiar struc
ture, reason #bd experience both forbid us to
-expect, that national morality can prevail in
exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morali
ty is a necessary spring of popular govern
ment. The rule, indeed, extends with more
or less force to every species of free govern
ment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can
look with indifference upon attempts to shake
the foundation of the f.ibrick?
Promote, then, as an object of primary im
p-rlance, institutions for the general diffusion
of knowledge. In proportion as the structure
of a government gives force to public opinion,
it should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish the public credit. One
method of preserving it is to use it as spar
ingly as possible, avoiding occasions of ex
pense by cultivating peace; but remembering
also, that timely disbursements to prepare for
danger, frequently prevent much greater dis
bursements to repei it; avoiding likewise the
accumulation of debt' not only by shunning
occasions of expei.ee, but by vigorous exer
tion? in time of peace, to discharge the debt s
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned
not ungenerouly throwing upon posterity the
burden which wc ourselves ought to bear.—
The execution of these maxims belongs to
your representatives; but it is necessary that
public opinion should co-operate. To facilit
ate to them the performance oftheirduty.it
is essential that you should praficaily bear
iu mind, that toward the payment of debts
there must be revenue; that to have revenue
there must be taxes, and no taxes can he dev.
ised which are not more cr less inconvenient
and unpleasant; mat rho intrinsic embnrass-
ments inseparable from the selection of proper
objects, which is always a choice of difficulties,
ought to be a decisive motive for a candid con
struction of the conduct of the government iu
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in
the measures for obtaining revenue which the
public exigences may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all;
religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and
can it be that good policy does not equally en
join it? It will be worthy of a free and en
lightened, and at no distant period, a great na
tion, to give to mankind the magnanimous and
too novel example of a people always guided
by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who
can doubt that iq*the course of time and things
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which might be ‘lost by
a steadv adorence to it? Can it be, that prov
idence has not connected the permanent felici
ty of a nation with its virtue? The experi
ment at least, is recomended by every senti
ment that ennobles human nature. Alas! is it
tendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential than that permanent inve f erate
antipathies against particular nations, and pas-
sionate attachments for cfl$rs, should be ex*
eluded; 8n«l that in place of them, just and
amicable feelings toward all should be culfcva’
ted. The nation which indulges toward anoth
er an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness,
is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its
animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty ami its
interest. Antipathvjn one nation against an-
other, disposes each more readily to offer in
sult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes ot
umbrage, and to be haughty and iutractable,
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute
occur.
Hsnce frequent collisions, obstinate, enven
omed and bloody contents. The nation, prompt
ed uy ill will ami resentment, sometimes impels
to war the government, contrary to the best
calculations of policy. The government some-
times participates in the national propensity,
and adopts through pas-sun, what reason would
reject; at other times it makes the animosity
of the nation subservient to projects ol hostile
ty instigated fiy pride, ambition and other sinis
ter and pernicious motives. The peace often,
sometimes perhaps the liberty ol nations, has
been ti e victim.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment to one nation or
another, produces a Tarieiy of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion ol an imaginary
common interest in cases where no real common interest
exists, and infusing into one Oie enemies of the oth.r,
betrays the former into a participation in th? quarrels and
wars of the latier, without adequate inducements orje.-
tification. It leans also to concessions to the favorite na
tion, of privileges denied to others, which are apt doubly
to injure the nation, making ihe concessions, by n<_c* s
sarily parting vvidi what ought to have been retained; and
by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition tp retaliate,
in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld;
and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens,
who devote themselves to the. favorite nation, facility to
betray, or sacrifice tiie interests of their own countiy,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a
commend able deference for public opinion, or a laudable
zeal for public good, the base or fouiisu compliances ol
ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign inlluence in innumerable ways,
such attachments are particularly ulaiming to lue truly
enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor
tunity do they iiff.rd to tamper with domestic factions,
to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,
to influence or awe the public council-! Such an attach
ment of a small or weak, toward a great and pawerlui na
tion, detms the loimer to be the sat. llitr. ol the latter.—
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 1 con
jure you to believe no, ftilow-ciliZens, the jealousy of a
free people ought to be constantly awake; since history
and experience prove thai foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealou-y, to be useful, must be impartial; else i* becomes
the instrument ot the v ry influence to be avoided, .11-
stead of a deltnce against it. Excessive partiality for
one iorevgn nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause
those whom ihty actuate to see danger only ou one side,
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on
the other. Real patriots, who may resin the intrigu* s
of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious;
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi
dence of the people) to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct fur us, iu regard to foreign
nations, is, in extending cur commercial relations, to
have with them as little political connexion as possible.
So fur as we have already formed engagements, let them
be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here lei us stop.
Europe bus a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, cr a very remote, relation, lienee sue must be
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes ol which are
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us t" lmolicate ours, ives by artificial
tics, in the ordinary vicissitudes ol her politics, or the or
dinary combinations and collisions of her iViendsnips or
enmities.
Oar detached and distant situation, invites and enables
:s to pursue a different course. If we. remain on-* people,
under an efficient government, the period ij not far off,
when we may defy material injury from external annoy
ance; when we may take such an attitude as will caoae
the n utrality we may at any time resolve upon, toUescro-i
pulousiy respected; when belfigereut nations, under the 1
impossibility of making acqutsi’ions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving u.- pro vacation; when wc may
choose pe ce 0; war, as our in'arcst, guided oy justice,
snail counsel.
Wiiy forego tht advantages of 90 peculiar a situation?
Why quit our own to stand up n foreign grounuf Why,
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part cf Eu
rope, entangie our peace and prosper.ty in tnc toils of
European ambition, rivulahip, interest, humour, or ca
price?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent allian
ces with any portion of the foreign world; sj far, I mean,
‘as we are now at liberty to do it; for let m; no 1 oc un
derstood as capable of patroniz.ng infidelity to existing
engagements. I hold the max m no less applicable to
public than to piivatc affiiis, that fa mes y is always the
best policy. I repeat it, thtitfore, ht those engagements
be observed in their genuine sens-’. Rut in my opinion,
it is unnecessary, and would be unw»se to ex'enu them.
Taking care at..avs 10 ke<p m.rseivis, by suitable es-
•biish meins #: a respectable defensive posti re, we s ft-
ty trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergen
cies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with 11 nr ions,
are recommended by policy, humanity, ami interest. But
even our commercial policy should bold ..n rq<• a 1 and im
partial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive fa
vours or preferences; consulting the natural coarse of
things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle mean*, the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing: establishing,
with powers so disposed, in order to give trs.de a stable
course, to difiue the rights of our merchants, and to ena
ble the government to support then;; conventional rules
of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and
mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to
be from time to time abandoned 01 varied, as experience
and cireuinsiancis shall dictate; constantly keeping in
view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterest
ed favors from another; that it must pay with a portion
of its independence for whatever it may accept under
that character; that by such acceptance it may place i:-
selfin the condition of kavinggiven equivalents for nomi
nal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude
far not giving more. There can be no greater error
than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation
to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure,
which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering U> you my countrymen these councils of an
old and affectionate friend, 1 dare not hope they will
make the strong aud lasting impression I could wish; that
they will control the usual current of the passions, or pre
vent our nation from running the course w hich has hith
erto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may flatter
myself, that they may be productive of some partial bene
fit, some occasional good; that they may now and then
recur to moderate tin- fury *f party spirit; to warn a-
gainst the mischiefs of foreign inti iguc; to guard against
the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be
a full recompense for the solicitude I01 your welfare, by
which they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge ot mv official duties, I have
been guided in the principles which have been delineated,
the public records and other evidences of my conduct
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least
believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by
that of \our representatives in both Houses of Congress,
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me,
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best
lights 1 could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country,
under all the circumstances of the case, h id a right to
lake, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neu
tral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as
should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation,
perseverance, and firmness. A
The considerations which respect the right tt> bold ibis
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail:—
I wiil only observe, that according to my understanding
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any
of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by
without anything more, from the obligation which justice
and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which
it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of
peace and amity toward otier nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct
will best be referred to ysur own reflections and experi
ence. With me, a predominant motive has been to en
deavor to gain time to out country to settle and mature its
yet recent institutions, aio to progress, without interrup
tion, to that degree of stefigth and consistency, which is
necessary to give it, buimnlj speaking, the command of
its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing toe incidents of my administra
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am never
theless too sensible of my detects not to think it probable
t : at I rn iy have committed many errors. Whatever they
may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or miti
gate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also cariy
with me tiic hope that my country will never cease to view
them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of
my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the
faults of incompetent abilities w ill be consigned to obli
vion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness iuihis as in othrr things, and
actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natu
ral to a man w ho views in it the native soil of himself and
his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with
pleasing expectation that reireat, in which 1 promise my
self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of
partaking, i* the midst of my fel'ow-citizens, the benign
influence of good laws. < odor a frmgoierrment; the ever
favorite object of mj heart, and the happy reward, as I
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.
Untied States, Sept. 17. 179&.
Constitution of the United States.
We the p>'np:e of theUuited States,in order
to form a more perfect union, establish justice,
insure domestic tranquility, provide tor the
common defence, promote th general welfare,
and secure Ihe blessing? of liberty to ourselves
and our posterity, do ordain and establish this
constitution for th United States of America
ARTICLE I— SECTION I.
All legislative powers herein granted, shall
be vested in a Congress ot the U died States,
which shall consist of a Senate and House of
Representatives.
section 11.
1st. The House o Representatives shall
consist of Members cli vet ppprv second v * nr
by the people of the several S’.* -'*; ami ’ e
electors in each State shaft h>ve the qualifi
cations requisite for electors of :'»• ruo?t nu
merous branch of the State Legislature.
2d No person sha’! h-- * Representative
who shall not have atta ion to the age of twrn
tv-five years, and been '•even «ars a citiz'r.
of the United St-fes; a-.1 who «ball not whe
elected be'an inhabits of that State in which
he 'hall bn chosen,
3d R -preot-ntat ves ’ direct taxes, shall
be apportioned among e several States,
which may be included wc v this Union, ac
cording to their respective . '>bcrs. which
shall be determined fc) a'ding to whole
number offree persons, iuciude g those cuund
to service for a term of years, and excluding
Indians not taxed three fifths of all other per
sons. The actual enumeration shall be made
within three years after the first meeting of
the Congress of the United States; and within
every subsequent term of years, in such man
ner as they shall by law direct. The number
of Representatives shall not exceed one for
every thirty thousand: but each State shall
have at least ore Representative: and, until
such enumeration c hall be made, the State of
Ne.w-H unpshire shall be entitled to choose
three; MasachtrsetU eight; Rhode-Island and
Providence plantations cne; Connecficut five;
New Y rk six; New-J rsey four; Penrsvlv.vnia
eight; Delawnr one; Maryland six; Virginia
ten; North-Carolina five; South-Carolinia five,
and Georgia three.
4th. When vacancies happen in the repre
sentation from ; nv Sta'e.the executive author
ity thereof shall issue writs of election to fill
such vacancies
Stb. Tl e House of Representatives shall
choose their Speaker and other officers;
and shall have the solo power of impeach
ment
section in.
1st The S-nate of ‘lie United States shall
be comnoced of rw Senators from ach S‘ife,
chosen by the legislalme (hereof for six yor-rs:
and each Senator shall I -jve one vote. *
2d. Immediately after (hoy are assembled,
»p consequence of the fi”®t election, they shall
of particular States, and the acceptance of
Congress, become the seat of the government
of the United States; and 10 excrete like au
thority over all places purchased by the edib*
sent of the legislature of the State iu whiclt
the same shall be for the erection of fortss,
magazines, arsenals, dock yards, aud other
needful building s, and,
18th. To make all laws which shall be ne
cessary and proper for carrying into execu
tion the foregoing powers, and all other pow
ers vested by this constitution in the govern
ment of the United States, or an? department
or officer thereof.
section IX.
43. The migration 01 importation of such persons as-
any of the stales nor/ existing shall think piop^r-io ad
mit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the
year eighteen hunureu and eight; but a lax or duty may
be impused on such importation, not exceeuing ten dol
lars for rach person.
44. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall
not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or
invasion, the public safety may require it.
43. Nobillof attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be;
passed.
16. No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid,
unless in proportion to the census ur enumeration here
in hr lore three lad to be taken.
47. Nut x or duty shall be laid on articles exported
from any stuie. No preference shall be given by any reg
ulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state
over those ct another; nor shall vessels bound lour frcni
one state, be obliged to enter, clear, . pay Uutn s iu an-
other.
49. No mmiey shall be drawn from the treasury but.
in consequence of appropriations mans by law; and a.
rtguiav statement and account of the receipts and expun- 1
ditures of all public money shall be pubksiicd from time
to lime.
49. No title of nobility shall he granted by the United
States; and no person holding any office of pr,ttit or
trust under them, shall, without the consent of in. con
gress, accept of any presen*, emolument, office, or title,
of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign,
state.
SECTION X.
50. No state shall eiutr into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation; grunt letters ot marque or reprisal; coin
money; emit bids of credit; make anything but gold aud
silver ctnn a tender in payment ot debts; pass any bi! 1 ot
attainder, ex post fact > law, or law impairing tne obiiga<
tion of contracts; or grant «ny utie of 11 bility.
51. No state shill, m. .,uool me eonstn: of the congress,
lay any imposts or o .i.e* or* imports or exports, except
vrhat may be absolutely necessary for executing its in
spection taws; and the net pfobuee of uii clutus an I im
posts 1 -.id by any state on imports or r.xpor'.o shall l-t for
Ihe use ot the treasury of thu United States; anu a! such
i.ws shall be subject to the revision and control of the
congress. No state thill, without the consent of con
gress, lay any duty ol tonnage, ke^i troops or rmps of
ivar in time of peace, cutes into any agreement or com
pact with another state, or with a loreign powi r, or en
gage in a war unless actually invaded, or in such muni*-
^neiU danger as will .101 admit of delay.
ARTICLE II—SECTION I.
52. The executive prwir sh ill be vested in a president
of the United States of America. He shall kohl his of-
fide during the tern: of four years, mi. ogethcr w i n E.e
vice -president, chosen tor the same term, Le ehtcieu as
follows:
53. Each state shall appoint, in such manner us lb-; le
gislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, • qua!
To :\e whole number of senators and representatives 10
which t’ ; State may be entitled in the emigres-; but no
seuatar r iepreseiitative, or person holding an office of
trust c. yroiii under the United States, shall be appointed
an e! cior.
54. [The eleclot s shall meet in their respective states,
the first Monday in December, unless they
shall by law appoint a different day.
SECTION V.
tst. Each uou«e shall be the judge of the
elections, returns and qualifications of its own
members; and a majority of each shall consti
tute a quorum to do business; but a smaller
number may ‘journ from day to day, affid
may be authorised to compell the attendance
ot absent members, in such manner, and
under such penalties as each House may pro
vide.
2d. Each House may determine the rules
of its proceedings; punish its members for dis
orderly behaviour; and with the concurrence
of two-thirds expel a member.
3d. Each house shall keep a journal of its
proceedings; and from time to time publish the
<ame, excepting such parts as may in their
judgement require secrecy: and the yeas aud
nays, of eilher House, on any question, shall
at »he desire of one fifth of those pf^sent, be
entered on the Journal.
4th. Neither House during the session ot
Congres, shall, without the consent ofthe eth
er, adjourn for more than three days, nor to
any other place than that in which the two
Houses shall be sitting.
SECTION VI-.
1st The Senators and Representatives shall
receive a compensation for their services to bo
acertained hy law, and paid out ofthe treasu
ry of the United States. They shall in all
rases, except treason, felony, and breach of
the peace, be privileged from arrest, during
their attendance at the session of their respec
tive Houses and in going to, anil returning
from the same, for ativ speech or ^debate in
either House, they shall not be questioned.in
any other place. * JL. ^
3i No Senator or Representativa-^^ll
dor n£ the time for which he wasjelected. he
appointed to any c ; vil office, under the author
ity of the United States, which shall have
Hern created, or the emoluments of which
shall have been increased, during such time;
and r.o person holding anv office under the U
riled State shall be a member of either House,
during ills continuance in office.
SECTION VII.
? r t. All bills, for raising revenue, shall ori-
gii. .ie in the House of Representatives? but
(Hr Senate shall propose or concur with amend-
as utkPr bills.
2d. Every bill, which shaft have passed the
Hause Representatives &. the Sc ate, shall
hefi re it becomes a law, be presented to the-
President of the United States. If he ap
prove, hr shall sign it: but if not, lie shall re
turn it, with his objections, to that bouse in
which it shall have originated, who shall erter
the objections at large on their journal, and
proceed to'reconsider it. LVfter such recon-
s-deration, two-thirds of that House shall agree
to pass the bill it shall b? sent together with
th5 objections to the other House, by whic
shall likewise be reconsidered: and. if approv
ed by two-thirdsof that House it shall becom* Sami vote by ballot L,r t.vopoisons,of whom out ut least
a law. But, in all such cases, the votes of 4 l %h 1 a _”_ ntft ( " r soiV ^*
; which h.si
b divided r- cq ‘ ’v as may lie, into three
all.
The duty of holding duet may be inferred;
classes The seats of th< Senators of the fir-*
class shall be vacated 3t thn i_xpi*-ation of the
second vear of the second class, at the exr ir*>
tion of the fourth year: and of the third c!;;;>
at the expiration of the sixth year: so that one
third may be chosen every seernd rear And
if vacancies happen, hy resignation, or other
wise, during the rece c t of the legislature of
any State, the executive thereof shall make
temporary appointments until the next meet
ing of the legislature, which shall then fill
such vacancies.
3d. No person shall be a Senator, who
shall not have attaioej to the age of thirty
years, and been nine years a citizen of the U-
nited States; and who -hall not when elected,
be an inhabitant of that State for which he
shall be chosen. x
4th, The Vire-Pre«ilent oftheUnitcd States
shall be President 01' the Senate, hot shall
have no vote un'ess they be equally divided.
5th. The Senate shall choose their other
officers, and also a President pro-tempore, in
the absence of the Vice-President, or when
he shall exercise the cffice of President of the
United States.
6)h The Senate shall have the sole power
to try all impeachmmts. When sitting for
that purpose, they shill be on oath or affirma
tion. When the Resident of the United
States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside:
and no person shall bt convicted, without the
concurrence of two-thirds of the members
present.
7tb. Judgement, ii all cases of iuappach-
cnent, shall not extent 1 , further than to retno
val from office, and disqualification to hold
and eqjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit
under the United Slates. Put the party con
victed shall nevertheless, be liable and sub
ject to indictment, trial, judgement, and pun
ishment according to taw.
; SECTION IV.
1st. Tbe'Trmes, places, and manner of hold
ing elections for senators and Representatives,
shall be prJ^lirited in each State by law, make
or alter such regulations, except as to the pla
ces of choosing Senators.
2d. The Congress shall assemble at least
onqe every year; and such meeting shall be on
, , tt . ,, . . . -ii ..-eives. And iney shali make a li-taf all tl.'i
both Houses shall be determined by yeas *nd ted for> and of theouuil)fir of voUs for ea -'
nays: and the names of the persons voting for 1
*nd .against the bill shall be entered on th?
journal of each bouse respectively If any biV
shall not be returned by the president, with u
ten day® (Sundays excepted) after it sb 11
have been presented to him. the same shall b°
a law in like manner a® if he bad signe : it
unless the Congress by their adjournment pre
vent its return; in which case it shall not be a
la tv.
3 I. Every order, resolution, n* vote wfixli
which the conctirren re of the Serat &
of Representatives may be necessary (except
on a question of adjournment sh ill be present
ed to the President of the United States a- d
before the same shall teke effect, be approved
by bim; or, beimr disapproved bv him shall be
ror>n«sed hy two.fhirds of both Houses, accor
ding to the 'ulr*® and limitations prescribed in
the case of a bi 11
sECTroN vrir.
The Congress ®hall have power—
1st To lav and collect taxes, duties, im-
postc, and excises, to pav the debts and pro
vide for the common defiance, and general
welfare of the United State®: but all du
ties imposts, and excises, shall be uniform
throughout ihe United S*ate. •
2d. To borrow money on the credit ofthe Uni
ted States.
they shall si^n and certify, ana transmit sealed to tl.e
seat of the guvernmi lit of ihe United States, dmcU i to
Mie president of the sen. ;o. 'i he president 01 the s< n-
its shall, in presence of the .« nate and house of rt-pre-
ser.tarives, • pen all the certificates, a. u the voles shaft’
*hr*n be couD’ed. Tne r. rs.n having the greatest num
ber of votes shall be the President, i' such number In; a.
majority of the nh h. number of electors appor ted, aril j
if there be more than cue ivho have s ic!; a maj< ri’y, and i
have an equal numaer jf votes, then '.he house cf o , rt - K
sentatives shall immediately choots-., ry ballot, es.c off
tlrm for president; 1 .id, if no person have a majority,!;
f hen from the five 1.-hes on the lia e siud bouse shah,
is fake manner, choose the picsidet 1. But, in choosing
tin- President, the vote shall be tal-en by staies, the r<p-
resentition from each state having ons 'otc: a quorum
f r this purpost shall consist of a men her or memii. is
iVom two-third-, of the states, ane a ir j -rityof all the
st. tes shall be necessary to a cho.ce. i. cv. ry c.;>e,
ter the choice of the president, the perron Laving tb&
creates! numb r of vote# of the eltetoi. shah be the *ice-
president. B it if there should r< 11am two or more w ho
.vc equal yoits, the s< nute sliai, cnoose fiom Ihonr by
Lullot, the vicc-niesidtnb]
55 The congress may determine the time of choosing
the elector*, and the day on which they shall give th* ir
• otesj which uay sh&ii be ihe same throughout ihe Uni
ted States.
56. NopCrson, except a natural born citizen, or a cite-,
zui of the United ht tes at the ♦ime of the adoption
this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of ptt.si^’
uent; neither shall any person be eligible to that offi
who shall nothave attained to the age of thirty-Cv L yea:.),
aud been fourteen years a resident within the IJuitcd
.States.
57. In case of the removal of the president from of
fice, or of his death, resignation, or inability to cli -t ,;e
_ , r „ 1 , _ ... c • l the powers arid duties of trie said office, the r-aate snail
34 Fo regulate commerce ~ ith foreign n*t- j j eT0 |vece the vice-president; am! the tongrtss ma.y, by
law, provide fur the case of removal, c*
tion®, and amor.gthe sevpral Slates and with
the Indian tribes.
4th. To establish an uniform rule of natur
alization: and uniform laws on ihe subject of
bankruptcies, throughout (he United States.
5:h. To coin money; to regulate the value
thereof and of foreign coin; and fix the stand
ard of weights and measures.
6lh. To provide for the punishment of
counterfeiting the securities and current coin of
the United State
7th. To establish post offices and post
ro:*d«.
8th. To promote the progress of science and
useful arts, by securing for limited timns to
authors and inventors, the exclusive right to
their respective writings and discoveries.’
9tb. To constitute tribunals inferior to the
Supreme Court.
10th. To define and punish piracies and
felonies committed on the high seas, and offen
ces againsUthe law of nations.
11th. To declare war; grant letters of mar
que, and reprisal; and make rules concerning
eaptures on land and water.
12th. To raise and support armies But
no appropriation of money for that use, shall
be for a longer term than two years.
13th To provide and maintain a navy.
14th. To make rules for the government
and regulation of the land and naval forces.
15th To provide for caHing forth the mili
tia to execute the laws of the union, suppress
insurrections, and rep^l invasions.
16th. To provide for organizing, arming,
disciplining the militia, and for governing
such part of them as may be employed in the
service ofthe United States; reserving to the
States respectively the appointment of the of
ficers, and the authority of training the militia
according to the discipline prescribed by Con
gress.
17th. To exercise exclusive legislation, in
all cases whatsoe\’er, over such district (not
exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession
h, resjgnation,
or inability, both ol the president and vice-president, de
claring want officer shall then act us president, and such
office, shall act accordingly until the disability fae leuav-
ed, or a president J ail ho elected.
59. The president shall, at skated times, receive for nis
services a compensation, which shall neither be ino ssed
nor diminished during the period for which he rhall i.^ve>
be*-n elected; and be shall not receive within that period
any other emolument from the United States, or any of
them.
59. Before he enter on the execution of Lis office, he
shall take the following oath .r affirmation:
•‘I do solemnly swear (or affirm,) that I\ivill faithfully
execute the office of president of the United States, and
will, to the best of my ability, preserve, pr-dect, ami de
fend the constitution of the United Statei.”
SECTION 11.
61), The president, sha t Le commander in chief of the
army and navy of the United States, and of the militia
of the several stat 3, v.hen called into the actual service
ot the United Slates: He may require the opini-n in
writing, of the principal officer in each of ihe executive
departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of
th*.ir respective offices; and Le shat! have power to <nant
reprieves and pardons for offences against the U. Suites,
except in cases of impeachment.
Cl. He shall have power, b> and with the advice and
consent of the senate, tv make i'-eaties, provided two-
thirds of the senators pres int concur; and hr shall nomi
nate, and, by and with the advice aud consent of the
senate, snail appoint s.abassauois, other public *i inis)er9
and consuls, judges of the supreme court, a 5 . ,ll other
officers of the United States whis< p-.-: arc not
herein otherwise provided for, and wvicL snail Lc estab
lished by law, Butthe congress cuj, t,y .aw, vest the
appointment cf such inferior efficers as they think proper
in the prudent alone, in the courts of law, or in the
heads of der irtments.
t‘2. The president shall have power to fill up all vacan
cies that may happen during the recess of the si'*iatc f
by granting commissions which shall expire at the end ot
their next session.
SECTION HI.
63. He shall from time to time give to the congress in*
formation of the state of the union, and recommend to
their consideration such measures as he shall judge ne
cessary and expedient: He v.ay, on extraordinary oc
casions, convene bath houses, or either of them; and in
case of disagreement between them with respect to the
time of adjournment^ he may adjourn them <0 such time
as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors
and other public ministers; be shall take care that the
laws be faithfully executed, and shall cotumissioa all
offi^ew of the United States.
