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GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
SPEECH OF MR TERRILL,
or FRANKLIN COUNTY,
On the Bill to survey and dispose of the lands in
the occupancy of the Cherokees
Mr. Speaker—lu tiie remarks that I shall
tn ike, 1 snail trespass hut a short time on the
indulgence and patience of this House. I
deem it unnecessary, were i capable, to *<fl
much to what was advanced on yesterday by
the gentleman from Baldwin (Mr. Howard)
with regard to the rights of the Stale over the
"JVrntory m the occupancy o( the Cherokee
Tribe of Itidians. It would be a profitless
consumption of tune, were 1 to turn to the au
thorities so ably expounded by that gentleman,
or were I even to quote any others on the sub
ject—suffice tt to say, that, with the views ol
the gentleman from Baldwin, and the deduc
tions and conclusions drawn by him from the
ample authorities he has quoted, I entirely
concur They, Sir. even had I previously
doubted, would have been sufficient to con
vince rny mind most satisfactorily, that the
Slate o; Georgia had the right to do that which
is sought t.< he done by the bill on your table,
to survey and dispose of all the Stale’s land
in what is termed the Cherokee Territory
not in the immediate occupancy, as farms, ot
the Cherokee Indians.
It may become necessary in the course of
mv f.rrurnent to sav 'something with regard to
fhe relative rights of Georgia and the Chero
kees. Bui in this I shall be verv concise—my
remarks shall he co, fined, chiefly, to the ex
pediency of the measure now under considera
tion. In the first place. Sir, it may not be con
sidered improper to glance at the present con
dition of the Cherokees, and for awhile con
template the destiny that awaits them, should
they remain where they now arc. It will Sir,
be doubtless conceded, that their situation is
precarious, and truly deplorable. They are
the remnant of a once powerful race; though
they were, with other tribes, frond by our
fathers, the uncontrolled possessors- of this
country, what are they now'! a debased, degru
«h d, and still a savage tribe. The lights of
education, Christianity, and civilization, beam
but taintly on their almost benighted minds.—
They are fast disappearing from the face of the
earth, and are leafing behind them but few
traces that they once were * They have been
driven (in the language of President Jackson)
from mountain to mountain, from river to riv
er; they are fast dwindling away, and approach
ing utter annihilation. This has been the fate
of the Mohegan. the Narragansett, and the
Delaware, and is fast overtaking the Choctaw,
Creek, and Cherokee.” To save them from
the vortex >f destruction, humanity, religion,
and every other consideration tells, yea warns
us to pursue, with regard to these unfortunate
people, a mild, yet a settled and energetic po
hey. Let us not by a farther temporising po
liny delude them; let the veil that shrouds
them in darkness be removed from their eyes;
let them know at once what they have to rely
Upon; let them be no longer deceived as to
their rights and immunities, thougfi the shock
may be severe, *tis better they should know
nil, without reserve. The rights which they
have, or which they may bo permitted under
our law's to exercise, should be pla.nly and
distinctly pointed out to them. They, Sir,
should be made fully sensible of their unfort u-
natecondition, and of the inevitable anil cer
tain destiny ttiat awaits them in their present
abodes. Their laws and customs have alrea
dy, by an enactment of a previous Legislature,
been abrogated and declared null and void;
and, Sir, a bill is now in progress imposing se
vere and heavy penalties upon them for exe
cuting, or attempting to execute the laws by
which they have been in a great degree imroe-
morially governed. They must now submit
to the operation ol (as to them) a' new and
foreign code of laws; laws of which they are
more ignorant, than our humble unlettered At
ricans; and of the reason and spirit of which
they cannot be supposed to have the slightest
conception I ask the most strenuous and
Zealous advocates of Indians and of Indian
rights, but for a moment to reflect on these
facts, and then tell me the honest convictions
of their minds, as to the situation of the Chcro-
kees. They must admit that it is miserable!
most miserable!! Besides, Sir, they have been
reduced and confined to very narrow and con
traded limits; surrounded by a white popula
tion inimical to them, and desirous at all tiaz
zardsto obtain possession of the lands claimed
bv them. For this purpose every act is devis
ed, every scheme put into requisition to op
press, harrass, and utterly ruin them. To this
«xter.t the friends of the substitute for the bill,
offer d by the gentleman from Hanctck, do
tiot attempt to go; they wish not in the least
degree to disturb the Indians in their admitted
ri^ht of occupancy—on the contrary it is de
sired that these outrag* s should be guarded
against and the sufferers protected from intru
sion in the safest nd most effectual manner.
It grieves the heart of the Philanthropist and
Christian to contemplate toe inevitable rum
and destruction that will befal this tribe,
should they longer Wold out against the course
that has, it appears to m^, been parentally
pointed out to them The Indians were once
the proud lords of -ht Territory over which is
now spread this m ghty Republic; left tree to
pursue that course of hie, and to be governed
by those laws and customs best adapted to
their own ideas ot right ami wrong.—now. Sir,
they are a degraded ami dependent people —
’Tis true that they have heretofore lived uc
der a semblance of governments of their own.
Bet they are fast losing this privilege, and will
ere long be compelled to submit solely to the
laws of those States in which they may be lo
caied without the corresponding advantages
allowed to free white citizens. Under these
circumstances, what course do reason and a
regard to their be9t interests direct them t<<
pursue? The answer is a plain one. They
should relinquish their claim of occupancy, and
take up their habitations in that country where
destiny seems to direct their footsteps; in that
couniry Wes' of the Mississippi, offered to
them by the United States, where they could
enjoy the lauds in lee simple; where they would
b* 1 protected by the strong arrin of the General
Government; where they could enjoy liberty.
pro-pe.rH’y, and happiness unmolested—estab
lish a government congenial with tbcjr condi
tion, and best suited to their pursuits; and en
joy all the blessings of a free, independent, and
perhaps in the course of tirne ; an enlightened
people. Notwithstanding all these very strong
inducements; notwithstanding they have been
earnestly besought and entreated to relinquish
their present piecarious possessions, that they
might receive a better, to be held under a ten
ure more certain and beneficial—yet have they
hitherto blindly and obstinately refused.
Under this state of things we are driven to
a review oft lie rights of the Indians, and of the
rights of the State of Georgia to the Territory
now the suhject matter of dispute. That this
State now has the same right to this Territory
which before the Revolution was vested in
Great Britain, I presume no gentleman will
pretend to deny. This title or right was ac
quired by discovery, equivalent at that time to
conquest; a right which has been universally
recognzed by the laws of Nations; and has
from time immemorial, been acted upon by ci
vilized nati »n«. Though this may, by some,
be called a right oj power, yet it is ofb- that at
this late day cannot be questioned. In support
of this position, I will simply refer to a clause
of, the law of nations partly cited by the gen
tleman (Mr. II j on yesterday. “There is an
other celebrated question to which the disco
very of the new 7 world has principally given
rise. It is asked if a nation may lawfully take
possession of a part of a vast country in which
there are found none hut erratic natives, inca
pable by the smallness of their numbers, to
people the whole? We hare already observed
(p. 81) in establishing the obligation to culti
vate the earth, that these nations cannot ex
clusively appropriate to themselves more land
than they have occasion for, and which they
are unable to settle and cultivate. Their re
moving their habitations through these im
uv'nse regions, cannot he taken fora true and
legal possession.” “We have already said
that the earth belongs to the human race in
general, and was designed to furnish it with
subsistance. If each nation had resolved from
the beginning, to appropriate to itself a vast
country, that the people might live by hunting,
fishing, and wild fruits, our globe would not be
sufficient to maintain a tenth part of its inhab*
itants. People have not deviated th<m from
the views of nature in confining the Indians
within narrozo limits However, we cannot
help praising the moderation of the English
puritans who first settled in New England,
who, notwithstanding their being furnished
with a charter from their sovereign purchased
of the Indians the lands‘hey resolved to cul
tivate. This laudable example was followed
by William Penn who planted the colony of
Quakers in Pennsylvania, (Vattell’s Law <>•
Nations Bof/k 1, cap. IS.s^c 209 pp 158—9)
It will he see-i Si;-, that ihe question of the
right acquired bv discovery, originated on the
discovery of this Western world What wa-
the determin'd ion of this important question?
It was Sir, that the discovering nation had a
right to take possession of a countrv inhabited
by savage and erra'ic tribes; that the earth
was made for Hie habitation of the people ot
the world generally, and that these tubes or
nations cannot appropriate to themselves large
tracts of country which they were unable to
settle or cultivate.
They were not permitted, merely because
they were found the occupants of any countrv,
to appropriate the whole to themselves. The >
were not tolerated to say these are my hunting
grounds, and these my fishing places N •
Sir, the right granted them was no more than
a sufficiency of country for habitation and cul
tivation. Was it for the purpose of acquiring
a title to lands in the occupancy of the Indian*
that the “Puritans of New England.” and at
ter them the founder of Pennsylvania, held
talks and treaties wiih them? No Sir, thi~
could not he the case, for they had patents coi
veying titles from the Crown of England It
needed not the ratification or consent of the
-avages to perfect these titles—they were fee
simple from the Lord paramount of the coon
try. Then we must resort to another sourc*
to ascertain why these treaties were held Ji
-eems to ine there is no difficulty in this. The
country was inhabited by large and powerful
tribes, jealous and savage in their nature; a
rupture or misunderstanding, n their feeble
state of the colony was equivalent to demob
tion. It would have required very little force
to have driven the colonists from the country,
It was all important then, Sir, to cultivate with
these people the most friendly relations
Therefore it was that these treaties were held.
7 hey were in every sense, Treaties to secure
peace and quietness with the Indians—it can
not, impartially, be attributed lo any other mo
tive. The right of occupancy alone was con-
ced to these Indians; and that right confined
to their habitations, and a sufficiency of land
for their subsistence.
I might safely rest here the right of this
Slate to the Territory in dispute. But, Sir,
1 beg leave to refer the House to some autho
rity which to my mind, entirely and satisfacto
rily, settles the question of the right of the
State of Georgia over her Indian Territory.—
On the 27th of May, 1777, the committee ap
pointed to confer with a committee of the Ge
neral Assembly of Pennsylvania concerning a
complaint made by the Indians, “Report, that
they have conferred with the said committee,
by whom they were informed that a considera
hie number of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania,
bavtv sealed themselves upon lands belonging
to the Indians, without their leave, or any au
'boriiy f r om the State. Whereupon, resoiv-
d, that the Executive power or Legislative ot
Pennsylvania ought to take proper measures
quiet the minds of the said Indians by assur
ing them they shall have full satisfaction, eith
er by removing the intruders, or by atlowiog
'hem (the Indians) an adequate consideration
for the soil, at their option.” On the secoud
of November, 1732, a committee of Congress
“Report, that they have ad a conference with
: wo deputies of i he Catawba nation of Indians;
that their mission respects certain tracts of
land reserved for their use in the Stale of Snath
Carolina, ivhich they wish may be so secured
to their tribe as not to be intruded into bv
force, or alienated even by their own consent;
Whereupon, resolved, that it be recommend
ed to the Legislature of the Slate of South
Carolina to take such measures for the satis
faction and security of the said tribe, as the
Legislature shall in their ttisdom think fit,”—
00 the 22d September, 1783, Congress issu
ed a Proclamation, forbidding “settlements or
purchases of Indian Lands, without the limits
or jurisdiction of any particular State/’ Ou
the 15th October, 1783, after adopting some
resolutions relative to Indian Affairs, Congress
resolved, “That the preceding measures shall
not be construed to affect the territorial claims
of any of the States, or their Legislative rights,
within their respective limits,”—.(Wilde’s
Speech.) The resolutions were adopted, and
these proceedings had under the confederation;
and Sir, they most clearly and conclusively
show the light in which the rights of all the
States to their InrLan Lands within their limits,
were held The Congress of the confederated
States did not pretend to arrogate to itself any
right whatever, in any manner (further than
mere recommendation) to interfere with the
territorial rights of tbfc Stales. Pennsylvania
was requested to “quiet the minds” of the In
dians with regard to the intrusion of some of
her citizens upon lands in the possession of
the Indians The Legislature of the State of
Sodh Carolina was recommended to take such
measures as in their wisdom they thought tit
for the security oi the Catawbas in certain re
serves made by them Again Congress ie-
solved that none of their acts should fie so
construed a- to interfere with the territorial
claims of any of the States or with the Legis
lative rights within their respective limits.—
Do gentlemen desire to have any stronger con
firrnation of the right of the Slate to survey
and occupy her Indan territory than what is
contained in tho foregoing? I should think
not. But to make confirmation doubly strong,
1 beg leave to read a short passage from Mr.
Wilde’s Speech in Congress. “In 1790 a trea
ty having been negotiated with the Six Na
lions, by which the Commissioner with gooil
intentions, but incautiously made certain con
tirtnations of lands leased or granted by the
Indians in the State of New York to individu
als, General Washington informed the Seuate
that it was unauthorised by his instructions;
unsupported by the Constitution; and that the
transaction had been explicitly /lisavowed by
his orders to the Governor of N<*w York on
the J7th Augu-t, 1790” Thus.Sir.it will he
--een that the same r»ghts claimed and exercis
ed by the British Government over the Indian
iribes in the several colonies, passed into th<
States at the same time they became free and
sovereign. These rights were acknowledged
both under the confederation, and alter the
adoption of the pres/uit constitution. The
rigid of jurisdiction and soil, was explicitly an* 1
unreservedly admitted to be iu the several
States alone.
The State of Georgia, with regard to her
Ind ian Territory is d fferently situated from al
most, it not all, the States of the Union; they
having ceded to the United States every thing
save the right of jurisdiction; Georgia not hav
ing surrendered a single portion of the right
which devolved upon tier, when she became
a tree and sovereign State If she has ceded
away any part of her rights relative to this
Territory, where, to what, shall I turn to as
certain the fact of such surrender? Is it to
be found in the constitution of the United
Slates, or in the const itmi*»n, or laws, of the
Stj:e ol Georgia? No Sir, I apprehend not—
it*this lias ever been dune, I am yet ignorant
of it.
More fallv to explain the tenure by which
tfie Indian Tribes ,n America hold their land
I beg leave to refer to some extracts from Mr
Da vice’s compilation of Law, cited by Mi
Wilde m his able and luminous speech jn Con
^ress “Our ancestors seem to have mad*
he true distinction, when by Law they declar
ed that Indians had property in the lands they
possess-d and improved, by .subduing then.,
•ufurnng that (hey had no property in the Ian.
not subdued by them. This distinction wa
founded on the law of nature, which has eve;
required that labour be bestowed on the thing
common in order to make it individual proper
ty Europeans have never considered then-
capable of property in Lands generally, be
cause generally incapable of subduing them
aom a wildern ss to a cultivated state, #nd ir.
'his respect wholly unlike Europeans,” 4li.
D ivie’s Abridgement 69. Agaui, in “the lau
guage used by a distingu shed jurist and civih
an, the late Chief Magistrate of the U States,
in his oration on the festival of the Pilgrinis
December 22.1, 1802 ” we fi:<d the following
“there are m.irahsis who have questioned the
right ot the Korop ans to tetrode upon the
possessions of the Aboriginals in any case and
under any limitations whatever. But hav-
tney maturely considered the subject? Tt;*
Indian right of possession itself stands, witn re
gard to the greatest part of the country, upon
a questionable foundation. Their cultivated
fields, their constructed habitations, a space ot
ample sufficiency tor their subsistence, and
whatever they had annexed to themselves by
personal labour, was undoubtedly, by the law
of nature theirs. But what is the right of a
huntsman to the forest of a thousand m.lis over
which be has accidentally ranged in quest of
prey Shall the lordly savag- not only disdain
ihe virtues and enjoyments of civilization him
self, but shall ho control the civilization of the
world?" To cite any further authority, as to
Georgia’s right it seems to me vould be to
heap law upon law, proof upon proof, and a
ceaseless consumption of i he time of this house.
After the clear elucidation of this part ot the
subject by the gentleman from Baldwin, on
yesterday. I might have lett it without altemp •
mg a further exposition. If these be sour e
doctrines, what gentleman can for a moment
1onbt the right of the State toditect and rcan-
a*ge, without interruption, her own aff/.rs, with
r gard to these people, as reason and justice
ifictate? No one upon this floor will presume
to deny to the S.ate the right to extend, and
i-ave executed, her laws both civil aud crimi
nal, over the whole Territory within her limits,
iu Ui occupancy of the Indians. The gentle
man from Richmond acknowledges, further,
that our Courts may be held in the very heart
of the nation; and that we may do every thing
eLe pertaining to the country, with the bare
exception ot surveying aud possessing ail the
unoccupied lands. If then, we have the right
thus to extend our laws over the Indians, hold
our Courts in the midst of them; send our min
isters of justice among them, for the purpose
of execui mg opr laws over them; if we can a-
bohsh their layrs and government, and rule
them as policy dictates, ivhy let me ask, in the
name of common sense, can We not survey aud
dispose of, and occupy, so much of the coun
try as is not necessary for the habitations and
subsistence of the Indians/ Why can the
State, not do with this land the same thmg
that she is authorized to do with any other por
tion of her ungranted lands? Why can she
not survey and grant it/ A denial to her ol
this right seem 1 * to me to be an anomaly in the
law of all civilized nations. These are thing*
Sir, that I cannot at all reconcile with my
ideas of law and right* Indeed they do not
exist. We have the right not only to survey,
hut we have the right immediately to occupy.
Though 2 have clearly shown that the Indian
right of occupancy extends no further than to
his improvements, to what he has subdued by
his labour, and to what is necessary for his
subsistence, I hope the House will indulge me
in an extract from the message of the preseut
chief magistrate of the United States; whom
the opponent* of the bill on your table so much
dread; of whom they so much stand in awe, by
whom they apprehend an attempt to survey
the Cherokee Land would be effectually re
sisted. What does he say, that “the emigra
tion (of the Indians) should be voluntary, for
it would be;cruel, as unjust to compel the ab-
origmes to abandon the graves of their fathers
and to seek a home in a distant land But
they should be distinctly informed, that if they
remain within the limits of the States, they
must submit to their laws In return for their
obedience as individuals, they will without
doubt be protected in the enjoyment of these
possessions -wInch they have improved by their
industry. But it seems io me visionary to sup
pose that in this stage of things, claims can be
allowed on tracts of country on which they
have never dwelt nor made improvements, iner e-
iy because they have seen them from the moun
tain, or passed them in the chase Submitting
0 the laws of the States, and receiving like
>ther citizens protection in their persons and
property, they will ere long become merged
in the mass of our population.” Now, Sir,
what an* the plain and legitimate inferences
to be drawn from the language of the Presi
dent? Not figurative language as the gentle
man from Richmond (Mr Schley) would have
us believe No. Sir, l have yet lo learn that
Jackson in any of his State or public papers,
uses metaphorical or figurative language; it is
a commodity in which he does not deal; he
builds no light houses in the skies; he brings
10 his aid nothing hut plain, unvarnished, com
mon sense, expressed in a plain way that eve
ry body understands. If then it is.not figura
tive, is it problematical/ No, Sir, it is expli
cit unequivocal. Then what are the rightful
deductions to be taken from the President’s
language? They are, that the Indian right of
occupancy.extends to what the friends of this
hill admit aud no further, and that consequent
ly, the State has a right to dispose of the re
mainder as she may deem meet. In his own
word*, what claims have the Indians “to whole
tracts of country on which they have never
dwelt, nor made improvements? Can such
claims be allowed merely because they may
have seen them from the mountain or passed
them in the chase?” Do the Cherokee im
provements cover the whole country? No.
I believe there are miles of trackless wilder
ness. The President says that ere long the
Indians will become “merged in the mass of
our population?” Is it by driving from among
them all white persons? Is it by permitting
hern alone to occupy the country upon which
hey are settled? No, Sir, the plans and bb
v ious means by which this will be brought a-
•out, are by the settling of our white citizens
•mong them. Then Sir/the Indian population
o longer exists; it has passed from that inde
•undent state of existence ir. which it has hith
o stood, and has fallen, or “merged” into the
»iass of our whi;e population. The Indian
md within the limits of Georgia, is her proper
y, and not the property of the United Slate*-,
as it is in the o'her States. Georgia therefore
: ias the right to settie her citizens upon these,
ands, and thus it is that by exercising this
right, the Indian population ceases to exist.—
Phis part of the question, I shall now abandon,
md divert the attention of the House to the
•nlv debateabie point, a'*-1 conceive, that is in
volved in the consideration of this case, and
^hat is Sir, the expediency of the proposed
measure,
In what, Sir, does the inexpediency of this
measure consist? I have heard it fr/qmntly
• *?erted that at this time it would he cxireme-
1 inexpedient to pass this bill. It is general
ly admitted that we have the right, hut inex
pediency is constantly urged. Where is it? —
11 such is the fact, it is not apparent to my oh-
use sight. I have listened patiently for sob-
tantial reasons and arguments, pointing out
the great inexpediency and impolicy of acting
energetically iu thi® matter, but Sir, I have
listened in vain. No satisfactory argument
>as been advanced I must then draw the
conclusion that there are none to support it.
The strongest roason advanced, is that by pre
cipitate action, that is by passing this bill, the
election of Jackson will be endangered. How
can this be? Has not every art been resort
ed to, every falsehood sent abroad upon the
wings of the wind by Jackson’s enemies, for
the purpose of working injury to his cause?—
No exertion, no time, no industry has been
pared to effect this object—all has failed—
Jackson yet stands and w ill loog stand in deli
once of the poisoned shafts of his untiring foes.
Fanaticism and -morbid philanthropy have
spent their ravings and rivilings, and are com
pelb-d to succumb to truth and reason. Jack-
son dreads not the result apprehended by those
of his friends opposed to this bill. In the ex
tract from his message which I have just read,
his opinion so far as regards the Indian title is
c’early and fearlessly expressed. . Did he fear
that his sentiments and.opinions relative to the
Indians would militate against hts election?—
Did he then entertain the apprehension that
the opponents ol this bdl are kind enough now
to feel and express for him? The resolution of
these questions is easy. He did not—he acted
openly, independently and fairly in the expres*
si m of his opinions. He would scorn the very
idea of concealing his opinions, or of suppres
sing any action consequent thereon He rises
above any such paltry considerations.
(Concluded in our next,}
SUMMAiaY.
THE GOLD Diggers
Extract of a teller from Col. Charles H. Nel
son, to a gentleman m tins place, dated
Gainesville January 18th 1831.
"Dear Sir,—lu haste I inform you, that on
yesterday we had warm work at Leathers'
ford. A detachment [of the State Guard] un
der my command was conducting eleven pris
oners, when wewsre attacked by about s/xty
men, who used every thmg but guns. We
charged on them and dispersed every one of
them, wihout damage lo my men. One of
the assailants received three severe bayonet
wounds, from which his recovery is considered
dou b t * u 1. ’ ’— Washing:on News.
Mr. Richardson ot Hnberhnm county, found
in his mine, on the 7 h mst a piece ot gold
weighing two hundred and forty nine penny
weights, seventeen grains. It was found on the
west hili, about tnirty yards from the branch —
Mr. R turlher states that the mmii g business
is improving io his neighborhood.—Sav. Geo.
Cotton.—Since our last report Uplands have-
been iu limited demand and the sales of the
week will net exceed from 1.500 to 2,000
bales at from 8 1 4 a 10 cents principally at
irom 8 1-2 a 9 cents, tor fair to good I’air, and
9 1-2 a 10 cents for prime lots, which, is a re
duction fully of 1-4 cent, on last weeks quota-
lious. We quote 8 1 4 a 10 cents. In Is
land?, sales continue to be made at from 17 a
22, principally at 18 a 20 cents.-S. Geo Jan 22,
Piracy on a large scale.—A Sicilian brig, the
Colombo, which arrived at Gibraltar D*x 6 b;
from Rio Janerio, made the fulloming repo/t.
Oct. 26ih, laf. 3, 07, N. Ion. 29 20 *asf
boarded by II. M. brig F-dcuu, and informed
hat she together with a But ish F; g.iie, had
captured near the island of A-censiou, a pirate
ship mounting 60 guns and having a crew of
300 men—of which she lost about a third in
the action, and the capturing ships 22 men.
The Falcon had on board Hie pirate captain,
and two oher persons from tu t ship, with
whom she was bound to Bermuda.
France—The -following are some of the
principal events of the Revolution which has
recently taken place in France. On the 19th
of March, 1830, the King prorogu/id the
Chamber of Deputies till September 1st, in
consequence of the stand which they took a-
gainst the ministry, in their answer to the
King’s speech; on the 17th of May, he dissolv
ed the Chamber; and at the same time new e-
lections were ordered, and the two Chambers
convoked for August 3d. Of the 221 Drpu-
ties who voted for the answer, 220 were re-e
lected; and in the new Chamber, the liberals
had a large majority. In consequence of (his
result, the ministers made a report to the King,
which was published July 26, accompanied by-
three ordinances; one dissolving the Chamber
of Deputies; another suspending the liberty of
the press; and a third altering the law of elec-
rio'n. Alt the liberal papers in Pans were sup
pressed ; the bank refused to discount bills ;
ihe manafacturers discharged their workmen ;
and the streets oi Paris were thronged with
people. The editors signed a remonstrance
declaring the ordinances illegal, and ttiat they
ought to be resisted. On the morning of the
26. l». the news papers and Journals appeared
as usual, and the siezure of the presses &. the
imprisonment of the editors were sigoals of the .
revolution. The citizens took up anus again t
the govnrnment, and by one o’clock, the fol-
lowrng day, obtained a compiefe victory over
the King’- Guards. On the 29th vt July, the
bberai deputies, W’ho had assembled in Pari 4 -,
appointed Lafayette commander in chief of Hie
National Guards; and on the 31-t, they pub
lished n declaration inviting L. uis Pi. hp,
Duke ol O leans, to become Licuteuant Gen
eral of the Kmgd-. nr On the same day (31 t)
Charles X and his household fl d from St.
Cloud to Ramb'.'iillet; and on the 2d of August
the abdication of the King and the Dauphin, m
favor of the Duke of Bourd aux, with the ti
tle of Henry V. was placed in the hand* of
t e Lieutenant General. The two Chambers
met on the 3d of August: the Chamber of
Deputies declared the throne of France vacant
defacto et dejurg on the 6th ; adapted the new*
modelled charter by a vot- of 219 to 33, and
voted to invite the Duke ol Orleans to become
Kmg of the French, on condition of his acc pt-
mg the chnpges of the Charter, on the 7.h;
the Duke accepted the crown oo the 8th, and
took the prescribed* oath on the 9th. The
Chamber of Peers adopted, on the 7th of Au
gust, all the provisions contained in the Dec
laration of the Chamber of Deputies, except
the (bilewing viz. “Ail the creations of peers
during the reign of Charles X. nre declared
null and void ;” declaring that they “would
leave the decision of this question to the high
prudence of the Prince Lieutenant General.”-—
American Almanack
GREECE-Tbe Greeks revolted firotn the Turk
ish domination in 1821, asserted independence,
and established a republican government. The
Turks attempted to reduce them te scbjec-
tion; a destructive war ensued, which lasted
several years; at lenght the governments of
Russia, France, and Great Britain interfered ;
and the Sultan of Turkey was induced to con
sent to the independence ofGreece In 1827.
Count Capo d'Istria was elected President of
Greece for the teim of 9evcn years; in Janua
ry, 1828, he entered upon the duties of his of
fice, and he has succeeded in establishing an ef
ficient administration, and in gaining the con
fidence and affection of the people.
In February, 1830, the plenipotentiaries of
Gieat Britain, France, aud Russia, appointed
Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg to be the he
reditary Sovereign of Greece, with the title of
“Sovereign Prince.” The Prince accepted
the appointment; but on learning the actual
condition of the country and the feelings of the
people with regard to an appointment in which
they had no voice, he afterwards resigned it.
The government was recognised by the
fourth national Congress, which met at Argos
in the summer of 1829 Capo d’Istria still re
maining at its head The Panhellenium, %
Council of 27 members, was replaced by an
other body consisting also of 27 members, call*