Newspaper Page Text
ihan a frail. It is of pale yellow color, in a
conical shape, not quite so large as a shaddock,
and is frequently cooked for the table.
25th. (Trenail ilia, (Eng.)—grotfs bn a vine,
which is frequently used for covering harbors,
from its quick and extensive growth. The
fruit is usually about the size of a half grown
water melon of the Southern Scales. It is
dressed in a peculiar manner, and, when pro*
perly prepared, said to be very delicious. This
fruit is cowparutivelyscarce in this part ot the
aland. (
2Gth. Date—grows in clusters at the top of
the tree, much in the sarno manner as cocoa
nuts, and tastes somewhat like that fruit : it is
about the size of the filbert. The tree re
sembles the cocoa nut tree; the trunk has
thorns, and swells out sometimes like the palm.
27th. Ciatnetta, a small fruit of an oblong
shape, about the sine of a cherry, and black
when 'ripe. It has a stone or pit the same
&bape of ihe fruit and containing the seed.—,—
The tree is sometimes used in ornamental
ground.
28th. Cacoa. a vegetable growth, yet grow
ing on a tree like fruit, and by most persons
thus classed. The external covering ot the
cacoa has a close resemblance in shape to a en
cumber, and near tbe size of it when well
grown. The frail grows with this poJ as seed*
grow n within a cucumber or melon, and about
the size if an almond, having much such a
shell covering the internal grain or seed. It is
raised to a considerable extent iu the central
<and interior parts of the island, and is becom
ing a valuably article to agriculturists—lho
chucoluto manufactured from it being superior
an freshness and flavor to that of foreign man-
it fact urn.
POLITICAL.
From the United States' Telegraph.
RESIGNATION OF TliE CABINET.
We lav before our readers the corrcspon-
<dencc between the President and the Secrtta T
ries of War and of theJTreasury, upon the oc
casion of the resignation of the latter of their
respective offices. Each successive fcrrival
from Europe brings notice of changes, either
made or contemplated, in the ministry ot
France and England; this is, however, the first
time that so near an approach to an entire
change of cabinet has taken place in the Unit
ed States. Apart from this circumstance, there
is much in the correspondence itself to arrest
the attention of the American people.
The Secretary of War, whoso resignation is
•first in the order of time, says: “I entered your
cabieet. ns is well known to you, contrary to
my own wishes; L having nothing to desire, ei
ther as it regards myself or friends, have ever
since cherished a determination to avail myself
of the first favorable moment after your admin
istration should bo in successful operation, to
retire. It occurs to me that the time is now
at hand, when I may do so with propriety, and
in proper respect to you."
Mr. Van Buren says, that his name having
been placed before the American people as a
candidate for the Presidency, he makes it his
ambition to set an example of resigning a seat
<o the cabinet.
When the reason thus assigned are compared
of the President in reply, that, in his opinion,
justice to Mr. Eaton and Mr. Van Buren re
quired a new organization of the cabinet, it is
apparent that neither the Secretary of War, cor
the Secretary of State, have in their letters as
signed the true and entire causes which pro
duced their resignation. The change of the
cabinet then, on their part, is a sacrifice to pub
lic sentiment, and for reason which did not ap
ply to the other members, whose removal, it is
admitted, was intended to prevent the inter-
renco which would otherwise be drawn from
the step taken by the Secretaries of Stale and
of War.
Tbe intelligent reader will see in the face of
the correspondence, the confirmation of all that
we have heretofore said of Mr. Van Buren and
his intrigues. His letter admits that he is a
eandidatc for the succession, and the propriety
of his leaving the cabinet. Our objection to
the conduct of Mr. Van Buren rested on the
fact here admitted; that he was a candidate,
and that he was endeavoring to use the influ
ence of office and th^patronage of the govern
ment to promote his own ulterior objects of
personal ambition. For tbe assertion of the
facts thus admitted we have been denounced.
That Mr. VaD Buren has a right to be a candi r
dafe, no one will deny. It is not only the pri
vilege, but the duty of every citizen, to aspire
to the confidence of his country; and to us it is
matter of gratification, that by his withdraw.
*1 from the cabinet, the real friends of the Pre
sident pan now examine the pretentions, and
expose-tfie intrigues of the candidate for the
succession, without exposing ourselves to the
charge of opposition to the administration.
Upon this subject wo have much to say,
should we hereafter feel called upon to speak.
Mr. Van Buren, haying declared himself a can
didate, must expect his pretentions to he fully
canvassed. Vet, looking into his past life, we
cannot see a single act to arrest his downward
course; and, unless provoked by the indiscre
tions of his partisans, we shall consult our own
desire to harmonise the party, and permit him
to pass into retirement undisturbed. Unless, in
deed. it should become apparent that he per
severes in his attention to smuggle himself into
the Vice Presidency—then he will bear from
us again.
Of the new cabinet, nothing is yet known.
We hope (hot it will be organized with a view
to the public interest, aud that its councils will
bis auspicious to the country.
Washington Citv, 7th April, 1831.
Dear Sia.—Four days ago I communicated
to yon my desire iff relinquish the duties of the
Mfar Department, and'I now take occasion to
repeat the request which was then made. I
am not disposed, by any sudden withdrawal,
to interrupt, or retard, tbe business of the of*
flee. A short time will be sufficient, l hope,
to enable you to direct your attention towards
some person, in whose capacity, industry, and
friendly disposition, you may have confidence,
to assist in the complicated and laborious du
ties] of your administration. Two or three
fceeks, nerbups less, may be sufficient for thi*
onm
In coining-to this dohclusion, candef demands
of me to say, that it arises from no dissnti&Jac-
tion entertained towards you- s -from no misun
derstanding between os, on any subject ; nor
from any diminution, on my part, of the friend
ship and confidence, which has ever been re
posed in yon.
1 entered your Cabinet, as is well known to
you, contrary to roy own wishes ; and having
nothing to desire, either as regards myself or
friends, have ever since cherished a determi
nation to’avail inyself of the first favorable mo
ment, alter your Administration should be in
successful operation, to retire It occurs to
me, that the time i9 now at band, when I may
do so, with propriety, and in proper respect to
you. Looking to the present state of things
to the course of your Administration, which,
being fairly developed, is before the people lor
approval or condemnation. I cannot consider
the step I am taking, objectionable, or that is
one;the tendency of which can be to affect or
injure the coarse of policy by you already ad
vantageously commenced, and which I hope
will be curried out to the benefit aud advance
ment of the people.
Tendering my sincere wishes for your pros
perity and happiness, and for your successlul
efforts in the cause of vour country,
I am, verv truly, your friend,
J. II. EATON.
To Andrew Jackson.
President of the U. Stales.
Washington Citv, April 8, 1831.'
Dea$ Sir: Your letter of yesterday was re
ceiver!, and I have carefully considered it —
When you conversed with me the other day,
on the subject of your withdrawing from the Ca
binet I expressed to you a sincere desire that
you would well consider it; for, however reluc
tant I am to be deprived of your services, I
cannot consent to retain you contrary to your
wishes and inclination to remain, particularly
as I well know that in 1829, when I invited you
to become a member of iny Cabinet, you ob
jected, and expressed a desire to be excused,
and only gave up your objections at my press
ing solicitation.
An acquaintance with you ot twenty years
standing, assured, me that, in your honesty,
prudence, capacity, discretion, and judgment
I could safely rely and confide. I have not been
disappointed With tbe performance of your
duties, siucc you have been with ro1 have
been fully satisfied, and, go where you will, be
your destiny what it may, my best wishes will
alw ays attend you
I will avail myself of the ealiest opportunity
to obtain some qualified frioud to succeed you;
and until th n, 1 must solicit that the accep
tance of vour resignation be deferred.
1 am, very sincerely and respectfully, vour
friend. ANDREW JACKSON.
Major J. II. Eaton,
Secretary of War.
W ASHiNGTOil, April 18. 1831.
Sir : In communicating to me, this, morning
the information of the resignation of the Secre
taryLof State and Secretary of War, together
with the reasons which had induced thu former
to take this step, you were pleased to observe
that this proceeding was made known to me as
you in the administration of the Government,
and you suggested that I would, after a few days
reflection, have a further conversation with you
on this subject. But. in recurring to the brief
remarks made at that lime, as well as to the let
ter of resignation of the Sec r etary of State,
which you were good cnougfato submit lor my
perusal, 1 have not been able to ascertain whnr
particular ma ter was intended to he proposed
for my reflection, as connected with this event
Under these circumstances, and being desirous
of avoiding the possibility of misapprehension,
as to your views, I would respectfully inquire
whether tho measure adopted by tbe Secretary
of State and of War, is deemed to tovolve con
siderations on which you expect a particular
communication from me, and, if so, of what
nature.
1 have the honor to be, respectfully,
Your ob’t servant.
S D. INGHAM.
To the President of the U. S.
Washington, April 19, 1831.
Sir—I am gratified to find myself entirely
relieved, by-tlie distinct explanation# at the
interview ro which you invited me, today, from
the uncertainty as to the object ot your com
municationyesterday, which 1 had referred to
in my note of Iasi evening; and have to make
mv acknowledgments for the kindness with
which you have expressed your satisfaction
with the manner in which I have discharged
the duties of the station to which you had
thought proper to invite me, and your convic
tion of the public confidence in my admmihtra
tionof the Treasury Depan ment. I beg leave,
however, to add, in my own justification for
not following tbe example of the Secretary of
State and Secretary of War, in maktug a vol
untary tender of the resignation of my office, as
soon as I was acquainted with theirs, that 1
was wholly unconscious of the application, to
myself, of any of tho reasons, so far as I was
apprised of them, which had induced them to
withdraw from the public service. 1<, there
fore, seemed to be due to my own chafrict^r,
which might have been otherwise exposed to
unfavorable imputation?, that I should fiud a
reason for resigning, in a distinct expression of
your wish to that effect; this wish has now
been frankly announced, and Has enabled me
to place my retirement on its true gr&ttnd.
1 have, therefore, the honor of tendering to
you mv resignation of the office of Secretary
of the Treasury of the United Spates, which
you will be pleased to accept, to take effect as
soon as my services may be dispensed with
consistently with your views of the public inte
terest.
I seize the occasion to offer you my thank*
for the many testimonials I have received of
your kindness and confidence, during our offi
cial connexion, and especially for the renewed
assurance this day of the same sentiment.
S D. INGHAM.
His Excellency Andrew Jackson,
President of the United States.
Washington, April 20ib. 1831.
3m— Late last evening I had the honor to
recive your fetter ofthat date, tendering your
resignation\>f the office of Secretary of the
Treasury. VVhen the resignations of the Sec
retary of Slate and Secretary of War were ten
dered, I considered fully the reasons offered,
and all the circumstances connected with the
subject. After mature deliberation, I cooclu
ded to accept those resignations. But when
this conclusion vas come to, it was accompa
nied with a conviction that I must entirely re
new my cabinet. Its members had been invi
ted by me to the stations they occupied—it had
come together in great harmony. and as a unit
Under the circumstances in which I found my
self, I could not but perceive the propriety of
selecting a cabinet composed of entirely new
materials, as being calculated, in this respect
at least, to command public confidence aud sat
isfy public opinion. Neither could I be insen
sible to the fart, that,to permit twoonly toretire
would be to afford room for unjust misconcep
tions and malignant misrepresentations con
cerning the influence of their particular pres
ence upon the conduct of public affairs. Jus
tice to the individuals whose public spirit bad
impelled (hem to tender their resignations, al
so required then, in my opinion, the decision
which I have stated, however painful to my
own feelings, it became necessary that I should
frankly make known to you the whole subject.
In accepting of your resignation, it is with
great pleasure that I bear testimony to the in
tegrity and zsal with which you have managed
tbe fiscal concerns of the nation. In your dis
charge of all the duties of your office, over
which I have any control, I have been fully
satisfied; and in your retirement you carry with
you my best wishes for your prosperity and
happiness.
It is expected that you will continue to dis
charge the duties of your office until a succes
sor is appointed.
I have the honor to be,-with great respect,
your most obedient servant.
ANDREW JACKSON.
Saml. D. Ingham,
Secretary of the Treasury.
FOREIGN.
FRANCE.
Foreign and Domestic Policy of the Perrier Mi
nistry.
To the Editor of the Movning Chronicle.
Baris. March 19, 1831.
Sir—An accident thu other day threw id my
way a copy of a letter written by adistinguishud
friend of liberty in your country io me, not less
sincere in this, in which I found a passage some
thing like the following; “ A letter of that
straoga writer, O. P Q which has appeared this
morning in the Morning Chronicle, has apalled
by its prophesies the advocates of liberty, ami
the friends of Phil p and France." The let
ter referred to bv tbe writer appeared in the
Chronicle of the 11th mstaui—and I nsk you
the favor to read u again—and then to peruse
tbe bitter reproaches with which I am aboui
io address toe Perriar Ministry.” Alas! ala-.!
I knew too well tua policy of the Palais Roy
al. 1 know too well (he cowardice of the Con.
tres and the fearlessness of the K ng—and the
developments of yesterday in (tie Chamber
of D'put-.as, coma to realize too soon
—— — -.'uu » rv i mu inn
letter which appeared m The Chronicle o>
the 11th of this month.
1 bo title of my letter to day is “ Foreign
and Domestic Ptd'cv of the Perrier Ministry!!”
1 am scarcely sufficiently calm to write 1
would write, or to express the ten thousandth
part of what I feel Y«sfrrday I devoted a
portion ol my morning to wntingyuii a letter. n
tne new association forming in France, and you
will find the fear- I expra&rod even more than
realized by tho subsequent discussion in the
Chamber of Deputies, at which I was yester
day present. f had hoped to have continued
the question ot these new “Associations” in
to day’s letter—but although the matter is ur
gent, there is something still more pressing—
and that is, the “Foreign aud Domestic Policy
ul the Porner Ministry!!”
Yesterday was the day appointed for a d*
duration of principles on thu part of the new
President of the Council The tribunes were
crowded. The rentier* and the stockbrokers
were there trembling with fear for a fall in the
funds; whilst the lovers of liberty and the true
frieuds of France were there trembling & hop
mg yet hoping against hope—& trembling lest
(as was thw case) s Perrier Ministry should, by
.ts P-dicy and system, bring a blush ofshamo in
every F enebman’s cheek, and cau»e tho bund
involuntarily to clencfc; vowing itself alone to
do justice to the Revolii ion of July.
A. length the moment arrived The still
ness ot death prevailed, and Cassimir Perrier
wUo has sold the cause of fr -edom bv It is un
manly, unpatriotic, and unfoended fears of war,
rose to address not merely tho House, but
through that Chamber millions of anxious be
ings, who are sighing for liberty, in Poland,
Belgium. Italy, Spain and Germany.
As you will publish at length this memorable
discussion, it would be absurd on my part to
supply you with a translation of the speeches
in this letter—but I will rather present yo»
with an analysis of the tleba f e in a develop®,
ment of the system of the “Foreign and Do
mestic Policy of the Perrier Ministry.”
As I sat in the Chamber & watched the fea
tures of those public men wjth whose principle*
I am rtrell acquainted, I coutd not but observe
(hat the expressions of pleasure, or of disgust
which were exhibited by dlffment individuals
during this debate^ demonstrated the fa-artless
ness, the viciousna?s, the uoprincipled aud
scandalous nature of the policy which had h^en
resolved on. 1 observed-men who all their
lives have contended far the doctrines of di
vine right, legitimacy, and absolute govern
ments—who have opposed the schoolmaster in
his progress—persecuted tbe Sp.-r.ish, Portu
guose, and Italian refugees—voted against a
war for Greece, because it would lead to Choir
liberty and freedom—aud who, finally, are op
posed to all the improvements of social, pub
lie, aod political life chuckle with pleasure, and
laugh with demoniacal delight when Sebastia-
ni proclaim from ,thfc tribune, that France
would pot interfere by arms to prevent the
subjection of the dtailian Revolutionists ; and
!>h«u he even dared to justify the correspon
dence lound at Warsaw, and which proved
that Nicholas had projected a war against the
French and Belgian Revolutionf, but for the
insurrection iu Poland, which for awhile de
feated the imperial -despot. This was not
what they expected from the Revolution of
July! When, in those “ feartu) days,” to a-
dopt the words of tbe traitor Polignac, “every
one was occupied with pioviding for his own
safety;” when in those fearful days, the Roy
alists had themselves in cellars, or lay tremb-
Hug in the fields, and under hedges, apprehen
sive of murder, confiscation, Sr imprisonment >
they little dreamt to bear, in less than eight
short mouths, the Minister for Foreign Affairs
become the advocate of tbe Emperor of the
North. ' If such an idea could have crossed
the thresholds of the minds of these then ex
piring Royalists, they would have sung the
song of triumph, and shouted aloud “ Long
live despotism!” But no; they believed that
the Revolution was a “truth;” that liberty, both
civil and religious, was thenceforth to be secur
ed to every human being who should desire it;
aod even they, with all their knowledge ot the
worst principles ot human nature and of hu
man society, could not have brought to be :
lieve that France would levolutionize the
word for six months, and the next abandon it
to foreign armies, despotic monarch*, and Rub
sian and Austrian oppression. Yet such is the
foreigu policy of the Cassimir Perrier Minis
try.
Yes—-as I sat in the Chamber, I watched al*
so the features of those who have devoted long
and useful lives to the cause of Freedom I
saw the countenance of Lalayetto flushed with
shame and indignation. I saw the manly tear
steal down his manly face. I be held him al
most unable to restrain himself within the
bounds of that decorum which even patriotism
should scurcely dare to break down ; and 1
heard him tell the Minister ol Foreign Affairs,
in the face of France and the world, that
France would not be cajoled by equivocation;
and tba? when she said Austria should not in
terfere in the affairs of Italy, that she meant
not merely that she would send despatches,
and protest on paper, bat that she would scud
tier armies to Italy to oppose Austrian in
terference, should Modena be menaced. Purina
invaded, and tbe Roman States attacked.
And (hero also were tho Rentiers—the Jew
stock-brokers—the usurers of the Bourse—mo
ney dealers of Europe. These all were there to
shrink iuto insignificance before an honest po
licy, or to expand aud flower iu ail their fatal
luxuriance beneath the warmth of a protecting,
high priced, hut wretched system of Govern
meat. And so they expanded! When Perrier
and Soult, Sebastiani and Barthe, announced a
system which meant nothing less than “ peace
at all hazards” these faun-mongers smiled
with Shy lock satisfaction and thought they
saw before them a long bright v.sta adorned
with Austrian Metallic?, French Buns Iloyaux,
Prussian Stacks and even some new Dutch
lean. They flew from the Tribunes to the
Bourse with the rapidity of lightning—an
o -uucod to tho delighted Rentiers the proba*
bility of “high prices,” and consoled them with
‘bo “cheering news” that Poland might be
crushe d before the Minister would interfere—
that Austria would take possession of Italy,
aod do as 9he thought fit—that France would
be a zualous partisau of the Protocols of Lon-
iui soiinug iua aflUiro T? .1 g
that with the exception of having Louis Philip
far K;ng of the French, instead of Charles X.
King of France, every thing would be put on
the foot mg of 1815! True, indeed, their joy
was somewhat damped, when, later in the day,
it was announced that more money was requir
ed, more taxes wanted, more sacrifices would
he demanded; and that, notwithstanding France
was to make every concession short of the ac-
t ai abaudonimn of her own Revolution, y t
;r,at France was to keep on foot five hun
dred thousaud men to defend the events of
Juiy, and prevent the re entry of foreign
bayonets and Charles X! When they heard
of these demands on their purses, the usure rs
were not so well pleased; but they derive some
consolation from the fact, that the middling
classes would be the principal sufferers, aud
that a new loan might be avoided.
From this view of what passed and was felt
m the Chamber, l should, if indifferent to the
question, have pronounced against the policy
of the Perrier administration. 1 should not
have needed tho speeches of Salverte aod La-
layette to have convinced me that it was anti
national & auti revolutionary policy—and that
a* thoeuemies of freedom were the foremost
to applaud it, the friends of liberty must be the
fir-t to execrat* it.
Tho speech of Lafayette was triumphant J
Sebastiani—who dentes facts as notorious as
:hat tbe sun shines at noonday, end who utters
falsehood which are scarcely allowed in diplo
macy, and uever at the National Tribune
—was disgraced before France and Europe by
the production of the correspondence which
had been se»z?d at Warsaw, and ivhich demon
strated that ttiirFrauen Consul at Puland had
asked the permission of tbe Grand Duke Con
stantine to swear allegiance to Louis Philip!
and that the Russian cabinet had avowed its
determination of making war against the prin
ciples of the French and Belgain revolutions ?
Sebastiani endeavored to evade such argu
ments by a reply fraught with pontifical chica
nery unworthy of a Jew usurer on the Paris
Bourse. When attacked and re-attacked by
(he honest aod intrepid Lafayette. 00 tbe ques
tion of Austrian, interference in Italy, Sebas
tian! fried to sheflfe out with a distinction be
tween France objecting or not consenting to'
<hat interference—and between an armed in
tervention to prevent such a measure. Ac
cording to the speaking, miserable policy of
this Minister ot Foreign Affairs, France is to
protest—but it her protest be not rogarded,
she is to succumb ! You wi I not wonder after
this, that expecting the adoption of such a sys
tem, the friends of freedom united together,
and formed the patriotic association to which I
alluded in my letter of yesterday, and which
must now be followed up with increased vigor
and activity.
T..e foreign policy of the Casimir Perrier
Ministry may be thus stated:—1st, France will
not admit of an invasion, but will repel it'
This is vastly patriotic, and eminently French,
Why Charles the Tenth and hts Ministers
would have done this with as much zeal, and
even as much ability, as Louis Pailip and Mar
shal Boult; for co one ever dreamt of a Boor-
ton laying down die erdwn of France, dr sub
mitting to an invasion; and certainly tho men
of the Restoration were as good soldiers and
sailors as aoy to be tosud in France *, 2J,
France will net admit of an invasion of Belgi
um to replace by force of arms the family of
Nassair on the throne? This is the utmost
extent of what the present Ministry is dispos
ed to do for Belgium. It will not interfere to
restore to Belgium Liosboerg, or Maestricht,
or Venlo—or the Citadel of Antwerp or Lux-
etnbourg. It will not interfere to prevent tbe
London diplomatic corps from imposing condi
tions on the Belgain Government, or from se
conding such conditions so imposed by Prus
sian troops. Prince Talleyrand is to sign Pro
tocols the same as ever, and should at Iasi it
become “necessary” to reduce the Belgains to
subjection, to employ the means of a “coast
blockade”—or “blockade of the Scheldt”—o.r
occupation of Antwerp by English troops—or
occupation of the fort and strong places by
Prussian soldiers—-why France is eveu to con
sent to that—and no revolution is to be re
spected but that which has placed the youngest
instead of (be eldest branch of tbe house of
Bourbon on tbe throne. 3. France is not to
interfere in the question of Poland. It is to be
contended that Poland is too far—that the Po
lish Revolution is extravagant in its demands
and that it would be an intermeddling on the
part of France should she take any interest in
the liberty of a people living so far off from the
frontiers of this country. Perhaps, indeed, tbe
Government may protest against the invasion,
&i protest against the extermination of the Polta
but if (he Emperor shakos his head, aud hays
—“What signifies a French protest 1” and if be
refuses to notice it—arid even throws it behind
the fire——why France is to take no further no
tice oflhe affair & Poland istob* reduced to sub
jection. 4. France is to allow Austria to put
down by force of arms the Italian Revolutions!
She is actually doing se already ! The Italians
ard*to be “chastised” by Austria, whilst the
Pedes are to be butchered by Russia; and when
these people are all crushed, in case of any at
tempt on the part of the ten old established
Governments of Europe to attack the Freuch
Revolution of 1830, wuy then France is to bd
called on to defend herself, having no Allies
either of Sovereigns or of people in the wide
world to assist her ! 1 beg you will mark this.
France as she is Revolutionised, has no one
Ally but England—and England will remain
neutral. The King of Europe may, for a few
months, affect civility to the new order of
things in this country—but they cannot be tho
Allies of Revolutionised France. To supply
tbe deficiency, “the people” offer their allian
ce?—and Spain. Poland, Belgium, and Italy, all
offer the best of Treaties. But the foreign
policy of the Casimir Perrier Ministry is to re
ject the alliance of the people—& to throw re
volutionised France upon the “tender mercies”
of a band of Crowned Despots.
Ol Spain, Portugal, and Germany, it is uo * 1 '
necessary to speak. The game system is to
be observed with reference to all the world,
and this is called acting up to the spirit and
principle of the Revolution of July, 1830.
But will France allow this 1 No SSfa* will
not; and now you may he sure that tbe Revo
lution has not terminated.
Of the domestic policy of the ministry, i
have not time to speak. It consists in Par
liamentary divisions—laws agaiust mobs—and
acts ot oppression against the prcs§. Aim!
•alas! we must begin again—and the next time
wo shall nut be made dupes. The people trust
ed in August, hut now their eyes are opened,
and they find themselves naked Never mind.
Do not dispair. The cause is not yet lost.
Liberty is of too great value to be easily ob
tained—but though purchased dearly, we shall
eventually possess it. Your obedient servant,
O. P. Q.
latest from Mexico.
The Editors of the New York Daily Adver
tiser have received a file of Uagislro Official
of the Capital of Mexico, to the 26th of March,
brought by the brig Alto, which arrived on Fri
day from Vera Cruz, having sailed on the 1st
instant.
Tho Government have promoted perhaps &
hundred or.more of tho officers of the army
of the South, on account of their success iu
the late campaign; and rewarded with a doila?
and 4 reals a great many con*commissioned of
ficers and privates.
The National Congress warn occupied with
tho proposed reforms of the Constitution, rer
commended by the Legislatures.
The Regislro of the 25th March, states that
the country is in a state of tranquility, and pre
sumes that peace will'be preserved, and affairs
go on well. We see no indication of distur
bances at present: but it is certuin elements
of discord are not wanting, and that some of
the favorite plans of the Government, if put
into execution, may bring them into action.
On the 8ih, some cotton machinery arrived
at M exico, which had been sent out from tba
U. S. It is to go z.ito operation in tho vicinity.
A company has been formed inGuanajnalo, cal
led the Junta of Calays (l he Capital,) with a
bank for the encouragement of Manufactures;
and its prospects are-said to be flattering.
A proposition submitted to tbe Congress by
the Vice-President, in relation to tbe Press* was
reported against on the 24th, by a comtaitteo
of the. House of Representatives.
Extract of a letter received in N. York, (by tho
Alto,) from Vera Cruz, under date of April
1st “The Conductor is expected here from
Mexico on Sunday next, with a large amount
of specio.
“Brig Napoleon, Hutchinson, is to sail on
the 8lh April, for N. York —No political news.
WALT02T 3JLLE3,
On the first Tuesday in JUNE next.
B EFORE the court-bouse door in tbe town of Mon
roe, Walton county, will be sold, between tbe usual
hours of sale, the following PROPERTY, to wit:
One hundred and twenty-five acres of LAND, more
er less, well improved, part of lot N». 31, in tbe first
district of seid county, whereon defendant now lives—
levied oq as tbe property of Nathan Whitley, to satisfy
one fi. fa. in fever of J 0I1 os ion & Gunn, vs. said WbilJey;
property pointed out by said Guoo, levy made and return
ed to me by a constable.
ORION STROUP, Sheriff.
W E ere requested to announce the name ef WILL-
IAM D. SC0G6IN, Esq. as a - candidate fox
Sheriff of Baldwin county at tbe next erection for ceunly-
officers. November 4