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FEDERAL UNIOft.
JSrxszrrsr
f-OIiiTiCAL.
pire to be Commander-in-chife of the Nullifiers, is
not to be wondered at; But, that such men as*
and—and many others, who stood high in our es
teem, should lb]tow such a leader of’ sedition !—
That men who have been the glory ot Carolina,
and the pride of our country; that such men
should assist in throwing the fire-brands of discord
^ , amoung such comlusuil s, ami talk deliber. t 1
pled on: lor it our laws become disrespected, every j a hout plunging the dagger into the bosom ol our
thing dear to us, every enjoyment of* civilized so- I inaterna ] country, is too much! This, if any tiling
on earth could do it, this would make the angels
2 'ro.n Poulsoti’s dlmeri'an J)vly Jldetriiaer.
NULLIFICATION.
If any law or law* of the United States siiould
^become oppressive, which is by no means im
possible they must be altered or repealed, not train-
•cietv would become insecure, and tnere would be
jio confidence between man and man. The Con
stitution of the United States is our strong hold,
to that we must cling, as to our only sure ark ot
political safety. Destroy that, and we are no bet
ter otf than tue pretty states of Greece; or the shat-
tered, feeble, disjoined remnants ot Rome: liable to
be divided, like Poland, amoiiu unfeeling task xnas- '
ders. if we are now better oil than the other parts
•of the world, which we certainly are, it must be
owing to our Uniox, and to our excellent laws.
.Nullify these, and we are no better than so many
fiordes oflshmaeiites—“Every man’s hand would
be against us,” and our hand would be against ev
ery man: for, to suppose that we are by nature any
wiser, better, more moral, more religious, or more
virtuous than others, would he to suppose an ab
surdity. Human nature is the same every where:
Laws, customs, and climate only, make the differ
ence of character.
There is a sin, we are told, which “shall not he
forgiven, neither in this World, nor in the world to
come.” Rut as to the particular crime that consti
tutes this deadly sin, orthodox divines are not
■agreed. And they need not ask me, for I certainly
don't know. But there is a political sin, other than
liegro slavery, which, unrepenled of, I am at no
loss to pronounce unpardonable, at least in this
World. I say nothing of the next; I am no judge of
the world to come. The sin of fe'utJijication is cal
culated to bring more “death into the world, and
Wo,” than all the plagues that ever issued from
Pandora’s Box. Make void the laws of Congress,
and, i#'each as you will war would be the inevita
ble c msequence.—Cut the ties asunder that unite
This flourishing empire of states, and all manner of
evils wouid follow. Death would then, in good
earnest, “ride forth on the pale horse,” with war,
ft mine, and pestilence in his train: and the bloody
Hag of Bellona would be nailed to the stnlf. You,
who are nuWfiers, may think light of this: hut,
should such a calamity over-take us, which God
.forbid, your children would not think light of it: and
Ail ihe powers of Europe combined for our de
struction, would be less calamitous, and less to be
deprecated, than a separation of the Union. If
would make a Golgotha of that state which should
have the reckless boldness to mak<P the experiment,
No, no, Tiie Federal union must he preserved.”
Gov. Trove's better to the Ncllifisrs.—
At last, after a hmg delay, after time to make a
laborious examination of European writers, the
Journal has brought forth a most lame and impo
tent defence of the letter of this zealous Nullifier.—
Thi3 defence consists for the most part, of quota
tions from Vattel, and arguments to the same point
by the Journal, to prove—what?—that every peo
ple have a right to change their government, and
tt/form a new one. There was some merit in pro
mulgating this doctrine, in the midst of the monar
chies of Europe, some generations ago, when
Kings claimed to reign by divine right* and their
partisans maintained that the people were bound
to passive submission. But in this age, and in this
country, and in this state, who is so ignorant or in
fatuated, as to deny the right of the people to form
their own constitutions, and to form and to change
their own Governments? Whv does the Journal
endeavor to impose on the people, an argument in
“ ' ‘ ‘ "" defence of
FEDERAL UNION.
M1LI.EDGEV1ULE, SEPT. 8, 1831.
OCTOBER ELECTION.
FOR GOVERNOR,
WILSON LLMPKf^.
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Candidates to represent Baldwin county.
FOR THE SENATE,
JAMES C. WATSON.
FOR THE HOUSE,
EZEKIEL E. PARK,
WILLIAM W. CARNES.
support of this tuism, as H it were a deter.
Troup’s letter? The popularity of tins advocate
of disunion was fast waning away: and without a
successful effort to sustain him, he must sink into
general distrust and disgrace, if not into universal
abhorrence. This task the Journal, after long
preperation, has attempted: but it has sunk under
a burthen too lieavv for if.
From Troup*•« letter, ti e Journal makes but two
rour children’s children, beyond “the lhir.1 and
oath generation,” wouid curse your memory with
th ir dying breath. O.ir moral, religious, and po
litical salvation,-depend on our union. It is a truth
no iess true now, than it was in the days of purer
F atriotism, that, United we stand. Divided we fall.
<>eg of you to read over again Washington’s Fgre-
w-di Address; there you find words fitly spoken,
ivkich are indeed “like apples of gold in pictures of
silver.” How a good man can wish to divide this
prosperous country, I cannot conceive; nay a
id man cannot'wish it: He would rather con-
quotations. The first is as follows: “Whatever
the people of South Carolina in Convention shall
resolve for tlieir safety, interest, and happiness,
will he right, and none will have the right to ques
tion it. You can change your own government at
pleasure, and therefore you can throw off the go
vernment of the Union, whenever the same safety,
interest, and happiness shall require it.”
Of this quotation, only the latter sentence is aid
ed by the argument of the Journal: and what shall
we say of the first half of this quotation? The
people of South Carolina in convention, might pass
resolutions for their own safety, interest,fand hap
piness, which should violate the rights of other
states. Suppose the people of South Carolina
should in convention, determine that it was neces
sary to their safety, interest, and happiness, to aban
don the Union, and to form an alliance offensive
Our correspondent “L.” is informed that and defensive with Great Britain; and anticipating
we require a responsible name with hiscommuui- a rupture with the remaining United States, that
cation before it can he inserted. they should deem it necessary to their own safety,
— —■— interest, and happiness, sieze the exclusive doinin-
l*2- We are authorized to announce that Tho- ion of the Savaunah river, to introduce an English
mas Haynes, Esq. of Hancock county, is “no ion- fleet into that river, and to station English troops at
candidate for the office of Governor.” the forts which command its entrance: and to lay
an embargo on the commerce of our principal sea-
r Wfi’P'VnV’N PI FfTTflN ww yytoq <tir> I P°rts; according to the doctrine ot I roup, all this
G0\ ERNOR S ELEC I ION. \\ ha. was the an j t j ie people of Georgia, whose
CRAWFORDS AXIOM.—We should be glad
to know, whether Mr. Crawford was not over
“30 years of age ’ when he recommended that the
white people should intermarry with the Indians, in
order to civilize them ? Has he changed this opin
ion, and has his axiom been made applicable to him
self: or does he still wish our sons to marry squaws,
and our daughters, Indian men, to civilize them ?
THE TEXT OF THE JOURNAL—Again.
—The Text! At the sight of this ominous woid
no doubt, the blood of our neighbor of the Journal,
runs cold: and he feels a painful sensation, similar
to the precursor of an ague and fever. But in
performing a public duty, we are sometimes con
strained to disregard the feelings of our neighbors.
If he knew the charity with which our heart is melt
ed, when we dweli on his failings, and the good na
ture which we feel, while we rebuke, or laugh at,
liis offences, he would not encounter us with his
grurn and ferocious looks in our casual meetings in
the streets. The Journal, in its Text, solemnly
declares, that, “At this crisis we must have men at
the head of our federal and state government, who
from the time they first entered a political life, have
been consistent, undeviating, firm, and rigid, in
their principles,”: that is, according to the ideas ex
pressed in other parts of the Text, in their republi
can principles: and it also assured us, tiiat it would
not depart from its Text.
Gov. Gilmer has not been, since he first entered a
political life, consistent, undeviating, firm, & rigid,
in adhering to republican principles. When, in
1825, the people, in the most deliberate, public,
and unquestionable manner, by their vote, ex
pressed ther wish to choose their own electors of
President and Vice-President; Gov. Gilmer, then
a member of the Senate, disobeyed the public voice
and endeavoured to withhold i’rom the people, an
essential right, the right to choose their public offi
cers, which they claimed, and without which no
people can long preserve their liberty. Gov. Gil- ( ^ Republicanism? And was not your vote then
mer, in thus disregarumg the wish, and opposing ^ {bt . re recQrdedj with the Federal minority, burned
ger
conduct of the’supporters of Gov. Gilmer, when a
tew weeks ago, we brought before the people, liis
attempt to deprive them of the gold mines? They
at first endeavoured to justify the aristocratic policy
of his Excellency, and openly avowed their opin-
rights are violated, will have no right to question
itfVriH have no right even to ask an explanation
of these hostile measures. If we did not quote
the very words of Troup, the reader might
loubt, whether any man had ever uttered a
good
. . ' ? i V l • / „ „ : u UUUUl, uiiciuci aiiy man *jau i vci uucicu a
ion, that the vast wealth of these nines (except, ol niinius to the safety, interest,
course, so mnen as mignt lie purloined or emtez- , ; „<• It.,, ,i „
, , . , . „ i and Happiness, of mankind. But the Journal
zled by “under-strappers or upper-strappers be- l i ■ '
template such dark designs with prophetic horror.
Yet soma* fair characters there be, or at least that
■speak fair, who seem to dweli on this subject with
a fond of complacence; a sort of Judas-like apathy,
that is appalling. They would fain make us be
lieve that tliere is no great evil to he apprehended,
■even though such things should take place. But
■whoever puts confidence in such apostates, will lie
deceived. These destroyers of our peace would
pursuade with impunity; and that a state mav
, "Withdraw its allegiance without much harm.——
! Thoughtless, deluded men, you sleep on the brink
<jf a volcano. Knaves v T ho try to make you con
verts to this fake doctrine, know better. They
enlist bo ferretted out, and held up to public execra
tion.
There is an evil Gcniuswho for a long length of
years, has “been going to and fro” in our country
fi?eking whom he may devour. Ilad he stuck to
Lis coal tar and bis coke, he might have acted in
ids proper element, and have l*een a useful man.—
With his essays on that subject, I have been in
structed and edified, and I thank him for his Gas
Lights. But, when he turned a political dema
gogue, and attempted to instruct*freemen in mat-
firs which concern free governments, he was then
entirely out of his spore. He talks and acts like
one who knows nothing of the subject; or if he
.feiiows, would wilfully lead astray. With all his
boasted philosophy (and no small share he as-
-suied) he proves himself to be a pestilent fellow
amoung the people, and a leader of the sect called
JX illifiers. lie was an everlasting talker, and
some tliirty or forty years ago Jhey attempted to
jgag him. Ho was hound hand and foot like the
maniac “who had Ids dwelling amofig the tombs.”
As a libeller of the Government which gave him
protection, he was convicted and mulcted tor his
crimes—hut, “though you bray a loo! in the mortar .* 5 ;! a
he will not quit his folly.”—jleing a great Jlkhy- j
znisf and somewhat of a conjurer, withal, he found
wavs and means to clear out. Aryl then lecturing
Jike his prototype, on the “Cosmogonv or creation
-cf tire World,” showinff how it ha
fore reaching die fatel'pool ;t HilledgeviUb) should « ravel - v ‘““"tains, dial Troup is right; that be
cause any people have a right to change,.and to
be poured into the vaults of the treasury, or of the f ' .[ e - * , • , * «
, t, . . i i -r j i .i form their own government they have the right ol
Central Bunk. But they I,aye quailed under the 7 . 0 ^ le . Thc = coni .
force of truth: they cower, unuer die strongdisap. mon sf = e c0!nm0 ;i ilones ! ty ‘of mankind re
probation oi .he people, and t.tey now eat , that tiie . volta at a pos j t i on s0 shocking and outrageous.—
question oftl.e disposition of the go.u mines, was mind that was so ahanSoned as to conceive,
settled bv the last legislature, and ought not at this \ , . . ^ ’
Ti.o o,.,o,,„4 refits : andso audacious as to express inia idt_a, most lia.c
tune to be agitated. The amount ot the argument,:, . i •
, . , ° ^ i been strangely mlatuated by ns evil designs i
in plain language, is tms, altho Gov. Gilmer has j *=> * - ■*
Troup, in his letter, endeavoued to make the Nul
opposed the interests of the people yet as his aris- , ifierg $ gouth Carolina believe and feet, that tlieir
tocratic jxuicv has been defeated by their irieCf?' 2 ; '■ ; nt p«pqt
He policy has been deieatco dv uieir incno^; Jggfety, interest, and happinesss, required that they
they ought still to support him. “The principle is j aban j on the Union. Knowing that they
the rights of the people, on this great question,
abandoned republican principles. More recently
by endeavouring to prevent the distribution of the
gold mines among the people, by attempting to
pour this boundless flood ol’wealth into the treasu
ry of the State, or the vaults of the Central Bank,
has opposed the equal rights and the private wel-
who
fare of the people, for the benefit of the few,
are sufficiently influential and vvealty to obtain offi
ces or appointments, or bank-loans. Gov. Gilmer,
in thus opposing the interests of the people on this
great question also, abandoned republican princi-
ples.
Does the Journal intend to be consistent ? If so,
it will not continue to support Gov. Gilmer: be
cause he has not been consistent, undeviating, firm,
and rigid, in adhering to republican principles: be
cause he has committed most flagrant and enor
mous violations of the wishes, rights, & interests, of
the people. The Journal cannot continue to sup
port Gov. Gilmer, without departing from its Text,
and abandoning the principles which it has so pub
licly professed. We admonish our neighbors, that
after the severe shocks which the Journal has re
cently sustained, it has not now much character to
loose : and that unless it preserves some consisten
cy, some agreement between its professions and
its practice, it will soon be utterly discredited.
this, you ought to trust your enemy, until he ha
succeeded in ruining you.” Such is the desperate
defence of Gov. Gilmer,rto which his friends have
been driven by the force of truth:—of plain, simple
truth, without any mixture of abuse or vituperation.
As the principles of bis Excellency are adverse to
the rights of the people, on questions of the deep
est interest, does not common prudence require
that tliev should withdraw from him, the power of
injuring them?
Ctit ifo-b'e as is this argument of the supporters
of Gov. Gilmer, even this they cannot employ for
actments contained in
There has been in Tirginia a terrible scene of
murder and devastation. Abbut the 20t,h of Au
gust, an irruption of fugitive slaves, from the great
Dismal Swamp was made into Southampton eoun-
Find-
his relief. Of the various enactments contained Ui j t ‘ y> a p ( ] of j.fo,' without a trial, and
the hill for the disposition of the Cherokee lands,
every one will he onen to alteration, modification,
or repeal except those which have already been
executed: and we believe that none have been exe
cuted, hut those which relate to the election, com
pensation, .and duties of ihe officers provided for
officering the survey and distribution of tiiat territo
ry. The p’evasions in relation to the gold mines,
tiie gold diggers, the persons entitled to draws,
will he fully as open to ihe action of the governor
| and legislature at the next as at the last session,
j Every alteration in wfech the governor and a ma-
5 jority of the legislature may agree, will no doubt bo
( made. If they shad concur in washing to prevent a
tribution of the
the law will no
them to the State. hat is to p
were a’readv exasperated against the government: f- v supposed for the purpose of plunder,
of the Union. W to bring them to the ! in S the scattered population defenceless they com-
concfuslon, that this government is a detestable j n11 mdiecnrnmate slaughter ofothe white in-
despotism, to winch they cannot submit, without' habitants of every ap and sex. Fifty-eight or
dishonor, and ruin. Not adverting to any future ; J 11016 persons thus tell victims to the ruthless bsr-
acts of oppression threatened by tiie General go- ; an ^tv ol these wretches. They were headed by a fa-
vernment, but on account of its laws previously e- ; natic preacher who pretended to be inspired by Je-
nacted, and at that moment in operation, he de- j S11S Cnnsq cc thus produced an irresistible influence
scribes the government ofthe Union as a curse, re- j ? ver t ie savage minds of these people, l he num-
sembling the odious despotisms of Turkey or Per- | ' K r who at any time joined the standard ot this
sia : governments in which the tyrant may instant-1 WTetc h, is variously estimated. General Brodnax,
ly deprive anv of his subjects, of property, of liber- j whose report comes down to the 27th ult. states
• ’ d without the pre— i ^*at “twenty resolute men” could
^ at any time have
as a many headed*monster*'re- j destroyed of scattered their greatest force. The
erS and entreaties of our peo- i n f^oes on the farms in the countFV, shewed no
'that ik'tens aH fastens on our disposition to unite with them, but in one case uni-
i), <iu, ,■ _ f ; ted with their master to resist them. At the date
< a fieice an con u i .g _ > -* of this report, forty-eight had been made prisoners,
and the rest killed or dispersed. Their leader had
aia•: cmicur m wismug to prevent a 1 , . ’ ~ *
the n-olti mines among the people, ’ nder the dominion ofexasp<
doubt bp so alto red, .os to res. rve ! W'* ll f m to ,« , hslst >' “ nd ,
. ... i Union—to a catastropne repf
te. r.at is to prevent sucii an i . v
tence of a crime
gardless ot’tiie p
pfe: ns a como
substance: as _ „
burns only to destroy. W hat is then to be the ef
fects of this description ofthe fruits ot the Union?
As tar as Troup is believed by the Nullifies, the
•dfi ct. must he, to extinguish in their bosoms the
last spark of love for the Union, which might yet
linger there : to kindle in those bosoms the flames
of a most violent hatred tor a Union, Anioso go
vernment brings on them, nought but disgrace,
and degradation, and poverty, and slavery: and
nder the dominion of exasperated passions, to in-
violent rupture ofthe
. iete with woes unutter
able
not thus far been taken, hut it is thought cannot
escape.
Our readers will not peruse this statement with
out feeling chilled to the heart. W T c cannot close
it without subjoining a single remark. Slavery is
one of those evils which must be looked in the face.
Nochangecanbemade in our relation to these people
suddenly. Ages must pass away and the fanatics,
white and black, on this subject, must be numbered
wnth the dead, before a change can happen. There
can he no fear of an insurrection tvhich shall be
{COMMUKICATRD.i
TO THE UNION OR CLARK PA^TY.
Permit one of your old friends to turn your a.'ruition
\o your present condition, and to exhibit to you the doonf
which awaits you, if your opponents are successful m
.he present political campaign. We pay nearly or quite
as much laxes into llic State Treasury as our oppressors
showing how it lias “puzzled the
.11 o -5 1- * r, .-V t(TT>A 1 1 /-*»! \ ♦ All f llA HA
alteration? On this, as on all other great questions, J ” Tothis part 0 f Troup’s letter, the Journal does! general throughout the South. It is impossible!
the people can protect Them interests, only by a ! nn( n , lMpn q tn apt , m a ‘ nv And who can ! But let the blood of the people of Soutli-Hampton
- - * V 11 './ riv a ' not pretend to spt up any defence
pJiilosophers of all ages,” he so wrought on the fine exercise of the right ol e ection. Let them liate the deep enormity of its guilt ? For our-' county, be a warning to us to be o n our guard. Be
•feeling that his entranced worshippers cried out - f !ect a governor and a legislature friendly to their j we ab hor this attempt of Troup, to make use ; cause we know that an insurrection, happen when
-Wat is Diana ofthe Ephesians!” and they made interest*, and those interests will be preserved and ... - * Jd ' '
him a Ju.fee. Yea verify a Judge ! He who ' cherished. The safety ol the people is, where it
ight to he, in their own hands.
Is the Troup party identified with Gov. Gilmer?
Was a reviler of laws, right or rong/was made a 0,1
Judge of the law. But this exaltation was torn • • , , .
Bluett for one of l.is caliber; l.e grcwvain, lie was , D° they enter am the pnoctples avowed m his
vain before, tat he Rretv more vain, and from his , message? TV .11 they support the measures recom-
Stddy height fell headlong. Ar.d-and-years af- Kv l-» exeellcnev ? !•«**> quest.ons are
*r, te was discovered in the Garden of Carolina, lobe answered m the affirmative, then are they
seated under the branches of a beatiful magnolia, abandoned some of the most ,n portent •meres,s,
Bat his baneful touch transmuted that pride of our »“>' *”ne 'he dearest rights ol the people! 1 hen
. - • »»v/ w in u iiijn wi j. i uinnu uoi , J il
ofthe passions ofthe Nuihfiere of South Carolina and w,ie y° jt may, will he speedily quelled, let us
to produce a hostile severance of the Union. i no * conclude, that our slaves also know this circura
do they deserve the great overthrow that awaits
them! If they do not entertain the principles avow
ed by Gov. Gilmer, if they will not support the
measures recommended by him, will they confide
the great influence and extraordinary power ofthe
executive office to a man from whom thev do wide-
forest trees, into a loathsome E'-han Upus, posing
the very atmosphere;—and being' skilled in the
“■£>ibtleiies wherewith the serpent beguiled Eve,”
he had the cunning to worm himself into the good
graces—and to lead one half the wise men <?f Goth-
era to believe to believe that by liis mystic arts,
and the “culling of simples” he had found out a
nosti~um for all sores of the body politic, sovereign , ^
venacea, a certain cure for state ‘disorders, espefi- , a^ndencj- ™jcl.ltey »r
Jllythc Khg’sliml: strong symptoms of v.hich! of Lumpkin, w.ll be the tnumphol
■tie had discovered many years ago, in the town
<rf Brotherly love: and which lie dreaded more
than the hydrophobia. Upon this discovery he was
unanimously elected to the Empirical Chair. And
for titular dignities, was created professor of A1
ly differ. If this question is to lie answered in the
affirmative, then also will they deserve to loose an
ascendency which they have abused! The success
tiie people.
In the administration of the Federal Government' stance. No! the ignorance which makes them irn-
(aiul also ofthe State Government) there now are, P°tent, conceals that impotence from tlieir eves,
there always have l»een, and there always will be i above all, let us understand and feel the dan-
faults: and what institution managed'by mere £ er °f fanaticism. There is no limit to its power
men, ever has been, or ever will be, free front faults ! over the savage mind. The infatuated leader of
arising from frailty ofjudgement, or defect ofprinci- ! Tj,es ' 1 People, proclaiming himself vecegerant of
pie. or from undue selfishness or some other evil i Jesus Christ, could urge a handful of followers to
passion? But while the Union secures to us bless- 1 attack the United States. No doubt they fully be
ings incomparably greater than the evils which it i fieved, his \vas a mission of deliverance, and them-
inflicts, we will cling to it, as the anchor of our ■ selv( ^ called us the instruments of vengeance. Nor
saletv. As far as mav he in our power, we would - improbable that the leader ol this handofdes-
correct its error? or its*vices: but it is tiie Govern- ' peradoes yielding to the suggestions of a distem-
ment of our choice: and on it our warmest afi’ec-. Pf red imagination, thought himself the Moses of
tions are fixed, our proudest hopes are built.— j his race. We repeat the caution: Beware of a
Tear us from this Union and our hopes-of peace, j s P rca d of enthusiasm amongst these people,
and liberty, and national independence are utterly
blasted.—
W m. H. Crawford, vs. John H. Howard.—
A question op. two, to the point.—1st. Did not {^ r ‘ Howard maintains, that a single State may,
Governor Gilmer recommend that INDIANS h.v legiaiat e enactment, prevent the operation of
SHOULD GIVE TESTIMONY AGAINST a law of Con gress. His words are, “Ii is maintain-
WHITE MEN? Sec his Message. ; ed by some oTthe republicans, of whom I am one,
chemv and other occuit sciences too tedious to} 2nd. I f Indians are allowed to testily against 1 *hat a State has a right to nullify an unconstitution
mention. And for years last past has been lectur- white men, under the present state of our Indian ; ac * of Congress,”
ing
feis
observations upon
pat
sWa
colled the JVuUification powder. And all the know
ing ones, the chief mounte-banks, agi'ee that it
insist be iollowed bv strongcathartic or emetic pills
of gun powder if necessary. But why all this ?
If any section of our beloved country wide as it
is, should have cause to complain, tlieir grievances
shall be redressed : But, not by coercion• When
they can compel Heaven to give what they de
mand, then they may coerce Congress to redress
their fancied wrongs.—And appropos, nearer
home.
If the unite-d brother butchers have cause ofcom-
plant against, their disjointed cousin shinners, they
alsoshail here redress; but not “by compulsion”
no , not by compulsion.—Free citizens here feel in
dignant. They, both the skinners of beef, and the.
Shinners, shall,'like all the rest of us, share equal
handed justice. We will alike he, as the sweet
Nightengale sings in the Chesnut bmver, “free to
an-.l free to go.” But to return—that such a
jlflriariSiis eUara^t^, w!licit is fiction, should
Our distinguished fellmv citizen Wilson Lump
kin, in relieving his correspondents from the obli
gation of secrecy, for the purpose of permitting the
closest scrutiny of his political opinions and cord net,
has given the strongest evidence, negative though it
may be called—of his rectitude and consistency.—
From a late Charleston paper we copy the fbl'ow-
ingjust tribute to an act which few, if any, of Mr.
Lumpkin's opponents would have the courage to
imitate.
1 ■ \, e confess this ohalloncre of Mr. Lumpkin has era'-
ified us, because it is strong evidence of q 5e utter ab’-o -
rence u?ith which the doctrine of Nullification is viewed
• n Georgia. It is also pleasing to find a politician ofM*-
Lumykin’s stoadiny, so con^ious of the rectitude of h ;
course, ai to invite the publication of anv ’bins and eveiv
:hing lie has ever written. In the lanf uace of the A •
®Msta pare*.-—we fancy ihc-e are few, too few, pul
,‘U, who world dare to tender die fevxt?iicn
vdlujiteci-ed by heta.’ 1
•mnent to resist the
of Congress. What
kind of resistance can they make which is Constitution
al? I know of but one kind, and that is by elections.
The people and the States have a right to change the
members of the' national Legisiaiure, and in that way,
and in that (done, can ti ey effect a change of the ntea-
•ures of tlrs government. 11 is true there is another kind
'f resistance which may be made, but it is unbwwn to
■he Constitution. This resistance depends upon physical
f >rce; it is an appeal to the sword, and by the sword
mus: ha- appeal!;e decided, and not by the provisions of
We publish this extract from a speech of Mr.
Crawford, not because we entertain any extraor
dinary reverence for his opinions, hut because they
are entitled to very high consideration from that
party, with which Mr. Crawford is connected, a
party of winch Mr. Crawford was, for a long series
of years, the Magnus Apollo. This opinion was
fo d and expressed bv Mr. Crawford, when in
i p neridian of life, before the vigor of his intellect
-<d ecn impaired by disappointment and disease,
iUfei d age
Messrs. Editors:—In the Georgia Journal of the 25th
instant, 1 have read an address “To the citizens of the
United States,” signed “Wm. H. Crawford,” in which
the author has ^sed my name in rather an unfriendly and
uncourt eous manner, more so, I presume, than lie would
have done at a calm and lucid moment.
Were this publication limited in its circulation, to the
people of Georgia, where Mr. Crawfrid and myself are
both fully known, I should not deem it necessary to pay
he slightest attention to his denunciations. But the
standing which Mr. Crawford once had in the United
States, may mislead some portion of the reading public.
To the whole of his disparageing charges, I give the
most unqualified denial, tie knows them to be false.
He knows that I have been an undeviating Republican,
throughout my whole life. He knows that I am no
“turncoatHe knows my firmness and independence,
from mortified experience. He knows that, although in
my youth I supported him for various minor offices, I
abandoned him against my own popular interest, and
contrary to the wishes of many of my personal friends—
when 1 believed that the interest of my country required
me to do so. He knows tiiat my intimate knowledge of
his political course convinced me, that he was utterly un
worthy of that public confidence, to which he aspired.
Because in my youth I had supported Mr. Crawford
for a seat in the Legislature, and other offices, and when
he aspired to the Presidency of the United States, I pre-
fered Andrew Jackson; Mr. Crawford accuses me of a
want of Republicanism—of political apostacy, of making
a somerset, &c. Time has been iu Georgia, when Mr.
Crawford had the combined means and art to make the
majority of the people believe, tiiat Republicanism con
sisted in supporting him in all liis ambitious schemes of
self aggrandizement; but he has out-lived liis arts—his
political juggling is at an end.
Tlio people of Georgia are no longer under the dicta-
itjsn cf -fer. Thg passports to honor and efis-
tles of our country as readily as they do—and in all re-^
jiects perform all the duties of citizenship, with as much,
punctuality and fidelity—we number in cur ranks as rua-,
liy of the Stock ot' Severn y-six, and we have among us
men with as just and lugh claims to patriotism and Re*
publicanism, as any men upon earth- Nevertheless, you
are all as sedulously excluded frem Office by your cjpusq
sors, as though you were a foreign or on inferior peo-j it*
Not one cf your friends is in an lifice of ary imp : fu ed
at this time—And to add insult to injury, we are gravely
'old that the gowd cf the country requires your exclusion
from office. The object of your oppressors cannot be mis*
taken. No means will be left untried to fasten more
firmly the yoke of oppression upon you. And the ques*
tion tor your present determination is, whether you are
to be freemen and equal—or whetlier you are to be slave,
and inferiors—I hold that one tyranny is as grievous and
odious as another—and tiiat the tyranny which your qrv
pressors now exercise over you is as much ihe objeci o£
reprobation and as injurious to your rights as any ether—
VVliat was it that led to our glorious revolution which r >.
suited in our then freedom and independence—Was it int
because our fore-fathers were taxed by the crown & Fat*,
liamentof Great Britain without being permitted to ex
ercise those privileges which were properly held to be
long to a tax paying people—I am no advocate for Eisvn-
'on or J-didlificaiion—I am in favor cf political revolution,
winch wiil bring us back to the principles which prevail
ed in those days, when our fore-fathers had just emerged
from bondage—when all men could enjoy their own opin
ions without being politically proscribed for it. \Ye
have a peaceful mode of effecting this revolution and re
dressing our wrongs—and to that as republicans and
friends to the Union, let us resort. The “Ballot Box,” is
the place where republican freemen settle their differen
ces; and if we move with Union and harmony, we can
elect men who will give us our rights, without depriiin#
our neighbours cf theirs.
Our oppressors m mournful and melancholy accents ef
fect to deplore the existence of party strife. Who let
me ask, is the cause of its existence—V/e have made the
most noble and generous advances and what return' ho-S
been made for our liberality? It was our suffrages winch
placed the present Executive in the station he fill?, and
instead of being “the head of the State,” as he had pre*
noised to be—no man has been more completely “the head
cf a par.-y.” And in extenuation for tins outrage upon
the rights and feelings of the men who placed him in of
fice, he says, or permits those to say, whom he daily see.-,
without contradicting it “that he has given to you as-ma- ■
ny offices and appointments as you lied men who deser
ved or merited them.” Yes my friends, your oppressors
look upon you with scorn and contempt, and consider you
unworthy of trust or confidence. They will court yea
and flatter you for your votes—these -obtained and “you
may lay upon the dung-hill and rot.” But 1 rejoice that
deliverance is at hand. You have as a part of the tax
paying community only to will it to be free and equal. Ma
ny of the liberal minded who have heretofore supportc-4
your oppressors hr consideration cf the great injustice they
have done, you will support them no more. The pcKtf
is with you, and p. discreet and prudent course cf policy,
will carry you in safety to triumph. Remember that
temperance, and moderation, and virtues that cannot be
too highly prized. You will occasionally find a man ift
the ranks of your oppressors disposed to do you justice.
Extend to all such cordially the right hand of friendship
and fellowship. There are good and bad men in both
parties—and him who believes or affects to believe that all
the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the State, is
concentrated in his own parly may Lt justly considered.
linciion, are red, or supposed merit, intrinsic worth of
character. Tiie people of Georgia do not at present, b«u
ra-ve me to have been a Federalist, because l supposed
Andrew Jackscn for the Presidency *a preference to
Vy liham II. Crawtord.
The copy of Crawford’s letter to Mr. Balch, which
passed, through iny hands was unexpectedly received
by me, without any previous knowledge cf its exieujnce.
1 transmitted it to Mr. Calhoun, with the feeling, and
opinions 1 then entertained-; and if I labored under scm«
misapprehension in regard to the opinions cf others, I
was nut singular in that respect—nor d<> 1 feel that 1
have any cause of shamg, for my feelings then expressed;
hey will ccniinue to be creditaofe to me in the estima*
iion of every honorable man—although they were w rit*
en without the slightest expectation of being laid before
.he public.
Mr. Crawford is entirely mistaken in regard to my
humble pretensions. 1 make no pretensions to the spirit
ol prophecy or extraordinary sagacity. I stand amongst
:he number, whom Mr. Crawford »eproaches with tiie
epithet of ignorance, for having, sustained and supported
Gen. John Clark against the oppressions and persecutions
of Mr. Crawford and his co-workers. I have never sub
mitted to the humiliation, of setting up the political creed
of any man—as the unerring standard of orthodoxy. I
have a much higher standard. The Constitution of my
Countiy, in arriving at a true interpretation of which, I
ava.l myself of the lights of those patriots and statesmen,
who have sealed their fidelity to their country, by the u*i
nor of tlieir whole lives.
If I had supported Mr. Crawford for the Presidency, f
have no doubt he would still have considered me a j ure
Republican—But as I have some doubts upon the subject
of his uniform Republicanism, I will, in conclusion, proj
pound a few interrogatories to Mr. Crawford, to-wit:
Int. 1st. Did you, or did you not, draft and sanction
the Augusta Address in the year 1798, expressing “the
most unlimited confidence in the firmness, justice and wiss
aom” of the administration of John Adams, Sen.? If yea,
what w r as your age at drat time ?
Int. 2d. Was it not ene of your first acts in the Senate-
of the United States in the year 1S07, to vote against th*
Embargo, recommended by Mr. Jefferson, to save our
immense merclrantile capital from die desolating sweep
of the French decrees and British orders m Council ?
And was not that measure then considered the touciv
ote tb
do—we vote nearly or quite ns strong—wc fight-die bat*
by Timothy Pickering?
Int’y. 3d. When Mr. Jefferson and the 'Republican
party determined to abandon the Embargo, and prepare
for more decisive measures, weie you not then opposed,
to its repeal ? And do you not now think, that the Em
bargo w as expedient in its incipient stage, w hen you vo»
ted against it? And unwise in its continuance, when you
v,;ted for it?
Int’y. 4th. Did you, or did you not, about this'timo
time sit your eye and affections upon the Presidential
Chair, and commence you political courtship with the
1 cuciuifoi S ?
lnt’y. 5th. Did you not treat Mr. Madison’s messa
ges proposing preparatory measures for War, snteri § yl
and admonish the Senate against measures preparatory
to war? contending then that the Embargo ought to have
been adhered to ? And did you not afterwards, when the
war became inevitable, pronounce it werse than ridicu
lous, to think of supporting our Commerce by a Navy?
h. When the question of the late war camO
Int’y. 6t!
direct before Congress, (though you finally voted for flic
measure,) was not your support, cold, silent, inefficient,
and equivocal; during the long and arduous struggle in
ibe Senate of the United States] And did you once raise
your voice in its support ?
7thTnt’y. Did you not soon af.er tire war was dev
dared, take refuge from responsibility at id danger, m a
foreign Court, and there remain in undistinguished and
unprofitable security, until the storm of war, dangei, tu*.
responsibility had subsided ?
8th Int’y. Although you shrunk from the responsi
bility cf sustaining the War, were you not found seen af
ter tiie return of peace, ambitiously aspiring, by the
most censurable means, to that high office, which a grate*
ful ] eople had almost unanimously designated as ti.t re
ward of the long devoted services of Mr. Monroe?
But I forbear pursuing this subject further, and ask
Mr. Crawford and his friends, what benefit3 has Geor
gia ever derived from the services of Mr. Crawford]
Yv hat justice is there, in denouncing every man, who l as
too much independence to yield obedience to lira eue.utu*
rial mandates of an Aristocratic few.
, WILSON LUMPKIN.
Monroe, 23th August, 1S31.
These editors who have published Mr. Craw-?
ford’s address to the citizens ofthe United States',-
are requested to publish the foregoing strictureg
on tiiat address, and its author.
a political bigot, and unworthy of the confidence of any.
Yi
our oppressors have taken the alarm. They begin to
see their cause tottering under them', and their writers be-.
tray their desperation. The add but effectual
i