Newspaper Page Text
HOUGHTON, NISBET& BARNES,
Publishers and Proprietors.
(S. >
Jt*
B orouT03i > | Mit
,, II. NSSBK -
TK It n H.
TS23 FEX>SRAI. UNION,
] vuMisktd lf'rc/ty, in t!ir. Uurirn Dunk Duihiing,
, c2 00 per Annum, payable in advance,
50 if not paid within three months, and
0Q *f not paid before the end of tlie year.
“ batkm of advertising,
Per srputre of ticeicc lines.
0ne insertion $1 rtO, and Fifty Cents for each sub
sequent continuance.
Those sent without a specification of the number
o( insi-tiotis, will be published till forbid, and
charged accordingly.
Business or Professional Cards, per year, where
they do not exceed one square - - - sjlO Ofl
\ liberal contract trill ue wade irith those trim Irish to
blrertisc by the year, occupying a sprrified space.
LEGAL ADV i;FTISEMENTS.
Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administrators,
Executors or Guardians, are required by law to be
jjciJ .ill the First Tuesday in the month, between
♦he hours of l ’ 1 in the forenoon and 3 in the after
noon, at the Court House in the County in which
the property is situated.
Notice of these sales must be given in a public
L , i/. rte 4 !| days pievious to fl>e day of sale,
f Notices f’>r the >a!c of personal property must be
riven in like manner Hi days previous to sale day.
Notioi - to the debtors and creditors of an estate
VOLUME XXVI.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 7, 1855.
[NUMBER 10.
must a:
published 41) da
3 00
4 00
3 on
] 50
5 00
1 50
5 00
Notice flint application wiP be made to the Court
of Or i iary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must
he published for two months.
Cii.einns fer letters of Administration, Guardian-
\ must he published •> 1 days—for dismis
sion from Administration, Monthly sir months—for
dismi-don from Guardianship, 40 days.
gal's for foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub-
y s hi i monthly for four mouths—for establishing lost
J ill. is, fur tit full spare of three, mouths—for COIB-
ilino- titles from Executors or Administrators,
where bund has been given by the deceased, the
full space of three months.
Publications will always be continued according
to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise
ordered, at the following
R A T E Si
Citations on letters of Administration, &c. 1*2 75
“ “ dismissory from Admr'on. 4 50
“ “ “ Guardianship
Leave to sell Land or Negroes
Notice to debtors and creditors
Sab - of persponal property, ten days, 1 sqr.
>:,!;■ of land or negroes by Executors,&•
Estrays, two weeks
For a man advertising his wife (in advance)
Letters mi business must be Post Paul to entitle
them to attention.
BUSINESS C A K i) S.
DANA & WASHBURN,'
SUCCESSORS TO
WASHBURN. WILDER & CO.,
Factors and toiiiiuission Merchants,
SAVANNAH, GA.
J Wadibnrn, \ Special I Fras. G. Dana, ? Gen'l
J. R. Wilder, ) I’ari’ns, | II. K. Washburn, $ Part'ns.
"IV* ILL continue the above business at 114
IT Say Street, East of the Exchange.
Old I S tor Sagging - , Hope, and other sup
plies tilled promptly, at lowest cash prices."
Savannah, August 1, 1~5”>. !) fim
H. A. LANE,
A T T 0 R .YE Y AT LA fV,
Clinton, Georgia.
12th. !-
2 Ii
WILL1A1I J. VIELC'glUK.
A TTO11 NE Y A T LAW,
Wakrf.xton, Geo.,
W tt t. practice in the Northern Circuit of Georgia,
and in the Counties of Burke, Columbia, Jeffer-
con and Washington, of the Middle Circuit
dune 25, 1855 4 Iv
Practice of Medicine and Surgery.
DE. CIIARLH3 H. HAU,
Proffers his services to the citizens of Milledge-
Tille and vicinity.
Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the
Masi'iiic Hall, where he can bo found at all times,
link—- professionally employed.
April 3 tb. 1S55. 48—tf.
Til OS. S. WAYNE & SON,
General (omsiissiou & Forwarding
M E 3 C S A U T S,
SAVANNAH. OA.
I”?* All business intrusted to their care will
meet with prompt attention. 38 ly
A. S. EASTEIDGE^
Factor and General Commission .Merchant,
No. 9S. ita,- Street, S-uaniin!i, Geo.
REFERENCES.
Geo. V,. Anderson, Ex-President Planters
Hank, Savannah: C. F. Mn.l.s, Esq.. President
Marine Bank. I. C. PLANT, tAgent of Marine Bank
: t Macon; ( H. Wright, Esq., Milledgeville; W.
iiODfir.s, Agent of Planters Bank at Sandersville;
R H. D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at
Americns.
February 2<1, 1855 38—Cm.
JOHN F SI1INC,
A T r O Ii N E Y AT L A W,
MARIOS. GA.
Will atP-nd promptly to all business intrusted to
las rare. * Jg> | v
T if OS T. hOAG.
A T T O 11 N E Y AT L A W,
BKI ASU B Ii. G A.
\\ U.L practice in the Courts of Glynn, Wayne,
, | undt-n, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham,
e ‘' ;ls,Prn Circuit: Charlton,Lowndes, Clinch,
are and Appling, of the Southern; also, Duval
vonnty. Florida. 51 lv
CiSAN. E ft IS BET,
AT TO R NE Y A T L A TF,
CntJibert,
April :V1, 1854. 44
HliftRV IIliMDKIFK,
A r T () 11 N E Y A T L A TF,
JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA.
fills. G CAMPBELL,
1 T T () R NR y A T L A TF,
MILLEDGEVILLE, GA.
<7 ILL attend promptly to all businessentrust-
cd to his care. Particular attention pal'd
to collecting.
Milledgeville, FYb. 22, 18.53. gj tf
J- B 'CAMP,
A T T O R NE Y A T L A TF,
__ OAMPBELLTON, GA.
lASTD WARRANTS!
| L ILL pay the highest market value for Land
A- Warrants.
V'PT to A. W. CALLAWAY.
-riiiicdgeville, June 11th, 1855. 2 tf
LAND WARRANTS WANTED!
j A U'L give the highest market price for Land
' 'RRAxts, L. A. CHOICE.
7 n:ip 25, 1855. - -
4 tf
HONEY Ail ST (0ME!
\ 71-8 and Accounts will not pay Bank Notes,
* a *'.‘lore all persons owing us and failing to
j,‘ • " lit he sued in the Justice’s and Inferior
' ,Jrts without further delay,
, CHOICE & MEG RATH.
* r bmory JOtli, 1855. 37—tf.
OIIjS OAF*
c 0 r. M A C, WINE and RUM,
V > «h directious. For 8ale by
CARESS tfc HA3SSL.
13 & 2f; PLATT STREET,
jk',5. f,2—3m. Nf.w York.
rp , Notice to Landholders.
Ip"' .'''Ursigned will attend to the selling or
l iii»U Uninin (? and giving information of LANDS
,•.... 7 n n ny of the Counties of S. AV. Georgia on
mabte terms. A. P. GREER,
Ik .. Albanv f Geo.
‘I C\- • ’0> KS H° ra ' Hon. Lott Warren, R.
V- ember 22 StCph ™’ No ^« a ’
}\\ istellantows.
The Left Eye.—\ Ulmer Tale.
[TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN.]
A rich old man, who resided at the i
extremity of the camp, quite aj art from ■
the rest, had three daughters, the
youngest of whom, named Koqju, was as j
much distinguished for her beauty as for her j
extraordinary wisdom.
One morning, as lie was about driving]
his cattle for sale to the Khan’s market
place, lie begged his daughters to tell him
what presents they wished him to bring to
them oji his return. The two eldest asked
him for trinkets, hut the handsome and
wise Kooju said that she wanted no pres
ents, but that she had a request to make
which it would be difficult and even dan
gerous for him to execute ; upon which
the father, rvlio loved her more than the
other two, swore that he would do her
wish, though it were at the price of his
life. “H it be so,” replied Kooju, “1 beg
you do as follows: Sell all your cattle
except tbe short-tailed ok, and ask no
other price for it except the Chans left
eye.” The old man was startled, how
ever, remembering, his oath, and confiding
in his daughter’s wisdom, he resolved to do
as she bade him.
After having sold all his cattle, and be
ing asked for the price of the short-tailed
ox, he said he would sell it for nothing
else but the Chan’s left eye. The report
of this singular and daring request soon
reached the ears of the Chan’s couriers.—
At first they admonished him not to use
such an offensive speech against the
sovereign? but when they found that he
persevered in his strange demand, they
bound him and carried him as a madman
before the Chan. The old man threw
himself at the Prince’s feet, and confessed
that his demand had been made at the re
quest of his daughter, of whose motives he
was totally ignorant; and the Chan, suspect
ing that some secret must,be hidden under
tills extraordinary request, dismissed the
old man, under the condition that he
would bring him that daughter who had
made it.
Kooju appeared, and the Clian asked:
“Why didst thou instruct thy father to
demand my left eye?”
“Because I expected, my Prince, that
after so strange a request, curiosi
ty’ would urge thee to send for me.”
“And wherefore dost thou desire to see
me?”
“I wish to tell thee a truth important
to thyself and thy people.”
“Maine it.”
“Prince,” replied Kooju, “when two
persons appear before thee in a cause, the
wealthy and noble generally stand on thy
right hand, whilst the. poor and humble
stand on thy left. I have heard in my
solitude that thou most frequently favorest
the noble and rich. This is the reason |
that T persuaded iny father to ask for thy
hft eye—it being of no use to thee, since
thou never seest the poor and unprotect
ed.”
The Chan, incensed and surprised at
the daring of this Maiden, commanded his
Court to try her. The Court was opened,
and the 1 ’resident, who was the eldst Lama,
proposed that they should try whether her
strange proceeding was the effect of malice
or of wisdom.
Their first step was to send to Koqju a
log of wood, cut even an all sides, ordering
her to find out which Was the root and
which the top. Kooju threw it into the
water, and soon knew the answer, and
seeing the root sinking, whilst the top rose
to the surface.
After this they sent her two snakes, in
order to determine which was a male and
which was a female. The Avise maiden
laid them on cotton, and on seeing that one
coiled herself up in a ring, while the
other crept away, she judged that the
latter was a male and the former a fe
male.
From these trials, the court was convin
ced that Koqju had not offended the Chan
from' motives of malice, but the inspiration
of wisdom granted her from above. But
not so the Chan; his vanity was hurt, and
he resolved to puzzle her with questions,
in order to prove that she v as not wise?—
He therefore ordered her before him, and
asked:
“On sending a number of maidens into
the wood to gather applies, which of them
will bring home most?”
“rilie,” replied Koqju, “who, instead of
climbing up the trees, remains below, and
picks uji those which have fallen off
from maturity or the shaking of the
branches.”
The Chan then left her to a fen, and
asked her which would he the readiest way
to get over it; and Kooju said, “to cross it
would he the farthest, going round the
nearest.” The Chan felt vexed at the
readiness and propriety of her replies; and,
after having reflected some time, lie again
inquired:
“Which is the safest means of becoming
known to many?”
“By assisting many that are unknown.”
“Which is the surest means of always
leading a virtuous life?”
“To begin every morning with pray
er, and conclude every evening with a good
action.”
“Who is truly’ wise?”
“He who does not believe himself
so.”
“What are the requisites of a good
wife?”
“the should be beautiful as a peahen,
gentle, as a lamb, prudent as a mouse, just
as a faithful mirror, pure as tbe scales of a
fish; she must mourn for her deceased hus
band like a she charnel, and live in her
widowhood like a bird which lias lost its
wings.”
The Chau was astonished at the wisdom
of the fair Kooju; yet, enraged at her
barring reproached him with injustice, he
still wished to destroy her.
After a few days he thought he had
found the means for attaining his object.—
He sent for her and asked her to determine
the true worth of all his treasures, after
which he promised to absolve her from
Malice in questioning his justice, and admit
that she intended as a a wise woman,
merely to warn him.
The maiden consented, yet under the
condition that the Chan would promise her
implicit obedience to her commands for 4
days. She requested that he would eat no
food during that time. Ou the the last day
she placed a dish of meat before him, and
said. “Confess, O, Chan, that all thy treas
ures are not not worth as much as this joint
of meat!”
The Clian was struck with the truth
of lier remark that he confessed the
truth of it; acknowledged her as wise,
married her to his son, and permitted her
constantly to remind him to use his left
eye.
Criiwlh of the ITnitnl Stales.
The rapid growth of these United States,
since they became really a nation; in other
words, since tbe adoption of the federal
constitution, is not always realized, even
bv your own citizens. A\ e say, since they
became a nation, for, prior to 1789,•they
were but a congeries of States, often on
the point of civil war, never acting heartily
together, and suffering consequently in
commerce; manufactures, agriculture, and
prosperity in general.
A few statistics will give some notion of
this growth. The population in 1790 was
3,929,S72; in 1850 it had swelled to 23,
191, 976; and it is now twenty-nine mil
lions, if it has increased in its usual ratio.
In 1790 the population of New York
was 33,131; in 1n50 it was 515, 547; in
1790 that of Philadelphia was 42,520; in
1850 it was 408,762; in 1790 Cincinnati
did not exist; in 1840 it had 115, 436 in
habitants when tbe federal constitution
was adopted, the whole population of the
U nited States exceeded but little that of
Pennsylvania at the present time; while
the inhabitants of all the principal cities
were not over one-third the number of
those of Philadelphia now.
In 1790 the public debt of tlie nation was
about seventy-five millions, and it was
considered so great, that, on tbe adoption
of the constitution, many persons had
seriously proposed repudiating it. At
present, tbe debt is less than forty-five
millions, which is looked upon as a mere
bagatelle. The annual revenue at first
averaged only’ two millions; it now eve-
rages about fifty’ millions; and of those
two millions, a tenth was raised by’ direct
taxation while not a cent is thus raised
now. In 1791 our tonnage xvas 502,146;
in 1853 it was 4,407,010 At the former
epoch, avc exported about twenty'-fivc
millions; we now export about two hun
dred and twenty-five milions; then avc im
posed about thirty-five millions, or forty
per cent, more than our exports, now, on
an average of five years, the exports and
imports balance each other. In every j ^ weak ”
way, therefore, avc are prospering. Never 1
before, in a period of but two generations,
did any nation increase so fast in material
wealth.
Moreover, the progress of the people in
education, general intelligence, and social
civilization, has fully kept pace in the
material adA'anee. In 1790, the whole
extent of post routes in tlie United States
was only 1,875 miles; in 1853 it was al
ready 217,743. At the adoption of the
Constitution, there Avas comparatively no
school fund any’where; at the present the
school fund of twenty States amounts to
826,509,820. In 1790, there were no
steamboats, railroads, or magnetic tele
graph, no coal mines worked, feAv news
papers, no lyeemns, and not a tithe of the
existing number of colleges and other
higher-class academies. All writers agree
in stating that wealth Avas more unequally
distributed, education more exclusive, the
prejudice of caste more prevalent. In
1791, there Avere thousands who doubted
tlie capacity of eA’cn the American people
to govern themselves; but avIio questions
it in 1855! Verily, this nation has tlirh’-
en, and without a parallel.—Philadelphia
Ledger.
from fiA’e to eight inches in length, it is of
a mouse color, inclining to brown, with a
short, thick tail, and its head is rather
large and clumsy’, owing to its cheek
pouches. Some travelers say that it uses
its broad feet for the purpose of bringing
up earth, and that its pouches are used
for other purposes. We had the pleasure
of witnessing the operation the other day’,
but cannot decide which Avas employed.—
In this instance it blocked up tbe hole; but
the curiosity of a Yankee, removed the
obstruction, and e\ r en penetrated to its
nest, and gathered, from examination, an
item,for a newspaper paragraph.—Kansas
Herald of Freedom.
—41^
The moment a man parts with moral
independence—the moment lie judges of
duty, not from the inward voice, but from
tbe interest and will of a party, the mo
ment he enmmitts himself to a leader or
a body, and Avinks at evil because divisions
Avould hurt the cause, the moment he
shakes off bis particular responsibility,
because be is but one of a thousand, or a
million, by’ whom the evil is done.—that
moment lie parts Avitli bis moral power.
He is shorn of the energy of single-hearted
faith in the right and the true. He
hopes from man’s policy A\riiat nothing
but loyalty’ to (lod cyan accomplish. He
substitutes coarse weapons, forged by
man’s wisdom, for celestial power.—[ Chan-
ning.
A
side
that
port,
“Oak,” said the vine, “bend your
trunk so that you may be support to
me.”
“My support,” replied tlie oak, “is natu
rally yours, and y’ou may’ depend
on my T strength to bear you up,
but 1 am too large and solid to
bend. Put your arms around me, pretty
A’ine, and I Avill manfully support and
cherish you, if you have ambition to climb
as high as the clouds; while 1 thus hold
you up, you Avill ornament my rough trunk
Avitli your pretty green leaves and shining
scarlet berries. They avi 11 be as frontlets
to my head, as I stand in the forest like a
glorious Avarrior, with all his plumes. We
were made by’ the great Master to grow to
gether, and by our union tlie weak may be
made srrong, and the strong render aid to
Fa/de.—A .vine Avas growing bc-
a thrifty oak, and bad reached
height at whicli it required sur-
“But I Avisli to groAv independently,’
said the vine, “why’ cannot you twine
around me, and let me grow up straight,
and not be a mere dependent upon
you?”
“Nature,” answered tbe oak, “did not
design it. It is impossible that you should
grow to*any height alone; and if you try
it, the winds, and rains, if not your own
weight, will bring you to the ground.—
Neither is it proper for you to run your
own arms hither and tliither among the
trees. The trees Avill say it is not my
vine—it is a stranger—get thee gone; I
Avill not cherish theC. By this time thou
wilt be so entangled among the different
branches, that thou can’t get back to the
oak: and nobody will admire or pity’
thee.”
“All, me!” said the A’itie, “let me es
cape from such a destiny;” and Avitli this
she twined herself around the oak, and
both greAV and nourished happily’ togeth
er.
Well Spoken.—A foreign born corres
pondent of the Pittsburg Christian
Advocate makes the following point:
“I have renounced, on my oath, citizen
ship in all countries, and am I then to be
denied in this? The Arabs or the Tartars
might refuse to admit me to their rights,
but even their sense of honor would fqrbid
them to thus ensnare me. I must be lost
to every country, and every country lost
to me, save that country Avliere the arm
of man cannot saw the scales of justice.—
I read my Bible in the language of Luther,
and learned to be a Protestant; and from
my Bible and Wesley 1 learned to be a
Methodist. Nooneasks me to disbelieve
the Bible, because 1 came from India;
Protestantism, because Wesley Avas an
Englishman- No one refuses me a mem
bership in the church, because 1 was born
a foreigner. I can join them in praising
God for His favors, add invoking His
blessing on our country; I can commune
\A’itb them at the sacrament board; and
vet, refusing me a vote, they will cast their
ballot, side by side, Avitli tlie vilest indi
vidual that ever disgraced the soil on Avliieh
he avhs born.”
——
What wonderful order there is in all
human labor! Whilst the husbandman
furrows Ids land, and prepares for every
one bis daily bread, the tOAvn artisan, far
aAA av, Aveaves the stuff' in whicli he is to
be clothed; the miner seeks under tbe
ground the iron for Ins plough; the soldier
defends him against the invader; the
judge takes care that the law protects his
‘fields; the tax-comptroller adjusts his
private interests AA'itli those of the public;
the merchant occupies himself in exchang
ing his products with those of distant
countries; the men of science and art add
every day a few horses to this ideal team,
whicli dr.-.Av along the material Avorld as
steam impels the gigantic trains of our
railroads! Thus all unite together all
help one another; tbe toil of each henfits
himself and all the Avorld; tbe Avork lias
been aportloned among tbe different mem
bers of the whole of society’ by a tacit
agreement. If, in this apportionment,
errors are committed—41 certain individ
uals have not been cmnloved according to
their capacities, these defects of detail
diminish in the sublime conception of the
Avlmle. The poorest man included in this
association lias his place, his ivork, his
reason for being there; each is something
in the whole.
The Gopher.—This animal, so often
spoken of by newspaper Avriters, and
travellers Avho hgve journeyed in Kansas,
is peculiar to the Columbia and Missouri
rn’ers and their tributaries. It is known
in some localities as the camas rat, taking
its name from a plant which is its favorite
food. It lives beneath the surface of tbe
earth, and throws up in an incredible short
time an immense amount of dirt from its
bole, which it carries in pouches by tbe side
of its face. The animal is classed by na
turalists with tbe mole species. It ranges
Drinking Habits in England.—But
wliat ever difference the Englishmen may
have as to the amount of his food, lie
makes all up in drink. I was not prepar
ed to find drinking habits so universally’
prevalent in England. During an
eight months’ residence I have not met
Airith one tee-total!er—Divines, scholars
members of all churches, people in all sta
tions, take their glass of Avine for dinner
when they can get-it, and their porter
when they can get nothing better. In
deed tlie Avliole etiquette of social life is
formed upon the supposition that every
body takes a little. For my oaa ii want of
manners in failing to ask the ladies at the
table if I might have the pleasure of
drinking a glass of wine AA'itli them, each
and seA’cral, I have been gently reproved
by r mine host sayin, ‘why Mr. Gr., here are
some ladies waiting to he asked to take a
glass of Avine Avitli you!’ Nor is it only’ in
high life that you find an established code
of etiquette in drinking. A poor man
thinks lie lias jest as much right to be
offended if you fail to honor his home-
brcAvcd ale and cow-slip wine as if you
turned up your nose Avnen lie exhibited his
youngest bairn. There are tee-totallers in
England, hut they are comparatively feAv,
and they are generally regarded as ‘unco
guid’ and righteous.’ Of course, in the
higher circles, if youa\’OAV your tee-total
principles, you are not assailed either by en
treaties or arguments, but among common
people you must expect to be a little des
pised for ymur weakness. And yet, for all
this, I have seen more staggering, reeling
men in the course of a day in a New
England or Canadian village, than I have
seen here in town or country.”—Letter
from London to the Burlington Free
Press.
A Beautiful Custom.—Amongst the
French settlers in Canada, on the lower
St. Lawrence, is a very peculiar custom—
something like the golden marriage in
Germany;
‘Whenever, a venerable couple have
trod the path of life together for fifty
years, they’ summon to a banquet un
der their roof, from every’ quarter of
the land, all their children and grand
children, in Avliose presence is per
formed the ceremony that made them
man and wife half a century before,
when the feasting and the dancing, which
continue for two or three nights together,
bespeak a most heartfelt happiness as well
as gratitude, and at the expiration ofe\’ery
five years from that time until seperated
by death the aged pair continue to repeat
the ceremony of publicly’ pledging their
vows of fidelity and truth.’
Homicide in Gordon.—Capt. E. P. How
ell, of Resaca, was killed in that place on
Saturday, the 7th instant, by Mathew
Copeland. We have heard no particulars.
Swallowed down.—One of the speakers
in the Convention remarked that it had
been said in some counties that the Know
Nothings had swallowed down the tem
perance men, but it Acas his opinion that
they would keep such a kicking they
would be glad to puke them up before. Oc
tober.—Atlanta Republican.
Another Old Line Whig
We transfer to our columns with much
pleasure the admirable letter of Linton
Stephens, Esq., Whig Senator from Han
cock, defining his position. Many thous
ands of high-toned and honorable Whigs
Avill admire his manly independence and
patriotic course. They will sanction his
sentiment, subscribe to the position he so
clearly lays doAvn and demonstrates, and
take position with him in the great contest
iiDAv before us for tlie Constitution and the
South.
From the Chronicle & Sentinel.
Mr. Editor: An anoymous article in
a recent issue of your paper, and a similar
one in the Savannah Georgian, attempting
to define my present position in politics,
must sen’e as my reason for asking a place
in your columns, for the purpose of reliev
ing my’self from misaprebiension or mis
representation. This step is not of my
seeking, but a sense of justice Avill support
me in desiring, that Avlien my position is
brought before the public, if should he ren
dered as it truly’ is. Wliat is of sufficient
importance to to he defined at all, is of
sufficient importance to he defined cor
rectly.
My position, then, is, adherence to
the. Georgia Platform—affiliation with its
friends and repudiation of its foes, whether
those foes he organized parties or individu
al men. The Georgia Platform, when
adopted, consisted of two distinct features.
One Avas the question of acquiesence in or
resistalrce to the legislation of 1850, known
as tlie Compromise measures. The Geor
gia Con\’ention of that year decided by a
A r er\ r large majority in favor of acquies
ence. In that decision I concurred, as
did those generally avIio were then known
as Union men. To that decision the
Southern Rights men Avere opposed, while
the question was still to he decided, hut ad
hered after it had been decided. The
question necessarily was? resistance then or
acquiesence forever. That issue of course,
belonged to the particular time, rfucl being
once settled, ceased to exist. Georgia, hav
ing announced her decision to abide by the
admission of California, could not recall it.
California, being once a State, remains a
State, always. That issue, therefore, of
acquiesence or resistance, perished with
the settlement of it. Upon that issue,
Union men and Southern Rights men stood
opposed to e:ich other at the time, hut the
"ssuc itself having passed aAvay’, the oppo-
iition Avhich grew out of it has necessarily
lassed away with it. But the Georgia
Platform contains another feature which
ooks to the future-, Avhich A\’as adopted for
ill time to come, and Avhich remains in liv-
ng power now. That feature lays doAvn a
boundary, beyond which, for the future,
Freesoil aggression shall not pass. It as
serts that the Union is secondary in impor
tance to the rights and principles it was
designed to perpetuate. It prescribes in
die famous 4th Resolution, (whicli consti
tutes the soul of the platform, and is norv
‘.ts only remaining vital part) five distinct
causes for aa IucIi Georgia Avill and ought to
(as a last resort) disrupt every tie Avhich
binds lier to the Union. On tihi., port of
the Georgia Platform, all parties in this
State stood from the. beginning. Upon a
motion which was made to strike out the
4th resolution, the vote stood 50 for the
motion, and 200 against it, the resolution
being sustained by an overwhelming ma
jority, and the Southern Rights men al
most as a unit A’oting to sustain it. Let
those aa'Iio revere the truth of history-
cease to taunt the old Southern Rights
men with shoAving a “tardy” approbation
of at least the 4th resolution of the Geor
gia Platform—that part, which, while the
question of acquiesence has passed array
with the occasion that gave it birth, still re-
miins a living issue, a perpetual prop of
Southern independence, demanding eternal
vigilance, and requiring unwavering sup
port. Standing as I do, upon this broad
plank of the Georgia Platform, as the re
cent Council at Macon also profess to
stand; and being as I am, perfectly in ear
nest in that position, and desiring as 1 do,
to be considered in earnest by friends and
foes at the North, I can never consent to
take my stand, as that same Macon Coun
cil have done, upon that other structure
which a\'us recently erected at Piiiiadel-
• ihia by the great National (?) American
Uni ty’, and Avhich a\’0ws “The maintenance
of the Union of these United States as the
oaramovnt political good, or (as they say)
co use the language of Washington,‘the
primary object of patriotic desire,’ ” and
.vliich further announces “Opposition to all
ittempts to weaken or subvert it,” and
uncompromising antagonism to every prin
ciple of policy that endangers it.’
The attempt to back such a sentiment
:ia- an appeal to the Father ot his Country’,
s a gross perversion of language, and a
signal bW at the truth of American bis-
torv- His endorsement ot such a senti
ment, can he found only where it is found
herein, a misquotation. W ashington, in
his Farewell Address, speaks of the con
tinuance of the Union as “a primary object
of patriotic desire,” but not as “the prima
ry object;” lie speaks of it as one primary
object among others, and not as the prima
ry object paramount to all others. In the
very same address, he speaks of another
'“object of primary importance,” and that
was institutions for the general diffusion of
knowledge, showing conclusively that he
never meant to be understood as holding
up the Union as “the primary object of
patriotic desire,” but only one among other
leading and primary objects. This he
meant, and this he said. The man, whose
history had been that of Liberty against
Government, never could have proclaimed
Government paramount to Liberty. Such
a doctrine can be supported by the author
ity of Washington as readily as by the
authority of the Georgia Platform, but not
more Readily’.
The true doctrine, which Washington
illustrated by his great actions, and Avhich
Georgia has formerly proclaimed in Con
vention solemnly assembled is, that the
Union (and all other governments) is sec
ondary in importance to the rights and prin
ciples* it was designed to perpetuate. The
bogus doctrine of the Philadelphia Conven
tion, is the Union paramount to everything
and secondary to nothing. r I hey do, in
deed, advance the sound principle, that it
is AA-rong to refuse admission to a State in
to the Union on account of slavery there
in, hut at the same time and in the same
breath, they take pains to assure the North
that they will not take any harsh measures
on account of such a refusal, by carefully
proclaiming that the Union—not the rights
and principles it A\ as designed to perpetu
ate—hut the Union is the paramount polit
ical good, and by pledging themselres to
oppose and attempt to subvert it, whether
such attempt is made by Georgia, on the
principles of the Georgia platform, or by
any authority, or for any cause under
the sun. This language, spoken by a bodA'
of Southern men, (there being only six
Northern men outside of California who
would go so fiir even as to approve this
language,) is an invitation to Northern fa
natics to persist in their course of insult
and injury. While therefore, I stand up
on the Georgia Platform, I cannot stand up
on the Philadelphia Know-Nothing struc
ture. They are in uncompromising antag
onism, the one to the other. If I should
profess to stand on both, I should expect
the Abolitionist to laugh m my face, and
tell me that lie had always said and always
believed that the Georgia platform was
mere Mexican gasconade, pure humbug,
and that lie was now confirmed in belieA'-
ing, as he always had belie\’ed, that
the. South cannot he kicked out of the
Union. If I A\-ere to profess to stand on
both, I should feel that X w >ts furnishing to
the enemies of the Georgia platform, ma
terial for turning it into ridicule and bring
ing it into contempt. I should feel that
mx professed friendship was its icorst ene
my. I could never strike it such a bloAv.
I regard it with a real veneration; I cherish
it as the exponent of the true policy’ of the
South, and as the surest anchor of the
Union, averting the danger of dissolution
by pointing it clearly out.
My purpose is to follow* wherever the
principles of the Georgia Platform may
carry me. In a platform adopted at Mil
ledgeville on the 5th of June, by men call
ing themselves the Democratic party’ of
Georgia, I find those principles proclaimed
AA'itli distinctness and without reservation—
not neutralized by’ the affirmance of an an
tagonistic platform, not emasculated and
satirized by’ the avowal of a doctrine Avhich
laughs them to scorn, hut I find them in
their purity and entirety. I find them
also bringing to their aid and support that
other principle which was adopted unan
imously by the last Legislature of this
State, and Ailiich, constituting as it does a
new step in the maintenance of the princi
ple of the Georgia Platform, declares for
affiliation North and South, Avitli its friends
and repudiation of its fo£s, Avhether those
foes he organized parties or individual
men. To repudiate hostile organizations,
was no neiv thing, but to repudiate un
sound men as unfit to he considered compo-
nent/parts of any’ organization not hostile
to the South, is a neAv principle, and is in
corporated for the first, time in the history
of party organization, into the Milledgeville
Platform. In the light of this added prin
ciple and steadily pursuing it to its new
and important results, this MilledgeA-ille
Platform proceeds to select and approve
certain acts of President Pierce’s adminis
tration which are in conformity with the
principles announced, and to condemn
every act not in conformity, by stating a
principle Avhich covers every’ case, in de-
“tL«* tlio Upmocrntic party of
Georgia will cut off all party connection
with every man and party at the North or
elsewhere, that does not come up fully and
fairly to this line of action.” Here is a
clear condemnation of all acts in opposition
to this principle, and what is of infinitely
more importance than any mere approval
or condemnation of acts passed—here is a
distinct, new and bold annunciation of the
terms, and the only terms on which party
connection and affiliation for the future,
can he preserved betiveen the National
Democratic party, and those persons Avho
may take their stand on tlie Milledgeville
Platform. If the National Democratic
party shall, at its. next assemblage, accede
to these terms and incorporate these prin
ciples into its organization, it will, by that
very act, produce a complete segregation
of its sound from its unsound parts, preser\--
ing and honoring its Douglasses and Dick
insons, and “cutting off” and castiug out
its Van Burens and Preston Kings. It
Avill, by that very act, stand purged before
the nation. Then shall I have party affil
iation with the National Democratic party,
but not till then. I cannot be drawn into
any complexity’ Avith or defence of the
Reeders or Dixes or Van Burens, for I
stand upon a platform which demands that
all such shall be “cut off” and cast out as
an indispensable condition of my affiliation,
or party connection with the organization
Avliicli contains them. Whether such a pur
gation can be effected, and a union cement
ed between the party South and the sound
material North, is a problem which can he
solved only by making the experiment.
What hope may be entertained of its suc
cess, may be partially inferred from the
endorsement of the Milledgeville Platform
by the Albany Argus, from the recent res
olutions of tlie New York “Hards” at the
Metropolitan Theatre, and from the fact
that a majority tf Northern Democrats in
the House of Representatives of the last
Congress voted for the Nebraska Bill.
Will not Douglass, and Cass, and Dickin
son, and the constituency’ of those 44
Northern Democrats who voted for Nebras
ka in the House, lend their aid to incorpor
ate into the National organization this new
principle of alligning themselves according
to their principles ? Do they’ not desire
it? Have they not appealed to tlieir
Southern brethren to give them the oppor
tunity of doing it, by presenting to the
National party just such a platform as that
adopted at Milledgeville? Could they
fail to espouse and to carry the proposi
tion, when the knoivn and declared price
of refusal Avould be the loss of the Avliole
Southern arm of the party ?
The proposition does not ask them (as it
should not) to destroy tlioir OAvn strength •
at home by abandoning their organization,
but it tenders to them the united support
of the South, and calls upon them, with
our help, to turn the power of that organ
ization against our common enemies, and
exclude them from its ranks, with tlie al-
ternative of choosing between ourselves
and those enemies, as their future allies.
Of the National Democratic Party, there
is a large nucleus of sound material at the
North, constituting the party national in
numbers and in geographical universality.
In this respect it stands alone. The South
ern portion of the party, and the sound
portion of the Northern wing constitute
together a clear and a very large majority
of the national organization. By uniting,
they have the power to effect this radical
change, this thorough purgation, this great
lustration. That they have the willing
ness, is shown by the strong considerations
of interest impelling them to that course,
and is becoming apparent from manifesta-.
tions at both ends of tlie Union, even if we
did not have the assurance derived from
known antecedents of the leading men at
the North in the sound branch of the par
ty. Nothing can defeat such a result but
the want of union at the South upon the
principles of the Milledgeville Platform.
The responsibility rests with the South.
If the experiment succeeds, the principles
of the Georgia Platform will stand vindica
ted and the Union will he saved. If it
fails, as fail it cannot if the South is but
true to herself, we shall then stand just
where the Muscogee movement purposes to
start—“cut off” from all existing National
organizations and united among ourselves
upon the great principles of State Rights
AA'hich Georgia has declared must be main
tained, in the Union if possible, and out of
it if necessary. We should also have tbe
added consolation of having discharged
our whole, duty to the Union as well as to
ourselves, and of having exhausted our
efforts to save it in the only practicable
way’. Linton Stephens.
Sparta, 6th July, 1855.
. The War in Ibe Crimea.
Extract of a letter from an American in
France to his Friend in Washington.
Paris, July 5, 1S55.—There is a cessa
tion of shipments of material to the Crimen,
except cannon, mortars, and ammunition,
and some of the transport ships which are
loading those heavy articles at Marseilles
and Toulon proceed to Africa and fill up
Avitli hay, barley, and horses. Soon, how
ever, geuoral shipments of material must
recommence, as the constant Avasteand con
sumption in such a war and by such an im
mense army must requiro enormous sup
plies. The sickly season will rapidly in
crease the present loss of life from dysen
tery, cholera, and typhus fevers, all of
which already pre\ ail to a great extent in
the Allied camp. Even the present ad
vices from the Crimea are really’ distres
sing as regards the extent of diseases. I
had recently’a long conversation with an
old veteran of the Empire of high rank
avIio served iu the Peninsular. He re
marked; “Tavo Generals whom I well re
collect in Spain are with the Russians; Ave
dreaded them much more than we did the
English and Spanish Generals, as their
destructive powers Avere greater, and they
will he even more so in the Crimea. They
are Generals July’and August, having for
their staff cholera, dysentery, typhus and
scarlet fevers, &c., with a Crimean sun ot
more than 10(P to aid and assist.” There
is no better proof of the dreadful Avaste of
life there than the large reinforcements
which are continually going forward, and
Avliicli barely serve to keep the army’ up to
its original numbers. EA’en the London
Times aeknoAvledges that an additional
75,000 must be sent. One hundred and
sixty-five thousand men have been em
barked from Marseilles and Toulon, and
from Africa and from the French troops in
Italy’forty or fifty thousand more—mak
ing together 210,000 French troops; and
the official documents do not pretend that
the French effective force there n<»Av ex
ceeds one-half of that number. To this
add the losses of the British army, and al
so of those poor creatures, the Turks,
AA’liose losses since the commencement ot
the war, in all the provinces, have exceed
ed those of the Allies. In the three ar
mies there must have boen, since the com
mencement of hostilities, from two hundred
and fifty to three thousand killed in battle,
<BoJ r,v Jieoaop. wounded, or otherwise
hors de combat. We have no correct ac
counts of the losses of the Allies in the as
sault of June 18th on the Malakoff. It
was at least seven to eight thousand, hut
only about half that number is reported.
Many of my’friends are in mourning for
gallant young officers, from captains to col
onels, whose names do not appear on the
official reports; and, if such are omitted
how many more in making a return of the
rank and file, Avliicli is done en masse and
Avithout giving any names!
The severity of the service and the ef
fect of disease are exhibited in the result
upon the Sardinian contingent, which has
only two-thirds of its original number now
under arms, w ithout having been in battle.
Those Avho are Avell informed on the sub
ject, admit that there has been no "en
tente cordiale” between the Allied com
manders. It began with Marshal St Ar-
naud and Lord Raglan, of which you see
hints in the letter of the former lately’ pub
lished, and was continued between the lat
ter and Gen. Canrobert, and handed
down to Gen. Pelissier. Such you will
find it Avill be betAveen the tAvo Govern
ments.
*******
On this point (the war) I have the most
gloomy forebodings. I see no prospects
of peace, as the pride and prestige of all
the belligerents are involved in the issue,
and there seems to he no middle ground
for compromise. The duration of tlie Avar,
it would appear, must be determined by
the powers of endurance and resistance by
Russia, and thus far she certainly exhibits
no signs of succumbing. Even the cap
ture of Sebastopol—an event by no means
probable; for Alexander could hardly dare
to make a peace on the heels of such a loss
under tlie feeling tliat now exists among
his people. And, even if the Allies do ob
tain possession of that place, what other
operation could they undertake to effect
Russia materially? In the Baltic she .ap
pears to he invulnerable, and tlie allied
fleet there seems to. be paralysed in its
operations, and can only lay oft at anchor
gazing upon the formidable batteries which
they dare .pot attack. There is no doubt
that all of them, France, England and
Russia, at this moment most bitterly re
pent that they did not folloAV the advice ot
Polonius, “to avoid the entrance to a qiiar-
rel;”for all of them would most truly re
joice if thev could, with due regard to na
tional dignity and honor, bring the contest
to a close on* the basis of.R<rf« quo ante bel-
Jum.
Macon, July 16th, 1855.
Dear 8ir:—If any man of good judgment ever
entertained for a moment, the idea that Judge
Andrews could, under any circumstance, be elec
ted Governor, I am sure he would give it up as en
tirely hopeless, if he could have the same informa
tion that we are noiv .receiving from every part ot
the State.
If the withdrawals continue as they have been
going on for the past two weeks, there will not be
a corporal’s guard left to show what ay as once the
great Know-Nothing and anti-Religious-F reedom
party of Georgia. Andrews will Ue beaten by
Qverby. This seems strange—but the hrst Mon
day in October will prove the truth of what 1 wnte.
Johnson will beat Overby and Andrews both
12 000 votes—seven out of the eight members of
Congress will be anti-Know-Nothing.
The Democrats in,all the region round about
Bibb are leaving the councils in utter disgust.—
Some of them do sav that they will not resign
formally, but declare their independence, and say
they will not be bound by their pledges, as they
were obtained by fraud, and attempted to be en
forced in the bonds ofiniquity.
Yours, truly,
BAKER.
Albany Patriot.
