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VOLUME XXVI.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA. TUESDAY, A U GUST 14, 1855.
[NUMBER II.
• fir the fall space of three months—for coni-
OtKfftit.u* from Executors or Administrators,
^ "/bond has Imen [riven by the deceased, the
,vhtre -
full space of three months.
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to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise
ordered,” at th- follow ing
K A T E Si
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Letters on business must be Post Paid to entitle
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BUSINESS CARDS
DAM & WASHBURN,
SUCCESSORS TO
WASHBl'KN, WILDER & CO..
Factor* and Commission Merchants
SAVANNAH, GA.
Extrac ts from the Speech of Hon. Aaron V. Brown •
of Tennessee.
Delivered at Gallatin, Tents., July Ath \
1855.
The Charge of Corruption.
But there is yet a third article that dial- j
lenges our especial wonder—the readiness :
with which the members of the Whig par- 1
ty have either actually entered into this
scheme, or stood silently and approvingly ;
by, without one word of open rebuke or :
opposition.
“Pleased to the last, they crop the
flow’ry food, and lick the hand just raised
to shed their blood!”
They saw two of the Know Nothing!
papers disputing whether a man might not 1
remain a Whig, and yet also become a
Know Nothing. No, said he, who finally!
became, par excellence, the official organ: J
No man can serve two Masters. He must j
he cither the one or the other. He cannot
be both. That Know Nothingism was
making its grand ad\ ent into the world,
to strike down and supersede every other
j party. That it was emerging from out of
the chaos and corruptions of both of the.
old pul ideal parties! It was no Democrat,
turned to be a Know Nothing, who made
the foul, insulting charge. It was a Whig,
metamorphosed into a Know Nothing,
who, as he retreated, threw back this
Parthian arrow into the camp of his for
mer comrades: and yet, to this good day,
not one Whig is known of, who ever step
ped forward to rebuke or repel the charge!
The same idea, emboldened by impunity,
is to be found in nearly every organ and
Know Nothing speech of the day, until it
may be safely assumed, as the general
sentiment and argument of that party, that
the corruptions of the old parties have
created a “political necessity,” that they
should go down in their rottenness, and
that the Know Nothing party should rise
pure and resplendent on their ruins! Had
this charge keen made by one of my own
party, whose position might raise a pre
sumption that he might know something
to justify his accusation, I would not have
permitted a single day to pass over m v
; WaAlrni. ) Special I Fra*. C. Pana, ^ Gen’l Lead, without the sternest rebuke and the
J. B< Wilder, jPart’n*. | U. li. Washburn, ) Part’ns. most explicit denial. Coming, however,
T| T ILL continue the above business at 114 I as it does, from a former Whig Editor,
*» Say Street, East of tiif. Exchange, j who does not know, and never did know,
Or.! r- for Sagging, Rope, ami other sup
plies filled promptly, at lowest cash prices.
Savannah. Angrust 1, 1855. !) 6m
W. A. LANE,
A T T OIIA E Y A T L A W
Clinton, Ocorgia.
Jane 12th. Ie55.
2 ly
WILLIAM J. WTLC1IEU.
ATT OR NE Y AT' L A W,
Warrenton, Geo.,
Will practice in the Northern Circuit of Georp-ia,
fed in the Counties of Ilurke, Columbia. Jeffer-
and Washington, of the Middle Circuit
Jut
1855
4 lv
Practice of Medicine and Siirarrv.
DR. CHARLES H. HALL,
Proffers his services to the citizens of Milledge-
ri'.ie and vicinity.
Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the
M.vnric Hall, where he can be found at all times,
xcicss professionally employed.
April 3'ith, 1855. 48—tf.
THUS. S. WAYNE. R. ALEX. WAYXE.
TIIOS. S. WAYNE & SON,
General Commission & Forwarding
1I1«BAI¥I,
SAVANNAH, GA.
FT All business intrusted to their car*- will
Met with prompt attention. 38 ly
one fact to sustain liis charge against tlie
Democratic party, 1 do not choose to let
the occasion pass, without entering my
distinct and emphatic protest against the
charge. For the age in which I have
lived—for that vigorous but virtuous Wes
tern population with which 1 have asso
ciated—for that noble and honorable par
ty with which 1 have acted—I protest
that there is not one word of truth in the
accusation. For thirty years I have been
familiar with the caucuses, conventions,
resolves, and other proceedings of the
Democratic party in its National action,
and in the State of Tennessee, and I af
firm, as a man of honor, that I never knew
a proposition to he submitted to the con
sideration, or to he sanctioned by the
Democratic party, which, if now fully
published to the world, would not stand
the test of a sound and healthy morality, j
1 do not pretend to donbt, that many of!
the Whigs could make the same solemn j
averments about the action of the Whig
party—its caucuses, conventions, and j
other party consultations. I only expi ess j
my astonishment they have not yet done I
so. My astonishment that no warm and
devoted friend has yet come forward to \
rescue the fame of Hugh Lawson White, |
Mr. Webster, and Mr. Clay, from thi
bold charge of corruption in the Whi
partv. My astonishment, that livin
A. S. HARTHIDGE,
Factor and General Uommission Merchant, j Statesmen, who are yet wearing the Sena-
Ao. 9*i, Bay Mr«*c«, Nni'aunnh, firo. ! torial lion0rS bestowed Upon them by the
REFERENCES.
Gf.u. \V. Anderson, Ex-President Planters
Bank, Savannah: C. F. Mills, Esq.. President
Marine Bank, I. C. PLANT, Agent of Marine Ilank
• Macon: 0. H. Wright. E«q.. Milledgeville: W.
lodges. Agent of Planters Rank at Zandersville:
R. D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at
Americas.
Febrnarv 20 1855 38—6m.
JOHN F SHIVE,
AT TO R NE Y AT LA W,
MARIO*, GA.
" ill attend promptly to all business intrusted to
« care. 32 ] v
1'ilOS T. LoAG.
A T T O R N E Y A T L A W,
BRUNSWICK, GA.
\Y ILL practice in the Courts of Glynn. Wayne,
’ * Camden, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham,
Eastern Circuit; Charlton, Lowndes, Clinch,
arr and Appling, of the Southern: also. Duval
^Titv. Florida. 51 lv
CIIAS. E MSISLT.
ATT O It N E Y AT L A
Ciilltherl, Ga.
April 3d, 1854.
TF
44
HEAKV HIADKKli,
A T T O R N E Y AT LA
JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA.
TF
IF
CIIAS. G CA.UPBELL,
AT TO R NE Y AT LA
MILLEDGEVILLE, GA.
iy ILL attend promptly to all business entrust
ed to his care. Particular attention paid
1 ■ .eoung.
M..ledgeville. Feb. *22. 1853.
pa
38 ti
J II- CAMP,
A TTO RNE Y A T J, A
CAMPBELLTON, GA.
TF.
I
LAND WARRANTS!
•’.ILL pay the highest market value for Land
''arrant*.*
Apply to A. W. CALLAWAY,
fbhcdgeville. June 11th, 1855. 2 tf
I
LAND WARRANTS WANTED!
give the highest market price for LAND
" u:p.AXTs, L. A. CHOICE.
25, 1855.
4 tf
MONEY MUST COME!
\ *■> and Accounts will not pay Bank Notes,
tj. .. : ;‘ r °f°re all ]>ersons owing us and failing to
i; - • "i.:.bc sued in the Justice’s and Inferior
Jrti " ithout further delay.
P , CHOICE & MEGRATII.
r-.,ruarr ]r, t h. 1855. 37—tf.
prj RE OILS OF
COGXIAC. WINEand RUM,
Mt h directions. For Sale by
CARZUES dl HASHEL.
x 18 & *20 PLATT STREET,
' £», 1 ■'55.
V2—3m.
New York.
fty, Watice to Dandholders.
1 “Jersigued will attend to the selling or
lying giving information of LANDS
Whig party, should have demanded no
retraxit of the charge of corruption. My
astonishment, that the individuf.l tnem-
l>ers of the Whig party, whether in town
or country, aspiring to no party honors,
but still jealous of their honor and integri
ty as men, and Whigs, have not come for
ward and denied this charge of corruption
—that they have not said to these Know
Nothing organs and orators, Go build up
vour Know Nothing party, if yen can—
go gather your converts in your secret
hiding places, in your dark cellars, in
your unfrequented garrets, in your caves,
or the lonely glens of the mountain—ad
minister to them your strange and horrid
oaths, which no law will authorize and no
Religion, founded on the word of God, will
sanction—go, and do all this, if you
choose, hut you shall put no brand of cor
ruption on me either as a man, or as a
Whig, to he brought up from your Know
Nothing records, to be read against my
children in after times. If such should
be the indignant sentiments of the rank
and file of the Whig party, what ought to
Lave been, and v.hat ought yet to be, the
course of the men of note and mark of that
partv/ 8uch men have not orisrinated
this strange movement. Who ever heard
of Senator Bell, wending his way through a
dark alley,and in some unfrequented horrid
giving instructions in cabalistic mummer
ies, and administering the wicked oaths
of Know Nothingism? When have the
Caruthereses, the Topps, the Milton
Browns, the John Marshalls, the Foggs,
and a vast number of others, whose names
1 might mention as I do these, with no in
tended discourtesy—when have any like
these, attempted to extinguish the light of
reason and truth, in open, public discus
sion, and to substitute in its stead, the
dogmas and edicts < fa secret and irrespon
sible cabal? And yet I do apprehend
that even such M bigs as these, have too
often stood silently by and permitted sec
ond and third rale men to take possession
of the rank and file of their party—lead
them off ami indoctrinate them into new
creeds, and hind them up by strange oaths;
and to crown the work of infatuated irre
solution, they have permitted themselves,
as component parts of the great Whig par
tv of the State, to be published in Know-
Nothing journals, and denounced by
Know Nothing orators, as corrupt men, to
whom public affairs could no longer be
safely entrusted.
Know Nothingism in its Sorial Operation.
But I must pass away from these collat
eral and rather introductory topics, in or
der to express my opinions on graver and
more important objections, to the origin,
the purpose, and obvious tendencies, of
this new Order. The recent disclosures
ought not to ho permitted to draw onr
reisoi ^ L'dinties of S. W. Georgia on 0U S*‘ t _ , ,
wile terms. A. P. GREER, I minds away from the original plan and
H ® e , Pe .REncks
Albany, Geo. purposes ol’ the midnight cabal. We
^rCAlbatT.G^LC.Ste^N^n^' I ^g ht . perpctuaUy to remember that or,gut-
Ao^ember2*2, 1853 ** or, ’ t f [ ally, its very existence, its name, its
oaths, its time and places of meeting, its
objects, whether to regulate and control
the political, the religious and social con
ditions of life, were all to he kept pro
foundly secret. If a public man was to
he struck down, if the professional man
was to lose his practice, if the merchant
was to he broken up in his business, if the
mechanic and tradesman was to he sud
denly deprived of employment and pat
ronage the arm that struck the fatal blow
was to be unseen and even unsuspected.
No friendship could spare, no affection
could shield, the selected victim. The in
exorable oath had been taken, “that you
will, in all things, political and social, so
far as this Order is concerned, comply
with the will of the majority, when ex
pressed in a lawful manner, though it may
conflict «with your personal preference.”
Under that oath, even the son must do all
in his power against the father, and the
brother must stretch his highest ability to
effect the ruin of his brother. A power so
vast, , so monstrous, so irresponsible, eith
er to the laws of God or man, could not
fail to awaken the conscious fears and hor
rors of some of its deluded and defrauded
followers. Disclosure after disclosure,
and withdrawal after withdrawal, was the
consequence, until society stood amazed
and shuddered at the thought, that here,
in the heart of the most enlightened
Christian nation in the world, a midnight
junto had been formed, more secret than
that of the Jesuits, and more dangerous
to our liberties than that English • monar
ch v against which our Fathers rebelled.
More dangerous, because that Monarch
could be held in check by the great prin
ciples of Magna. Charfa, and by the
British Parliament, ever jealous of every
stretch of the Royal prerogative. But
this Midnight Junto had no controlling
check hut their own "sovereign will and
pleasure. They boasted, too, that they
had enrolled a larger army of followers
than ever mustered in the British service,
and that each one had been solemnly
sworn, faithfully to execute the decrees
of a majority in matters social as well as
political. Matters social! Why these
embrace nearly every concern of human
life—the nearest and most precious ties
and relations that bind mankind together!
Certainly they do, and if there be truth
in the publication of that oath, which we
have never seen contradicted or denied,
then the conspiracy entered into by this
Know Nothing Junto, is far more exten
sive and dangerous than has generally
been thought, and deserves a deeper and
more universal condemnation than it has
yet received. I repeat, that if this asso
ciation does now, or ever did, contemplate,
as the words of that oath do clearly imply,
the control and regulation of all social as
well as political matters, that it is an out
rage against all law, human and divine—a
conspiraev, w hich ought and must, consign
to everlasting infamy, all who have enter
ed into the (irder, with that understanding
of it. I pray God that it may not he so.
1 fervently hope that some explanation
can he given that will save the age and
country in which w e live, from the dishon
or of having given birth to such a conspira
ev. 1 know how readily it may be said,
tiiat this error of secrecy has been correct
ed by the Philadelphia Convention. Cor
rected only in part, and I apprehend, in
only a very small part. They have lifted
up a mere corner of the veil, and disclosed,
here and there, only a few* points w hich
had already become known to the public,
independent of their Philadelphia mani
festations. Besides this, we are looking to
the original designs of the new party, not
estimating it by the reforms which an in
dignant public opinion may have compell
ed them recently to adopt. r lhe culprit
who flees in disguise, deserves but little
credit for throwing it oft* at the moment of
arrest and exposure.
Catholics and Foreigners—Naturaliza
tion Laws—Oftiniems of Henry Clay
and Winfield Scott.
What are the distinctive demands of
Know Nothingism, as distinguishing them
from the. other parties of the country?
That Foreigners shall not be allowed to
vote in any of our elections, until they
have been resident in the United States
twenty-one years, instead of five!, and that
Catholics shall not he allowed to hold of
fice. Now. the States alone can determine
who may and who may not vote. Con
gress cannot do it. Why, then, seek to
elect a President, who cannot say, in his
message, one word on the subject? Why
elect Know Nothing members of Congress,
who could not introduce a bill, nor vote for
one, regulating the right to vote in our
elections, without violating the Constitu
tion and committing downright perjury?
True, Congress can change the Natural
ization Laws, as they please, but that is a
very different thing from regulating the
right to vote. Suppose tlie fact, that
naturalization should be prolonged from
five to twenty-one years. During all that
time foreigners and Catholics could still
he voting in all our elections, if the respec
tive States chose to permit them to do so.
We therefore repeat, that the idea of form
ing a National party, for any purpose that
cannot be effected by the National authori
ties, is, in the very nature of things, an
absurdity.
Bnt whether considered as a National
or State party, when, let me ask, did this
spasmodic alarm and dread T>f foreigners
and Catholics first seize on those who now
compose the Know Nothing party? Not
surely when Mr. Clay delivered the fol
lowing speech in defence of the American
system, delivered in the Senate of the
United States. February 3, 1832:
“The honest, patient and industrious
German readily unites with our people,
establishes himself upon some of our fat
lands, fills his capacious barn, and enjoys
in tranquility the abundant fruits which
his diligence gathers around him, always
ready to fly to the standard of his adopted
country, or of its laws when called by the
duties of patriotism. The easy, versatile,
philosophical Frenchman, accommodating
liimsclf to all the vicissitudes of life, incor
porates himself, without difficulty, in our
society. But of all foreigners, none amal
gamate themselves so quickly with our
people as the notices of the Emerald Isle.
In some of the visions which have passed
through my imagination, I have supposed
that Ireland w*as originally part and par
cel of this continent, and that by some
extraordinary convulsion of nature, it w as
torn from America, and drifting across the
ocean, it was placed in the unfortunate
vicinity of Great Britain, The same
open-lieartedness, the some generous hos-1
pitality, the same careless and ttp.calculat-
ing indifference about human life, char- I
acterize the inhabitants of both countries.!
Kentucky has sometimes been called the I
Ireland of America. And I have no doubt !
that if the current of emigration were re- j
versed, and set from America upon the
shores of Europe, instead of being from
Europe to America, every American emi
grant to Ireland would there find, as every
Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty wel
come and a happy home.”
Let every freeman and admirer of this j
great man compare the sentiments of this ;
speecli with what he now hears from Know |
Nothing editors and speakers. If it he j
said, that it was delivered a great while!
ago, let it be remembered that Mr. Clay
also remained in public life, the founder
and the leader of the Whig party, almost
down to the present day, without Yvitk-
drawiug the noble sentiment of his speech.
But no statute of limitation shall serve
any Know Nothing, w ho in the last Presi
dential election voted fo^G'en. Scott. In
1852 - a' letter was addressed to Gen. Scott
by a gentleman from Virginia, in which
he asked him if he was “in favor of the
present naturalization laws or not.” Gen
Scott wrote the following letter in reply:
Dear Sir:—As I have already said in
my letter accepting the nomination for the
Presidency, I am in favor of the naturaliza
tion laws as they stand, with the single
addition, viz: give the full right of citizen
ship to every foreigner who shall in time
of war serve one year on board the United
States ship-of-war, or in any regular mili
tia or volunteer regiment.
Yours truly, Winfield Scott.”
This letter holds every man who nom
inated or voted for Gen. Scott, with an
iron grasp to the naturalization laws as
they stand. Gen. Scott said it when he
accepted the nomination. He said it in
the above letter in the progress of the can
vass, and no Know Nothing who voted for
him can hold up his head as a consistent
man and stultify himself in waging this
relentless war against foreigners and
Catholics. It will answer no purpose for
a Tennessee Know Nothing to say that he
saw not these dangers in 1S52; neither did
he see them as late as the beginning of the
very last year, for your legislature was
then in session, and was decidedly com
posed of a majority of those who are most
violent in this foreign and religious perse
cution. You offered no resolutions declar
ing that there was danger “that Americans
would not rule America.” You announc
ed no fears, that the Pope of Rome w r as
about to destroy our 1 iGerties or that his
followers were about to subvert all the
Protestant churches of America. No, you
saw* and feared none of these things, or yon
would have passed resolutions instructing
your Senators and requesting your Repre
sentatives to do something to avert such
groat calamities.
This record is now full. I have brought
it down almost to the present moment. It
proves that no man who respects the opin
ions and memory of Henry Clay—that no
man who was present and as sisted in the
nomination of Gen. Scott—no man who vo
ted for him—no member of the last legis
lature who failed to offer resolutions of in
struction such as I have named, ought to
be heard with any degree of patience or
confidence in this new and sudden outcry
against foreigners and Catholics.
Still, it may be asked what has given
rise to this violent, though recent alarm
and hatred against our foreign and Catho
lic population. There is no such alarm and
hatred against them. If they would agree
to cast their votes hereafter against the
Democratic party, all this persecution
would end in twenty-four hours. Another
Know Nothing convention would soon he
convened in Philadelphia, and all their
councils, with their cabalistic mummeries
and unlawful oaths, would he disbanded.
No, they have nothing in reality against
foreigners and Catholics, except that they
have too generally cast their votes for
such Democrats as Andrew Jackson, Jas.
K. Polk and Franklin Pierce. “This is
the head and front of their offending.”
THE IIELIGHH S TEST—MR. JEFFERSON’S
gious belief, which is a unit, whatever it
he , ever have a political part ? The polit
ical ' opinions of a Catholic are another
unit, like that of all other religions denom
inations. Who ever heard of the political
part of the religions opinions of the Baptist,
the Methodist, or the Presbyterian ? Let
Know Nothings speak in language more in
telligible ami explicit. Let them say at
once that it is the political opinions and
the supposed attachment and devotion of
the Catholic to the temporal domini m of
the Pope, that has stirred up all this wrath
and indignation against them. Bnt does
the Catholic of this country believe for one
moment in such temporal authority ? The
notice Catholic you know does not. Chas.
Carroll and all the Catholics in that grand
Convention which proclaimed American
Independence of every King, Prince and
Potentate on earth, you know did not—
the foreign born citizen of this country,
who has taken the oath of allegiance, you
know does not believe any such temporal*
authority. Here is his precise oath:
“I do solemnly swear that I will sup
port the Constitution, and that I do abso
lutely and entirely renounce and abjure all
allegiance, and fidelity to every foreign
Prince, Potentiate. State or Sovereignty
whatever, anil particularly (by name) do I
renounce forever all allegiance to
OPINION.
American Constitutions declare that no
religious test shall ever be required as a
qualification for office, but this Order pro
claims that there shall he a religious test,
that they will make one. That they will
swear their candidates and followers not to
appoint a Catholic to any office, and if he
finds one in office, to turn him out—though
he may he a Charles Carroll, a Taney, or
a Gaston. The cry of this party is, turn
him out, turn him out! What discordant
and conflicting notes! The Constitution
says they shall not he excluded from office
on account of their religious creed; this se
cret council, however, declares they shall
he. American Constitutions declare fur
ther, that all have a natural and indefeasi
ble right to worship Almighty God accord
ing to the dictates of their own conscience.
True, says this secret Order, but if they
do, I will punish them for it—the Catholic
may worship God as he pleases, but if he
does, he shall not enjoy the privilege of
holding any office whatever. We will make
him work on our highways and pay taxes
for the support of government, on all his
property. When war comes he shall fight
our battles, but he shall not rise much
above the manumitted slave iu his rights.
Let us test this false and spurious claim
to Americanism by another standard. He
is to he subject to your laws; his life, his
liberty, his character, his property are all
to be afl’eeted by whatever laws may he
passed, and yet he is to stand by and have
no privilege of holding office under them ?
Who is he ? He is r,o foreigner. He was
horn on the soil. What has he done l He
has worshipped God according to the dic
tates of his own conscience in the Catholic
form. Now, is there one American princi
ple that will justify his disfranchisement ?
The principles and the very words of the
Constitution will not, whilst those of the
Revolution that gave hirtlx to that Consti
tution will not. And yet this new Order,
against the first principle of human right,
against the great principles of the Revolu
tion, still demand his rejection from any
office whatever, Federal, State, or Munici
pal. I know well by what sophistry the
crushing power of this argument is sought
to be warded off. It is said that his dis
franchisement is demanded, not on account
of his religious belief, but on account of
the political part of his religious belief
Why, what nonsense ! How can a reli-
wliereof I have heretofore been a citizen or
subject.” Now the Catholics of the Uni
ted States are either native born or foreign.
If native born, he is the proud equal of
any native born Know Nothing, and if that
Know Nothing shall seek to exclude him
from the ballot box, it is a high handed
usurpation, whether it be done by open
violence or by the secret, midnight decrees
of a junto. If he be a naturalized foreign
er, then he has taken the above solemn
eatli in open Court, that he will he true
and faithful to the Constitution. But even
this will not do. Some Know Nothing na
tive might still suspect, that by some men
tal reservation, he yet retained some latent
obedience to the government he had left.
To remove, therefore, every possible ob
jection, he is required to go beyond being
faithful to the Constitution, and to abjure all
allegiance to every Prince, Potentate and
government whatever. Now, will not this
do? It was enough to satisfy Washing
ton, who signed the first naturalization
laws. It was enough to satisfy Mr. Jeffer
son and Mr. Madison. It was enough to
satisfy Mr. Clay through along life of close
observation of the workings of our Ameri
can svstem. It was enough to satisfy all
the great and good men who have gone be
fore us, but still it is not enough for this
new faction. Fatally bent upon power,
they have evoked the element of religious
persecution from its long slumbering re
pose, under our happy form of government,
to aid in the work of their own unhallowed
political ambition. Evoking it, too, in the
face of the oft repeated and solemn declar-
otion of the Catholic Churches of the Uni
ted States, that they owed no obedience to
the temporal power and jurisdiction of the
Pope. In the pastorial letter sent from
the council of Cincinnati, in May, 1855,
we have found the following: “We appeal
to von brethren, whether these have not
been the lessons which we have uniformly
taught you, both in our public and official
communications, and in our most private
conversations; and whether we have not
always instructed you that tlie power of
the sovereign Pontiff, which is spiritual in
its objects and its sphere of action, cannot,
bv possibility, clash with your civil alle
giance, or with the different classes of du
ties which you, as good citizens, owe to
the government under which you happily
live You will all hear us witness, without
one dissenting voice, that sucli has been
our invariable teaching on this subject,
and that this has also been your constant
belief.”
In a similar letter issued from the coun
cil of Baltimore in tlie same month, we find
the same charge to the churches under
tlieir jurisdiction: “Beloved brethren, res
pect and obey the constituted authorities,
for all authority is from God. To the Gen
eral and State Governments you on e obe
dience in all that relates to the civil order.
You know that we have uniformly taught
you, both publicly and privately, to per
form all the duties of good citizens, and
that we have never exacted of you, as we
ourselves have never made to the highest
eclesiastical authority, any engagements
inconsistent with the duties we owe to the
country and its laws. On every opportune
occasion we have avowed these principles,
and even in our communications to the late
Pontiff’, we rejected as a calumny, that in
etcil matters we Yvere subject to his anthor-
ity.”
In the pastorial letter issued hv the
Arch-Bishop and Bishops of New York, in
October, it is given in charge to th^ir
churches: “Your first duty is supreme loy
alty' to God and your own holy faith.
Your second, subordinate, but in its own
sphere equally supreme, loyalty to your
country in all her vicissitudes of prosperity
or adversity, if God should permit her to
be tried. Next to your country in the sec
ondary order, your family, your kindred,
your neighbors, your friends and enemies,
your countrymen and all mankind. Be
obedient to the laws.”
These are the most recent official declar
ations and charges to the Catholics in
America to which we have had access, and
we submit them to the religious portion of
our Protestant friends for their calm con
sideration. I am a Protestant in taitli, in
education, association, in everything, but
God forbid that I should ever behold the
fires of religious peseeution rekindled in
this now free and happy land. Persecu
tion is not the weapon to be wielded by the
Protestant churches for the propagation of
a true and vital religion. No, give to tlie
earnest and impetuous Methodist his Bible;
give it to the steady and persevering Bap
tist; give it to the profoundly and accu
rately educated Episcopalian and Presby
terian, put that mighty weapon only in the
hands of our various Protestant denomina
tions, and then give to all of them an open
field for reason and argument, and I believe
a true, vital and saving religion will finally
prevail over the world. Then, and not
till then, will man’s mission to earth be ac
complished. Then, and not till then, will
he have attained that lofty elevation in the
scale of existence, where he is farthest
from sin and nearest to God. “In the
fondness of hope, nay, in the confidence ol
a firm conviction, I maintain, that Ameri
ca is destined to be the grand theatre on
which the work of man’s highest destiny is
to he accomplished. The Declaration of
Independence, proclaiming the only true
and eternally just principles of government,
points- to it—the War of the Revolution,
baptising those principles in blood, points
to it—the passage of the act establishing
religious freedom in one of the most pow
erful States of the Union, and as its con
sequence, in all others, all point with pro
phetic assurance, that here, in onr own
Heaven-favored land, the glorious work is
| to he accomplished. Jefferson and Wash
ington! Washington and Jefferson! Both
now sainted in Heaven, but both selected
by Divine Providence as the honored in
struments of restoring to mankind their
long lost civil and religious liberties!
When Mr. Jefferson died, he desired that
no eulogy should be engraved on the mar
ble which should cover him, but that
“Here lies the author of the Declaration
of Independence, and of the act for estab
lishing religious freedom in Virginia.”
Oh, if I could engrave that act, not its
letters and its words, but its vital spirit, on
the hearts of my countrymen in general—
even on those of my religious friends and
acquaintances in this State whose confir
dence I enjoy, and whose friendship I hon
or, I should esteem all the toils and labors
of a long life more than repaid. I will
read that noble document, I will print it,
in order that every Methodist, and Bap
tist and Presbyterian, or other denomina
tion—that every Whig and Democrat and
member of this new Order, that ever heard
mv voice, mav read and meditate upon it.
SOUTHERN DELEGATION IN THE PHILADEL
PHIA CONVENTION.
What reception did they receive at Phil
adelphia ? When they asked of that com
pound and motley mixture of Northern
Whigs, Freesoilers and Abolitionists to
take them in as partners, they were in
stantly rejected. When they presented
their platform, full as it was of apology,
and barren as it was of any sure guarantee
to the South, it was distinctly voted down.
I repeat with all the emphasis which this
great fact demands, that their alliance was
rejected and tlieir platform voted down!
Turn, my countrymen, to the National
Intelligencer of June the 19tli, 1855, and
read with astonishment, as I know you
must and will do, the following account of
their proceedings:
“The New York Times publishes the
votes taken last week in the National Con
vention of the American party, on the
three leading positions touching the slave-
rv question. Supposing that they will
possess interest for many of our readers
we copy them below. It will be observed
that the proposition which was finally
adopted, received the votes of the dele
gates of fifteen (15) States, including the
free States of New Y ork and California,
whilst the delegates of (15) other States,
including the slave-holding State of Dela
ware, voted against it. Missouri seems not
to have been represented. It further ap
pears that the States which voted
in the affirmative are a minority of the
electoral college—they being ertitled to
14(i votes out of the 206 electoral votes.”
There is the record as furnished by the
National Intelligencer.
I demand to know what authority* did
the Southern Delegates ever receive*from
their Southern constituency to go into
Convention with open, notorious, and
avowed Abolitionists of the North? YYhy,
it is these very Abolitionists that have,
for years, waged this vindictive war upon
your peace, safety, and property! What
right had you to go into consultation with
them, and shake their bloody hands in
amity and friendship ? The Know-Noth
ing Councils of Ohio, of Massachusetts, of
Vermont, of Connecticut, and nearly all
the rest, reeking in the fumes of a nause
ous abolitionism, had officially notified you
that they were still your enemies and
would never give over their aggressions
upon your rights. Even Barker, who pre
sided over your deliberations, had pro
claimed to you, in the way of warning, be
fore you assembled, that the views of
Northern Know Nothings coincided on the
slavery questions, with those of William
H. Seward. What right had you, then,
with this warning sounding iu your ears,
to commit the Lite of the South to any
such unholy consultation, when fifteen
States of the North told you, by their
votes against your proffered Platform—
when twelve of them told you, by sece
ding, that they scorned any association
with you—why did you not yourselves in
dignantly withdraw, and proclaim, as the
Southern Whig- Senators did on the Ne
braska Bill, (except one) that all hopes of
co-operation with the Know-Nothings of
the North on the slavery question were
vain and nugatory ? Then you could have
returned like patriots, instead of pouring
out anathemas on the Democrats, (the only
friends you have left in the world, and on
Frank Pierce, whose every action has been
true as steel to our Southern rights, what
ever you may think of his administration
in other respects,) then, I repeat, you could
have returned like patriots, warning your
friends and kindred, and countrymen ot
the South, to Avar against each other no
longer about the ancient points of party
difference; but, like a band of suffering
brethren, to be of one heart and one mind
in the great crisis which was approaching.
But instead of exhibiting a noble and pa
triotic spectacle like th*J, what do we be
hold ? Y r ou come home flourishing a Plat
form which was never passed either by
States, or according to the votes ot the
Electoral College, and vainly, 1 will not
say falsely, pretending that you have ob
tained guarantees from the North which
you have not obtained, for they were voted
down by a tio vote in your presence.
Guarantees that our slave population shall
be protected in the Territories as well as in
the States—that it shall not be abolished
in the District of Columbia—that the Fu
gitive Slave Law shall never be repealed,
and that no attempt shall be made to ex
clude Kansas or any other State from ad
mission into the Union, because they may
tolerate slavery. Under such vain preten
ces, by exertions the most indefatigable
and means the most questionable, you are
seeking to hold your oath-bound legions
to°*ether, and to obtain a triumph over the
only party now in existence, that is either
willing or able to save the South. Y’our
oath-bound legions! It is that oath, if
Know-Nothingism prevails, that has dug
the grave of the South, and buried in it
twelve hundred millions of her property !
“I do solemnly swear, that in all things,
political or social, so far as this Order is
concerned, I will comply with the will of
the majority, though it may conflict with
my personal preference.”
I will comply with the will of a-majori-
ty! Though a Seward, a Hale, or a Wil
son, shall be nominated for President, there
stands the ill-fated and lucklesd oath, and
come what may, it must be redeemed!
Say net that I color this picture too dark
ly. Say not that, in the event ot a nomin
ation that is so fatal to all that is near and
dear to the South, the Know-Nothing lead-
ears would call upon their followers to dis
band and renounce the horrid and infernal
oath they have taken. Be not deceived.
The conscientious and good man may
doubt whether he can renounce that oath,
after it has been recorded in the High
Chancery of Heaven. Herod was thun
derstruck when the head of John the Bap
tist was demanded. He knew it would be
cruel and unprovoked ninrder. Neverthe
less, for the oath's sake, he delivered it in
a charger. I will comply with the will of
a majority! Jeptba, too, when in the act
of sacrificing his own daughter, and when
he would willingly have surrendered his
own life to have saved her, felt impelled bv
a false overruling morality, and exclaimed,
“I have opened my mouth to the Lord,
and I cannot go back." Execrable oath !
Abhorred be the man that devised it! It
was a blow struck at the noble faculties of
reason and conscience, as the guides of hu
man action—a fatal blow to the rights of
the South, to the Constitution and the
L"nion.
“Her wing shall the Eagle flap o’er the false
hearted,
}Iis*warm blood the AYolf shall lap, ere life be
parted:
Shame and dishonor sit by his grave ever,
Blessings shall hallow it, never! Oh, never!"
Perjury.—The first party that has ever
dared to fetter conscience, and to bind it
bv solemn oaths to submit in adeanceto
the secret decrees of a few desperate dema
gogues, now* aspires to federal power in
this free country. The apparition which
it parades before the eyes of those who
hesitate to obey the mandates of these
deinogogues is,* that all such brethren will
“perjure their souls” if they do not blind
ly surrender their judgments, and give*
tlieir energies to every project which may
be consummated by the leaders in darkness
and deceit. Iu former contests, and in
other combinations, men could change
their opinions without being subjected to
the imputation of a crime so monstrous.—
Motives might be impugned, and anger
expressed, when a great party lost a lead
ing light, but never before have we heard
the sin of “perjury” charged upon a politi
cal convert. Men who have entered into
these mysterious bonds, and who see, their
friends disfranchised, and hear doctrines
avowed revolting to their souls, appeal in
vain to be released from tne chains that
bind them. And when, in desperation,
they go out, and proclaim their horror at
the cheat that has been practiced upon
them, they are howled at with the cry of
being “perjured villains!” YYe do not
speak now of the alrming effect all this
must have upon the sanctity of the oath; we
simply allude to it as another proof that
the know-nothing order does not deserve
the respect of any honest man or any sin
cere Christian.— Washington Union.
Front the Plains.
Movements of t.he Indians—Death rf Gib
son confirmed.
We find the following letter in the St.
Louis Republican, dated Whithehead
Kansas, July 19, 1855:
Mr. Joseph F. Sloan, of Jefferson coun
ty, Virginia, and thirty others, have just
arrived from Sacramento City. Califorua,
on mules, in seventy days. They conld
have made the trip in sixty days, but
stopped at Salt Lake and Forts, Laramie
and Kearney. They saw no Indians
until they crossed the North Platte.—
They then lost a mule. Five of the party
pursued the Indian who stole the mule,
and shot fourteen bullets into him. They
left him where he fell, and recovered their
mule. Rhujohn, the trader at the North
Platte Bridge, informed them that there
were 15,000 warriors betwen there and the
Black Hills, He had the body of young
Gibson, who liad been killed a few days
before, at Deer Creek, near the foot of the
Black Hills,. The circumstances of his
death were these: The Sioux had deter
mined in council to suffer no white men to
pass, but afterwards concluded to let the
emigrants go uumolested, but to kill and
scalp all who belonged to the service of
the United States. Gibson’s party was
tlie first that attempted to pass. They
were met by thirty warriors, who inquired
for the captain. Gibson said he was cap
tain. One of the leaders offered him his
hand, which Gibson took in confidence,
when another Indiau shot him through the
heart. The band then retired and suffered
the others to go on. They make no ex
planation of this deliberate, cool-blooded
and un provoked murder.
Thev say they intend to fight the Uni
ted States troops; that they are apprised of
their coming, and intend to wipe them all
out; that they had proposed to make a
stand at Ash * Hollow, hut their numbers
grew so large that they were induced to
take up their position in the Black Hills, a
hundred and twenty-five miles beyond
Fort Laramie. That they have been
gathering their forces there, and now num
ber som 15,000 warriors. That they can
not only resist, but easily conquer any
force that the United States can send a-
gaiust them. That we have none hut old
men and women left in the country now,
save a few soldiers that we keep for a
show, and if we send those few out, they
will afford them only sport and pastime.—
These Black Hills cover a space of 12 or 15
miles, and are rough, abrupt precipitous,
full of gulches and ravines, and covered
with stunted oak, and pines, and cedar.—
It is the best biding place for the Indians
that could have been selected betwen here
and California, and it will he a difficult
matter to dislodge them.
Our troops are on the way, and in fine
condition. Mr. Sloan met one company
of dragoons at Ash Hollow, and a short
distance this side, two companies of infan
try and one of dragoons, and another corn-
pan v of dragoons at Big Sandy. He
could not recollect the names of the diffe
rent commands, but said they were all in
fine health and well. He was struck
with the apareinf anxiety there was at
Laramie for the arrival of reinforcements.
The officers there had heard of tlie power
ful concentration of the Indians at the
Black Hills, and feel uneasy. The boat
leaves, and I must conclude.
Yours, &c. ^
[The number of Indian warriors is, we
have no doubt, greatly exaggerated.—
They have purposely magnified their
forces. The position they have chosen,
at the foot of the Black Hills, about 100
miles west of Laramie, is a strong one, and
thev can massacre all the emigrants with
impunity. The position is a strong one,
even against United States troSps.]