Newspaper Page Text
Journal dc Ptsstttger.
8. Rose & S. B. Burr,
PBOPBIITORB.
MACON, GEORGIA:
Wednesday, Jane 28th, 1865.
MORNING EDITION.
TO OOS SUBSCRIBERS. 1
we shall most positively y on and after next
Saturday, stop sending our paper to all
those who are, at that time , in arrears with
us. We have indulged our old friends, until
they think we do not need money, and con
sequently fail to sand it. We would inform
them that all of our expenses are, necessari
ly cash, and we must exact cash from them.
Jf we thought they were unable to pay now,
%e would indulge them longer, but we
know that it is nothing but indolence on
their part and feel assured that when they
fail to get their.paper, they will put them
selves to the trouble to renew. We still
continue to take produce of all kinds at
Macon prices. Recollect after Saturday,
you will get no more papers, if you do not
remit. '
Sdl okelvord, Hooper & Co.—This old
eetabl shed firm, of Albany, Ga., are now,
as ever, ready to purchase corn, wheat,
‘ cotton i or transact any business in South-
Western Georgia, that comes within the
compass of commission operations. They
are men of business capacity, of honor and
integrity, and just such a firm as we would
like to recommend our friends and readers
to patronize. See their advertisement.
THE GREAT MISTAKE.
We believe it is the purpose of the Presi
dent and his subordinate officials, to restore
harmony, peace and good government to
the country. While appreciating the em
barrassments under which the Southern
people labor, growing out of the sudden
change in their industrial and social institu
tions, it is the wish of those in authority to
Bid rather than Impede our return to do
mestic happiness and civil liberty, and to
plaoe the political, social and industrial in
terests of the South upon a permanent aud
satisfactory basis. Prompted by such com
mendible and patriotic motives, there seems
to us but one formidable barrier to the ac
complishment of their good intentions, and
that is, an inappreoiation of the true charac
ter of the negroes who have been so sudden
ly placed in a position as novel to them as
It is embarrassing to us.
'Whether the imgro will ever become
mentally and morally qualified for self-gov
ernment, is a question for time and for
others to solve; but that he is so now, we
think very few of those who have recently
been industriously employed in trying to
conform him to the new order of things,
will assert. The pretensions of those who
would teach the abstruse sciences in a “few
eas? Jessons,” are not more fallacious, than
would be tbat of teaching the recently freed
negro political economy, the principles of
self-government, or even his obligation to
support himself by his own industry and
enterprise, within the brief space of time
comprehended in the policy of some for
giving him perfect political and social
equality. It is to be presumed that those
who have had a life-long association with the
negro, and who have made him their study,
both from philanthropic and from interest
ed motives, know more of his real charac
ter than do those who, from a distance,
view him rather in the light of what they
would have bim to be, than what he is.
.Even at the North, where he is and has
always been nominally free, the instances
of the negro’s attaining to intellectual,
financial or mechanical eminence are
very rare. How, then, can it be ex
pected that he*should ,at once, just out of
his bondage at the South, take position as
our social and political equal ? The negro
is not uaturally quick- of apprehension, un
less it be of things which concern his im
mediate animal propensities. He has very
little idea of moral responsibility; is apt
to think that the “ end justifies the means,”
sod the end, with him, is most ipvariably
a selfish one. His good intentions, if he
has them, are evanescent as air, and rarely
stand in the way of his personal gratifica
tions. His filial affections are proverbially
weak, aud in his marital relations are made
subservient to bis convenience or his inter
ests. He is loquacious—likes to hear him
self talk, and is perfectly indifferent as to
whether what he says is sen£e or nonsense.
Left to himself, he will probably put forth
just so much mental and physical exertion
as is necessary to keep him from positive
destitution. Acting literally upon the ax
iom that “sufficient for the day is the evil
thereof,” he looks not forward to provision
for the future. Improvident, idle, ignorant,
and not overly given to truth and honesty,
he has yet every thing to learn which is
essential to the character of a good citizen
and self-sustaining freeman.
With these characteristics, it is not diffi
cult to foresee the troubles in the way of ed
ucating the negro to a proper appreciation
of his responsibilities as a freeman, and cer
tainly it is BOt proper that he should sud
denly have the duties of that position forced
UP oo him without preparation, and be oalled
to the task of participancy in political gov
ernment, without the slightest knowledge of
what will he required of him. To assert
that ail men are equally competent to enter
upon the duties of political freedom, heoause
men have been recognized as being born free
and equal, would be as irrational as to ex
pect that every man is capable of the same
amount of mechanical skill, physical endu
rance and intellectual culture. We 4agbt
the negroe’s capacity for self-government;
but there is a way to test it with
himself, if he prove capable, and without
detriment to others, if he prove not. Colo
nize him. Give Lima eountry to himself;
furnish him the necessary farming and me
chanical implements; establish him in a fer
tile region, (in Mexico, if you please,) with
a year’s supplies, and tell him ; Here is your
home, thta is your country; go to work, till
your own soil, establish your own work
shops, ereet your own sohool-houses, build
yonr own towns, enact your own laws, and
prove to tho world that you are not only ca
pable of governing yourselves, but of gov
erning well; that you can appreciate and
profit by that freedom which has been ob
tained by such a terrible sacrifice of life, of
property, and of social happiness, and that
you will compete, with your former involun
tary masters in the race for happiness and
moral and political excellence. '
If, after such a trial, the negre fails to
prove worthy the confidence reposed in
him, then his most ardent champion must
confess that the theory of his social and
political equality with the white is an er
ror. Throw him upon his own resources
after the first twelve months, unbiased and
unrestrained by white influences, and if he
can build up and sustain a separate nation
ality, and make for his name and race a
place among the free- republics of this con
tinent, no one would be more rejoiced to
know him thus capable than ourself, not
• withstanding our skepticism on the sub
ject.
* Oaths and their Influence.
From the New York World.]
One of the worst, and yet most natural
consequences of the great civil commoticß
from which we are now emerging is the un
settling of men J s habits of thought as to the
proper functions cf government.
It was the boast of America before the
war, and the secret of our tremendous
strength put forth in the war, that we were
the least governed people in the world. A
single year’s experience of civil strife sufficed
to change all this, and to make us one of
the most governed people known so history.
Had the war lasted but a few years long
er, its inevitable result musthavebeen such
a complete remodliug of all the relations
between the citizen and the government as
would have extinguished the vitality of our
institutions, and, with them, of our liberty.
This peril, it may be hoped we have, among
other perils, escaped ; but a single particular
of the condition of public feeling in which
the war has left us should suffice to make
tyg watchful least the damage already done
our national pharaoter be not deeqer
than we now judge it to he.
The government assumed during the
f>rogresS ©f the rebellion an extraordinary
icense in the way of imposing oaths of al
legiance and obedience to this or that par
ticular measure of public policy, The ob
ject thus aimed at, so far as there was any
legitimate object aimed at thus at all, no
doubt was to put individuals in such a po
sition that the government should be
enabled to keep an effective hold upon
them while they remained within its
protection, although more or less strongly
suspected of disowning or detesting its au
thority. Whether eycn this object could
be best attained in this special piay
be fajrly questioned; but if we concede
that it could be thus best attained, we
must also admit that, being attained, it was
attained at a cost of a serious measure of
public demoralization.
It is well observed by one of the prd
soundest of modern students of history, Mr.
Buckle, that “when a government holds out
as a bait that those who profess certain
opinions shall enjoy certain privileges, it
plays the part of the tempter of old, and,
like the evil one, basely offers the good
things of this world to him who will change
his worship and deny his faith.”
Secessionists at; heart did not cease to be
secessionists when ahey swore feajty to the
Union; they merely became perjurers as
well as secessionisrs, and malignant, there
fore, as well as misled. The fact of
their taking the oath to support the Consti
tution and the laws, certainly did not lead
the government to relax in its watchfulness
over their conduct. The case, accordingly,
was preoisely analogous to that which nas
long occurred at our custom houses, where
the oath of an importer has been immedi
ately reinforced by an examination of the
subjeot matter sworn about.
Now that the country is returning eve
rywhere to peace and order, the continued
interference of the authorities to exact oaths
of divers and sundry sorts as preliminary
to social and political actions of various der
grees of importance, can work nothing but
damage to the national character.
Even in regard to oaths taken in courts
of justice, the soundest observers and
thinkers of modern times concur that, while
they afford but a slight guarantee for the
.truth of evidence, they tend to diminish,
and not to increase, the general reverence
for truth, by establishing an artificial d:s
tinction in the minds of men between false
hood and perjury. Archbishop Whatley
goes so far as to say, “if all oaths were
abolished, leaving the penalties for false
witness (no umimportant part of our se
curity) unaltered, I am convinced that, on
the whole, testimony would be more trust
worthy than it now is.”
For the political fidelity of the Southern
population to the laws of the land, we must
look to very different influences, foremost
among which we are to count that favorable
modification of the Southern temper and
oharaoter by anew order of things, against
which modification the imposition of nu
merous and vexatious oatl /§ ne C egsa
rily and direotly militate.
The civil conflicts jud teligious conjtro
versies of Great Brifcsm have bequeathed to
the British people a legacy of mischief in
this kind, by tho contemplation of which
we may well be enlightened.
Sir William Hamilton, in his “Discus
sions on Philosophy and Literature/’ de
clares, indeed, that “the perjury of England
stands pre-eminent in the world /* a severe
sentence, which Mr. Buckle, to whom we
have already referred, expands and yet in
tensifies in a remarkable passage of his
“History of Civilisation.”
“Legislators,” he observes, “seeing that
proselytes thus obtained could not be re
lied upon, have met the danger by the most
extraordinary precautions. It is this sus
picion as to the motives of others which
has given rise to oaths of every kind and in
every direction. In England even the boy
at college is forced to swear about matters
which he cannot understand, and which
far riper minds are unable to master. If
he afterwards goes into Parliament, he
must swear about his religion; and at near
ly every stage .of political life he must take
fresh oaths, the solemnity of which is
strangely contrasted with the trivial func
tions to which they are the prelude.
A solemn adjuration of the Deity being
thus made at every turn, it has happened,
and might have been expected, that oaths,
enjoined as a matter of course, have at
length degenerated into a matter of form.
What is lightly taken is easily broken.”
At this moment the British Parliament
is occupied with the question of abroga
ting the oaths imposed upon Roman Cath
olic members of that body, oaths in which,
conceived at a time of popular passion ex
tremely analogous to that in which we now
find ourselves. Roman Catholic members
are required not only to swear that they
do not think it right to assassinate Queen
Victoria because she is a heretic, but also
that in swearing this they mean what they
swear! To such extremes of absurdity
does a practice in itself radically absurd
tend when fear and folly urge it on. The
native good sense and the traditional prin
ciples of the American people, we trust
will yet be found vigorous enough to arrest
this practice in America before it fatally
corrupts the manhood of our national char
acter.
The United States and England.—
There have been a good many reports of
a sensational character of late in reference
to alleged demands by our Government
upon that of England for indemnity f,r
the destruction caused our shipping by the
Alabama and other craft of that kind.
We have been told that this demand has
lately been renewed by President J ohnson
more energetically than ever; and as it is
understood that England peremptorily re
jects the demand, it is argued that there is
a speck of war rising upon the horizon be
tvyeeja she two countries which may soon
grow into a portentous cloud. We sus
pect the thing tp be merely a cunning ruse
of $9 bears to try to keep up the price of
gold.
The National Intelligencer says-* and
the National Intelligencer is rarely mista
ken in the statement of a fact of this kind
—that mutual reclamations have been
made by the Governments of both coun
tries for alleged damages, that some of
these have been made the subject of dis
cussion for two or three years by the
agents of the respective Governments in a
perfectly friendly spirit, and that there is
no doubt shat the whole matter will be ad
justed by mutual agreement upon princi
ples of honor and fair dealing without the
exhibition of any unpleasant or unfriendly
This country wants no war with Eng
land, unless for the gravest reasons, and we
believe that this same feeling prevails over
the water in reference to theCFnited States.
The “ Confederate” sympathizers over
there would doubtless be gratified co see
the two countries involved in a desolating
struggle, and there are some here who re
ciprocate the feeling, but the masses, we
think, desire peace, if it can be hpnorably
maintained. They have had fightipg
enough for the present. There is of late
an upproyed tone of feeling on both sides
of the Atlantic, and, unless some unlooked
for even should arise to disturb the har
mony existing between the two countries,
we see no reason to suppose that it will be
interrupted.
Those who think President Johnson an
impulsive, hot-headed man, who will rashly
rush into difficulties upon slight cause, will,
unless we greatly mistake his character, be
doomed to disappointment. —Louisville
Journal. §
Guerillas.-*- We are informed that a
band of guerillas or robbers made their
appearance night before last in the neigh
borhood of Greysville, Ky., about 12 miles
from Clarksville, Tenn. They visited Mrs,
Merriweather’s, where they stole about
S3O in greenbacks and a gold watch valued
at S2OO. There were six or seven of the
rascals. Leaving Mrs. Merriweather’s,
they visited a small store at Greysville.—
How' much they stele there we did not
learn. From this place they went to Hay
densville, where they inflicted so much in
jury upon Mr. Chunk Smith that they left
him senseless. What other mischief and.
depredations they committed we did not
learn.
Are we to have a revival of .guerilla
warfare?— -Nash, Times , 28d.
At a recent election in Australia the
naturalized Chinamen voted for the first
time. Being thoroughly free from politi
cal opinions or prejudices, thirty-three of
them were engaged at eight shillings per
head, and tutored to say “ Yes” to every
question which might be put to them in the
polling booth. One of the first questions
put was, u Have you voted before at this
election?” Answer, “Yes,” and forth
with they were unceremoniously bundled
out of the booth.
Less than twenty thousand rebel prison
ers remain to be discharged. Os this num
ber Bbout nine thousand are at Point
Lookout, and the remainder at Fort Dela
ware and Johnson’s Island. Those at the
latter place will be discharged at once.
[Fof the Daily Journal and Messenger.]
TO “WfIONOfIETTE,”
OsPPerr i Houston County , Georgia.
by ua j . r
The light of fame is o'er my path,
As in the days of old,
And though *tis “ marble beautiful^
Alas! ’tis “ marble cold.’*
’Tis like the cold, cold moon that shines p
O'er some far distant hill;
Or like the midnight star that gleams
Upon the frozen rill.
Yet often when my weary brain,
At midnight hour, is free,
I tread the realms of dreamland, friend,
And wander there—with thee!
We wander »n that gorgeous land,
Through green and quiet dells,
Where Southern breezes ever creep,
Among the asphodels.
A mighty river, through the mead,
To some far oeean hies,
Faint strains of music o’er it float,
Like harps in Paradise.
The golden sun in glory comes,
Up from the eastern sea,
And banishes the dream, but still
My thoughts will turn to the?.
Macon, June, 1865.
From the London Post.]
Jurists and historians agree that civil
war is not to be confounded with ordinary
treason, and that the vanquished o&ght to
be treated according to the rules, not of
municipal, but of international law. Hal
lam and Macaulay have both emphatically
laid down this principle in reference to our
own civil war, and at least during the last
fifty years it has been acted upon by al
most every European Power. When Ven
ice capitulated, the Adrians allowed
Manin to depart in a French steamer;
and although the movement which was re
pressed at Aspromonte clearly came with
in the scope of municipal law, Garibaldi is
residing in security and honor under the
dominion of the sovereign whose authority
he indiscreetly disputed. Mr. Lincoln’s
theory that all communities, as such, pos
sessed the inalienable right of determining
their own form of government, need not be
discussed. It is more than doubtful if, ac
cording to the strict letter of the law,
whether municipal or international, Mr.'
Davis has violated the Constitution of the
United- States. However, for the argu
ment, it may be conceded that the seces
sion of the Southern States was, up to a
certain point, technically an act of insur
rection—that is to say, that until the Con
federates in the field were recognized as
the army of a belligerent Power by the
exchange of prisorfers and the like they
might be regarded as rebels; and on this
head, as also with respect to the claims
made in England for the losses sustained
by the Alabama, it is important that Capt.
Semmes has been paroled. Indeed, the
proclamations issued by the Northern gen
erals in the South since the surrender of
Lee and Johnston sufficiently adrqit the
position Mr. Davis’ Government held iq
stating that persons now taken prisoners
in arms will no longer be dealt with as bel
ligerents; and it must be remembered, too,
that Mr. Lincoln and Mr, Seward per*
sonally entered into negotiations with ac
credited representatives of the Southern
President, There can, therefore, be very
little, if any, question about the law of the
case, and none whatever as to the obvious
requirements of policy.
It is, no doubt, true in the main, as Burke
said, that govern moots will be tyraunica)
from polipy when their subjects are rebels
on principle. That is the situation in Poland
and Vepetia, and the Washington Govern
ment may attempt to impose it uppn the
subjugat 'd States of tbt? Hrnnblic, Jt is f}
costly system even to Russia, and. to Aus?
tria a source of weakness and exhaustion ;
but that which is just possible to those Pow
ers would be found to be wholly impractica
ble in America. Coercion and confiscation
might answer their purpose for a time; but
it is preposterious to suppose that six millions
of people gan be permanently governed by
brute force. The Northern fanatics who
deepise what they ignorantly describe as
the “humbug chivalry of the South” are, of
course, incapable of exercising any political
judgement. But there are others \yho should
know that the ex-Presideut would be power
less in exile, In France or England he
oonld scarcely bo to bis own State what
Kossuth was to Hungary. Lee is unques
tionably the Garabaldi of the South; but on
the scaffold Jefferson Davis would become
its martyr. The heroic women of Virginia
would teach their children to hold his name
in reverence, and on thousands of desolate
Southern hearts, and in thousands of
bereaved hearty, vows would be made for
another generation to observe and fulfil. It i§
most \dol to ignore the fact that all through
the South the execution of the extreme penal
ty of the law on Mr. Davis would be con
sidered as a judicial murder. The sentence
passed upon him w:u!d include a nation,
and in dying he would breathe new life into
the cause it fell to his lot to support and to
suffer for scorn and loathing and bitter ha
tred might be controlled for a while, and at
the same time strengthened by subjection to
circumstances. Bat the reconstruction of
the Union under the shade of the gallows is
a wild and ghastly illusion.
On the ground of humanity there is noth
ing to be said. If justice and expendiency
are not considered, mercy certainly will not
be entertained.
Industry of Pennsylvania. —The
three articles, of coal, oil and iron, yielded
to Pennsylvania last year over one hundred
and seventy-one millions of dollars, as shown
below:
Coal y $69,821,926
Petroleum - - - '46,912,430
Iron .... 54,784,997
Total .... $171,519,353
This sum has been distributed equitably.
The public carriers, the land owner, the
miner, the operator of the mine, the various
middlemen, and the Government—the pro
tector of all these, and the general oonserva
tor of our rights—have each received its
fair share.
Si advertise^.
jj WANTED.
;TT;" ■' '*v
If Lost;
the names of onr City Subscriber.* ktek
will be entitled to onr thank*.*"™’
' • * 8. last 4
SHACKELFORD, HOOPErT/
Produce and GeJ’
COMMISSION MERCHANTS
AND 1
Dealers in General Merth*^
(at 14 nor* Ton’s” old st**„ " I
|
PARTICULAR attention given to n-in»
SHIPMENT o'Cotton, Corn. Bae< n E? 08 * 1 * a I
Produce generally. Consignments of a
description solicited. Refer by »simi«sio?£ ,4j **»£ I
H. J Cook. Y. G. Bust, and VLnn *"ftlf , I
J. W. Fears A Cos., and J. B Rom, Macon I
J. W. HOOPER of Rome. I
J. H. B SHACKELFORD, fonnerlv of„ .
0. V. TURNER, of Albany. 1 ***+
je2B-2w*
auctionlalr
BT JOUJi B. HABERSUAJUi,
On ’Wednesitary, at 9 1-f o'clock 4
FURNITURE, Ac., at HALF-PAST^NIXi
Two CRIBS,
• Ons WARDROBE,
fix CANE BEAT CHAIRS
Two STOVES, ’
Fonr di*. SLAB* tCMIUh
Ten gron RATCHhi
MED PFpVu
OlkA,
AT ELEVEN O’CLOCK, A
A lot *>f CLOTHING, consisting of COlfi
SHIRTS, VESTS, DRAWERS, 800X1, Ac.
CORN AND COTS
IWiUTTOPmcHISI
2,500 Bushels of Corn
AND
200 BALES OF COTTON. I
JAMBS SEIMOtI
je27-10t*
DRURY & TRIPOD, -
IIOXJSE.'feIGS
*f ' • AND
PAINTERS,
(XAUTOM’S HALL, RKTRANOE CS THIRD STRUT j
MAOON, GKA..
MAVTNG entered Into r Copartnership fsr the 117a I
oT carrying on the above business in all Itifcnxs 9
re prepared to give satisfactiot, both In eXK;.&i- ]
price, to all who may favor us with their orders.
Je27-dlq».
TO CAPITALISTS.
A Rare Chance to Invest
QNE of the best PLANTATIONS In Pulaski cosatj,
FOR S-ALE.
The FARM contains EIGHT HUNDRED
it in a high stale of OULTIV *TION. On it UsgssdDft'
ING, and all necessary OUTBUILDINGS
A Good Stock of Cattle, Hogs,
Together with a good supply of CORN, WHEaT.oaT! *
which can be'bought with the place if dtsi ed. A*** 4 *
is offered. Apply to
McßßfDf A DOE*rT
or to SAMUEL BAUNUEIW, on thapre*
Je27-Bt* . w
LAW CARP.
WM. K. and MARSHALL Ds
toe LAW, and attend to all business entrs**!: s
them, in the Courts of the State of Georgia. Is <***.
Court of Claims at Washington, and In the U. B. *>*■
Court for the State of Georgia <
They will prepare petitions for SPECIAL PARDO* 5?
the AMNESTY PROCLAMATION,and forward to i*- *
gai Correspondents at Washington for attestlan.
Office on Cherry Street, Macon, Oa.
jeST-2t*
I*soo OVNDS rAMI| ' Y IXOI *
2,000 ppod,^ a nd,“ oHH# to,ioco ' *"
•J g bbla. CANE SYRUP,
QQ pair MEN SHOES,
gHEETING, SODA, SUOAR and COPIED
QNIONB, TOBACCO, Oa., Ao.
, l* 1 ?
* j. H. ANDEBSO'’ j
Ohange of Sched«^
* Maooaß jg
Macon, In* «
ON after TUESDAY, June 26th,*0
on this ROAD will 01 ‘ ~ I
DEPOT, on the following Schedule. »* t J M
Leave Macon... .8 80 P. M. | Arrive at j| # 1 1
Leave Junction..6.Bo A.M. | ‘
Rates of Passage FIVE CENTS per ® A ptj, »j
Ms con, je ?8-lw. -— 'ri'i I
COMMISSION BpSl't-l
‘(Sstabliehed in jjj,
A. R. McLAUGB 141
General A*enb 1
RENEWS the offer of his .erriee* 1 " I
public B*al Estate, Lands, Ac-. ■ K r r U
trator’s sales attended t>, Cotton »■“ ,
and sold at a low commission. * ro 9
patch. At Hardeman A Sparks. ___/ -
Wesleyan
Thi bbgular f I
begin on SUNDAY, July ■
Armlnius Wright, and close on t
with the Annua’ Address, hy Hon- JTgTll•y> 1
Tiustees meet MONDAY, July 11
night exercises. ——'' j <
A Desirable
J
I WILL sen, 1
Call and see «• **** *
JeKI-tf