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territory from if ha* of the Unitscl States, tho
object of the British government was, that
the Indians should remain as a permanent
harrier between our western settlements and
the adjacent British provinces,* to prevent
them from Wejng conterminous to each other:
and that neither the U. States nor G. Britain
should ever hereafter have the right to pur
chase or acquire any part of the territory thus
recognised as belonging to the Indians—
With regard to the extent of the Indian terri
tory, an 1 the boundary lines of the Greenville
treat y,as a proper basis, subject however to
discussion and modifications.
We stated that the Indian territory accor
ding to these lines, would comprehend a great
number of American citizens; not less per
haps than a hundred thousand; and asked,
what was the intention of the British govern
ment, respecting them, and under whose gov
ernment they would fall ? It was answered
4 that those settlements would be taken into con
sideration when theline became a subject of
discussion ; but that such of the inhabitants
ns would ultimately be included within the In
dian territory, must make their own arrange
-7 moots and provide for themselves-
The British commissioners here said that
considering the importance of the questions we
had to decide, (that of agreeing to a provis
oinal article) their government had thought it
night, that we should also be fully informed of
** Views, with respect to the proposed revision of
the boundaiy line between the dominions of
O. Britain and the U. States.
Ist. Experience had proved that the joint
possessions of the lakes, and a right common
to both nations to keep up a naval force on
them, necessarily produced collisions and ren
dered peace insecure.—As G. Britain could
not be supposed to expect to make conquests
i xn that quarter and as that province was con
siderably weaker than the U States, and ex
posed to invasion, it wasjnecessary-for its secu
rity, that Great Britain should require that the
I j. States should hereafter keep no armed ne
ural force on the Western Likes from Lake
Gntario to Like Superior, both inclusive ;
that they should not erect any fortified or mil
itary post or establishment on the shores of
those Lakes t and that they should not main
tain those which were already existing. This
must, they said be considered as a moderate
demand, since Great Britain, if she had not
disclaimed the intention of any increase ofter
otory, might with propriety have asked a
’ cession of the adjacent American shores,
•f he commercial navigation and intercourse
would be left on the same footing as heretofore
it was expressly stated, (that Great Britain,
arts to retain the right of having an armed
qfeval force on those lakes and of holding mil
itary posts and establishments oh their shores.
2. The boundary line west of lake Superior
and thence to the Mississippi, to be revised;
and the treaty right of G- Britain to the navi*
w&tion bf the Mississippi, to be continued,
when asked, whether they did not mean the
line from the lake of the Woods to the Missis
sippi, the British commissioners repeated that
they meant the line from lake Superior to that
dive*
: j 3* A direct communication from Halifax
and the province of New Brunswick to Que
■ bee, to be secured to Great Britain. In ans
wer to our question, in what manner this was
to be effected, we were told that it must be
done by a cession to Great Britain of that
portion of thejiistrict of Maine (in the state
f Massachusetts) which Intervenes between
ew Brunswick and Quebec, and prevents
at direct communication.
Reverting to the proposed provisional ar
ticle, respecting, the Indian pacification and
Boundary, the British Commissioners conclu
ded by stating to us, that if the conferences
Should be suspended by our refusal to agree
ip such an article, without having obtained
farther instructions from our government,
Great Britain would not Consider herself
Bound to abide by the terms which she now*
offered, but would be at liberty to vary and
regulate her demands according to subsequent
events, and in such manner as the state of the
war, at the time of renewing the negociations,
might warrant.
We asked whether the statement made,
respecting the proposed revision of the boun
dary tine between the United States and the
dominions of Great Britain, embraced all the
objects she meant to bring forward for dis
cussion, and what were particularly her views
with respect to Moose Island, and such other
islands in the bay of Passamaquaddy, as had
been in our possession till the present war,
but had been lately captured ? we were an
swered that those islands, belonged of right
to Great Britain, (as much so, one, of the
Commissioners saia, as Northamptonshire,)
they would certainly be kept by her, and were
not even supposed tohe an object of discussion
From the forcible manner in which the de
mind, that the United States should keep no
naval armed forde on the Lakes, nor any mil
itary force on their shores, had been brought
forward we were induced, to enquire Whether
this condition was also meant as a sine qua
non ? To. this the British commissioners de
clined giving a positive answer. They said
that they had been sufficiently explicit, that
they had given us one sine qua non, and when
we had disposed of that, it would be time
enough to give us answer as to another. ‘ v
We then answered that, considering the na
ture and importance of the communication
made this day, we wished the British com
missioners to reduce their proposals to writing,
before we gave them an answer; this they
agreed to and promised tb send us an official
ante without delay.
We need hardly say that the demands of
Great Britain wiil receive from us an unani
mous and decided negative. We do not
deem it necessary to detain the John Adams
for the purpose of transmitting to you the
official notes which may pass on the subject
and close the negotiation And we have felt
our duty immediately to apprize you, by
this hasty, hut correct sketch of our last con
ference, that there is not, at present, anyliope
of peace ‘ t
We have the honor to be, sir, with perfect
ftsjec r, youi obedient serrSnts.
ADAMS,
J. A. BaYaRD/
H. CLAY,
JON A. RUSSEL,
ALBERI C ALL ATIN.
Note of the British Commissioners «
Received after the above letter was written-
The undersigned, Plenipotentiaries of his
Briu&nic majesty, do themselves the honor of
acquainting the Plenipotentiaries of the Uni
ted States, that they have communicated to
their Court the result of the conference which
they had the honor of holding with them up
on the 9th inst. in w nich they stated that they
were unprovided with any specific instruc
tions, as to comprehending the Indian Na
tions, in a treaty of peace to be made with
Great Britain, and as the defining a bounda
ry to the Indian territory. , x
f The undersigned are instructed to acquaint
the plenipotentiaries of the United States,
that his Majesty's government having at the
outset of the negotiation, with a view, to
the speedy restoration of peace, reduced as far
as possible the number of points to be discus
sed, and having professed themselves willing
■ to forego on some important topics any stipu
lation to the advantage of Great Britain, can
not but feel some surprise that the overn
ment of the United States should not have fur
nished their plenipotentiaries with instruc
tions upon those points which could not fail
to come discussion,
Under the inability of the American ple
nipotentiaries, to conclude any article up
on thesubject of an Indian pacification & Indi
an boundary, which shall bind the goVe mment
of the U. S. his Majesty’s government conceiv
ed that they cannot give a better proof of their
sincere desire for the restoration of peace,
than by professing their willingness to accept
a provisional article upon these heads, in the
event of the American plenipotentiaries con
sidering themselves authorised to accede to
the general principles upon which such an
article ought to be founded. With a *iew to
enable the American plenipotentiaries to de
cide, how far the conclusion of such an article
-is within the limits of their general discretion,
the undersigned are directed to state, ifully
and distinctly, the basis upon which alont G.
Britain sees any prospect of advantage it the
continuance of the negociations at the ore*
sent time. ‘
The undersigned have already had the hon
or of stating to the American plenipotentiaries
that in considering the points above reseted,
as a sine qua non of any treaty of peace, the
view of the British government is the perma
nent tranquility and security of the Indian na
tions, and the prevention of those jealousies
and irrttatio u s, to which the frequent altera
tion of the Indian limits has heretofore given’
rise. „ v -v,
For this purpose it is indispensably necessa
ry, that the Indian nations who have been du
ring the war ip alliance with Great Britain
should, at the termination of the war, be in- •
eluded in the pacification. . 0
It is equally pecessary, that a definite boun
dary shdnld be assigned to the Indians, and
that the contracting parties shoutd guarantee
the integrity of their territory, by a mutual
stipulation, not to acquire by purchase or oth
erwise, any territory within specified limits.
The British government are willing to take
as the basis of an article on this subject, those
stipulations of the treaty of Greenville, sub
ject to modifications which relate to boundary
ine*
As the undersigned are desirous of stating e
very point in connection with the subject which
may reasonably influence the decision of the
American plenipotentiaries in the exercise of
their discretion, they avail themselves of this
Opportunity to repeat, what they have already
stated that G - Britain desires the revision of
the frontier between her north American do
minion?, and those of the United States, not
with any view to an acquisition of territory
as such, but for the purpose of securing her
possessions,and preventing futuredisputes.
The British government consider the lakes,
from lake Ontario to lake Superior, both” in
clusive, to be the natural rmlitary frontier of
the British possessions in North America.—
As the weaker power on the North American
continent, the least capable of acting offen
sively, and the most exposed to sudden inva
sion, G. Brittain considers the military occu
pation of these lakes as necessary to secu
rity of her dominions. A boundary line e
qually dividing these waters, with a right in
each nation to arm, botfi upon the lakes and
upon their shores, is calculated to create a con
test for naval ascendancy in peace as well as
in war The power which occupies these
lakes should, as a necessary result, hive the
military Occupation of both shores. In
theranceof this object, the British govern
ment is prepared to propose a boundary. But
as this might be misconducted as an intention
to extend their possessions to the southward
of the lakes (which is by no means the object
they have in view) they are disposed to leave
territoriallimits undisturbed, and as incident
to them, the free commercial navigation of the
lakes, provided that the American government
will stipulate not to maintaifi, or construct any
fortifications upon, or within a limited dis
tance of the shores, or maintain, or construct
any armed vessel upon the lakes in question,
oif in the rivers which empty themselves into
the same. * /
If this can be adjusted, there will then re
main for discussion the arrangement of the
north-western boundary between lake Superi
or and the Mississippi, the free navigation of
that river, and such a variation of the line of
frontier as may secure a direct communication
between Quebec and Halifax.
,• The undersigned trust, that the full state
ment which they have made of the views and
objects of the British government in requiring
the pacification of the Indian nations and a
permanent limit to their territories, will enable
the American plenipotentiaries to conclude a
provisional article upon the basis above stated.
Shoutd they feel it necessary to refer to the
government of the United States for further in-
WttetiQfty t& cnsters{gng}fte!it |ncut&l££?
V-’ .• , Jf / 1L ‘■’J V
qpaji them to terrain* tfce Amexlr:£& jfc ;dj*9-
tentiarics, that their government cannot be
precluded, by any thing that has passed, fro.n
varying the terms at present proposed, in such
a manner as the state of the war, at the time
of resuming the conferences, may, jn their
judgment, render adviseable.
The undersigned avail themselves of this oc
casion to renew to the plenipotentiaries of the
United States the assurance ‘ f their high con
sideration
(Signed) GAMBIER,
HENRY GOULBURN.
WILLIAM ADAMS.
Ghent\ August i 1 1h, 18 i4.
Extract oj a letter from an English
Gentleman dated , Paris July 25.
* The enthusiasm with which the
king was hailed by the troops assem
bled yesterday at the ThuiUeries,
was altogether unexampled ; there
were at least 6,000 of the line* with
4or 5,000 national guards, and a
vastxoncourse of the inhabitants of
Paris. Officers and soldiers, and
guards and citizens appeared to be
animated with only one sentiment—>
that of personal affection to the mon
arch and his family ; perfectly un
like the coolness, nay, perhaps more
the iromcdPfherriment which was but
oo manifest in their reception of
him only two months ago. There is
in the manner of this prince, when
he acknowledges the” acclamations
of his subjects, or receives their ad
dresses, or takes their petitions from
the poorest individuals that stop his
way, a mixture of dignity and good
ness irresistibly touching. Even the
infirmity and evident pain under
which he labours, and the placid
countenance which shines through
his sufferings, adds something of ten*
derness to the attachment he inspires.
The close and anxious inspection of
the military hospitals of Paris the >
other dty, by the duke ot Bern, who
did not leave a bedunexamined, nor a
wounded soldier without some cheer
ing word has made a deep impression
on the feelings of an intelligent and
highly susceptible body of men who
require nothing more than a steady
hand and upright spirit in their lea
ders, to recal them from the species
of delirium into which the bacchan
alian system of’ Bonaparte had
hitherto plunged them.
Are you prepared in England for
some powerful attempts on the part
of M* Talleyrand, to sap the found
ation of your Maritime supremacy 1
—whether to be aimed at through
the medium of direct stipulations
between France and
or of general and circuitous reghla*
tions of commercial and , maritime
principle, to which the other great
powers are to be invited to accede
—possibly bribed to enforce them——
we shall see before many months.
We shall afso see whether new obsta
cles will not be very speedily thrown
in the way of the Congress of Vienna, r
or any Congress at which than
three or four hundred thousand ne
gociators would be found necessary.
You may rely upon it , that the spirit
which dictated the nevei -to-be forgot
ten expression, €i Biert que le traiie -
d'Amiens,” is at this moment more
inveterate than ever ; and the actual
superiority enjoyed by Great Britain
on the ocean is considered by those
who lead the French counsels as in
compatible with the existence of France*
Govern yourselves accordingly „
‘beat America, or she will soon have
friends that may more than double
the difficulty of the task—do not
trifle away this campaign & incur
the necessity of another.
From a late London paper.
CHARACTER OF BONAPARTE.
He is fallen I We may now pause
before that splendid prodigy which
towered among us like some ancient
ruin, whose frown terrified the
glance its magnificence attracted.—
Grand, gloomy and peculiar, he sat
upon the throne, a sceptred hermit,
wrapt in the solitude ot his awful or
iginality. A mind bold, independent,-
and decisive ; a will despotic in its
dictates : an energy that distanced
expedition ; and a conscience pliable
to every touch ot interest, marked
the outline’ of this extraordinary
character, the most extraordinary,
perhaps, that, in the annals of this
world, ever rose, or reigned, or fell.
Slung, into life in the midst oi a re-~
volution, that quickened every ener
gy ?f a people that acknowledged
no superior* he commenced his
course, a stranger by birth, an l a
slight by eharity-!. With no fr : end
fcut ti*s sworf, anil ru> fojtßfi?.
his talents, he rushed into the lista
where rank and wealth, and genius?’
h and atnvived themselves, Sc compel!- .
t o , 11 and from him as from the chftnrc
o! a ;ri»»\v He knew no motive hot
tut* —:ic acknowledged no crite -
rim bui success—*he “worshipped no
God hut ambition,^and with a stem
devotion, knell at the shrine of his
idolatry. Subsidiary to this, theta
was no creed that he did not profess
—there was no opinion he did not
promulgate ;in the hope of adv ■,
nasty, he upheld the crescent ; for
the sake of a divorce, he bowed be
fore the cross ; the orphan of 8;.
Louis, he became the adopted child
of the republic : and with a puriciriai
ingratitude, on the ruins of the
throne and thfc tribune, he reared
the tower of his despotism 1 A pro
fessed catholic, he impmsioned the *
country ; in the name of Brutus,* lie
graspelh, without remorse, ami
wore Without shame the, diadem of
the Caesars.
Through this pantomine of Impo
licy iortune played the cißb/n to y his
caprit es. At his touch, crowns
crumbled, beggars reigned, systems
vanquished, the wildest theories
took, the color of his whim, and all
that was-venerabk, and all that was*
novel, changed places with the rapid**
tty of a drama Evert apparent de
feat, assumed the operations of vic
tory—his flight from Egypt confirm
ed his destiny—ruin itself only ela.-r
vktied him to empire.
But* if his fortune was great, hi*
genius was transcendant ; decision,
flashed upon his councils, and it was
the same, to decide, and to perform.
To (inferior intellects his combina
tions appeared perfectly impossible,
his plans perfectly impracticable—*
but in his hand simplicity marked
their success vin
dicated their adaption. His person
partook the character of his nun' 1 -*?
if the one never yielded in the cabin**
et, the other never bent in the field.
Nature had no obstacles that he diet
not surmount—space no opposition
that he did not sjiurn ; and, whether?
amid Alpine rocks, Arabian sands
or Polar snows, he seemed proof;
agaiflst peril, and empowered with
übiquity i The whole continent o£
Europe trembled at beholding
audacity of his designs, and the mir»|
acle of their execution.**- Scepticisni
bowed to the prodigies of?fis perform
mance—romance assumed the aijf
of history—nor was there aught toi>
incredible for belief, or too fanciful
for expectation, when the world s'avr
a gubaltern of Corsica waving his im**
periai flag over her most ancient
itals. All the visions of antiquity*
became common places in his conr_
tempi at ion—kings were his people-**
Nations were his out-posts—and he v
disposed of courts, and camps, andL
churches, and cabinets as If they
were the titular dignitaries of
chess board*
Amid all these changes he stood
’ immutable as adamant. It mattered
little whether in the field or drawing
•Toom—\\dth the mob or the levee—
Wearing the jacobin bonnet or the
iron crown—banished a
Or espousing a Lorraine—dictation
peace on a raft to the Czar of Russia,
or contemplating defeat at the gal
lows of Leipsic—he \ was still the*
same military despot.
Cradled in the camp, he was
the last hour the darling of the army.
Os all his soldiers, not one forsook
him, till affection was useless, and
their fi**st stipulation safety/
of their favourite. They new well
that if he was lavish of them, he was
prodigal of himself ; and that if ho
exposed them to peril he repaid
them with plunder. Fur the soldier
he subsidized every people-—to tha
people he even made pride pay tKr
bute.
The victorious veteran glittered
with his gains—and his capitol, gor
geous with the spoils of art, became
the miniature metropolis of the uni
, verse. In his urondrrful combina
tion his affection for literature must
not be omitted. The goaler of the
press, he affected the patronage of
letter£—dhe proscriberof books, he
encouraged philosophy—the prose
cutor of authors, and the murder
er ofprinters, he yet pretended to the
protection of learning—the assassiu
of Palm—the silencer of De fyell,
and the denouncer of Kotzebue—
fie was the friend o£ David—the ben*
‘.’freer, cf &£ —'anti cent his*
••/ - - .