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r j T auxiliaries by which the one or tire other mav
he supported. But if these fail ?if that power whicli
j frr ees its own supremacy, perseveres to enforce it,
must every thing yield to force? Force mav van
ish every thing—reason, right, truth, justice'; and
‘ j s because force may do so, that we have erected
Lrriers to defend reason, right, truth and justice.
These barriers are the sovereign States of this Union,
vliieh, whatever the old federalist and monarchy
n,en mav say of them, were absolute sovereigns on
the Declaration of Independence, are sovereigns
no w, and will remain so, until by the voluntary sur
render of their sovereignty, they please to make
themselves slaves —but I trust, of all who shall make
that surrender, Georgia will be the last.
But vou will ask, how is this doctrine to work ?
I see no more difficulty than is inseparable from the
management of all human affairs. You have the
passions and interests of men to encounter at every
step; atul t ' icsc inust so met > as to make thorn
work rather for good than for evil. For ordinary
grievances, wc have said there is no constitutional
remedy but the ballot box—for extraordinary and
extreme ones, there is no remedy but the sovereign
power of the States: and in extreme cases, you re
pose yourself upon the sovereign power, for the very
reason that the constitutional remedy tails. This
sovereign power at last, is in communities, little
more than the right of self-defence and self-prcserva
tjon of the exercise of which, it is the sole judge,
because, in this respect, it is independent as well as
sovereign. It acknowledges no law but the law ol
nature and nations, which, in the settlement of con
troversies between States, acknowledges no means
but negotiation and force. Shall we stop here to
enquire which will serve us host in the long run, the
doctrine which acknowledges the sovereignty of the
Slates, which recognizes in extreme cases, the right
of this sovereignty to defend itself, to negotiate, to
make treaties, which, in a spirit of amity that con
signs the past to oblivion, will re-unite dissevered
States, who being generous enemies, are once more,
and on that account cordial, and mayhap insepara
ble friends ; or that which admits the absolute supre
macy of the Federal Government, its right to whip
a State into the Union, and to hold it there forever
bv brute force ? I know it is said that this power
in' the States is inconsistent with ths power confided
to the Federal Government. That for light and
trivial causes, States may and will have recourse to
it,by which the Union will be constantly agitated,
and finally dissolved. Let us see if this apprehen
sion is well founded. A State has the undoubted
right (undoubted even yet) to change its own gov
ernmental pleasure, consulting only its interests and
•happiness, regulating all its internal concerns, with
its right of soil and jurisdiction so absolute that the
Federal Government cannot claim to erect an arse
nal or fort or dock yard within its limits, without its
express consent. Here then is a community by the
power of self-government, made free and happy at
home, wanting for the consummation of that happi
ness, scarcely any thing but protection against pow
ers stronger than itself. Will these be put to hazard
for light and trivial causes ? Reason says no. The
public law forbids the presumption that communities
will act imprudently—it presumes them to be gov
erned by a sound discretion—not that they are al
ways so governed, but that their acts alone should
speak for them—mcperience justifies the public law.
Fifty years of Union without convulsion, is no tri
fling evidence of intelligence, of prudence, of subor
dination, of contentment. How many guarantees
besides, are to be found against hasty and inconside
rate action, by which great blessings arc to be lost.
An insulted State may, for a moment, rescue liber
ty ; but liberty is not to be maintained without in
dependence, and independence cannot long be main
tained by an insulted State. A solitary State rest
ing on its own limited resources, with great wants
for internal and external objects, surrounded by other
States (united for common defence,) must be expos
ed to evils and annoyances, from which the wisest
councils cannot exempt her. Possessing sovereign
rights herself, she must so exercise those rights, as
not to interfere with the sovereign rights ot others.
The right of way and of free parage, the regula
tions of trade and commerce, so apt to conflict with
those of others, framed in a different spirit—these,
and many of kindred character, would be sources of
endless embarrassment and vexation. 1 would rath
er say upon the whole, that the States would not
secede for light and trivial causes—that grave and
weighty considerations alone could influence them
—that only some grievous oppression or frightful
tyranny, driving them to despair, could divide them
from the Union. Are there not some reasons for
this belief? We hear the cry of Union, Union,
from all quarters, as if there were nothing left in this
world Worth preserving but Union—so that the
friends of Liberty and Union may well doubt wheth
er the people love liberty least, or Union most. See
what has been submitted to for many years, with a
degree of patience and forbearance, which might be
construed into something not to be named. Unne
cessary taxes, to make a splendid, of what was de
signed to be a simple and economical government—
the taxes levied on the many to promote the inter
ims of the few—the revenues distributed for objects
of internal improvement, where the taxes were not
levied—every scheme and device for the extrava
gant expenditure of public monies—dormant claims
on the government revived, and pension systems
established on principles so loose, as to offer the
strongest temptations to fraud and perjury'.—as if it
were not enough for the Federal Government to re
gulate commerce, which it is authorized to do, it as
sumes the care and regulation of manufactures; and
then the transition is easy to the care and regula-
agriculture—so is the transition sometimes
from the grave to the ridiculous.
ho ol the Convention who framed the Consti
tution, would have believed it possible, that even in
eur time, committees of Agriculture would have
been organized in both Houses of Congress, to in
struct our people how to soxv and to reap, to weave
and to spin, to milk and to churn. It is because
they employ themselves with all these follies, abuses
and usurpations, that the Congress which should in
ordinary and peaceful times, dispatch its constitu
tional business in three short months, is occupied
through five, six or seven; and a portion, and a large
portion too, of this time devoted to the manoeuvres
of factions, who seem to have been congregated
here for the single purpose of making Presidents, to
make the leaders of those factions Presidents in turn.
Are not these things, good .Sir, enough to disturb
the harmony of the States? If a single State fretted
and tortured by such abominations shall, by any
unwise and hasty movement resolve to shake them
ofl. is she to be hound neck and heels, and consigned
to the cave of Trephonious or the Cyclops? Ihe
almost universal answer is, yes, yes! down with the
rebels, down with the traitor State. But whose
turn comes next? If the Federal Government is not
topped in its career of encroachment by some coun
teractive agent, what, reasoning from what has Itcn
done, to what may be done, will it not do? It gives
countenance to colonization and other voluntary as
sociations, which keep in ferment large sections of
country, which by a single ialse movement would
be excited to the most desperate resitance. It may,
for any thing w e know, pass acts of attainder ai*d
proscription, by which masses of society may be cut
off. It lias, on occasions, stopped the liberty of
speech and of the press. It may ordain a State re
ligion or decree a universal emancipation. Its su
preme judicial tribunal, w hich it contends is in the
last resort, to pass on the constitutionality of all
laws, may send its warrants into the States, com- j
manding its Marshals to hang up by the lamp-posts, I
A. B. and C. These you w ill say are extreme ca- j
ses.—So they are. It may pronounce null and void j
charters, by which States claim their rights of soil, j
jurisdiction and sovereignty. It may erect one sov
ereignty within onother. ' It may decide that one
portion of the community within the chartered lim
its ot a State is sovereign and independent, and enti
tled to the right of self-government. It may control
the criminal jurisdiction and arrest the criminal law s
of a State by writs of error dr appeal. Are these,too,
extreme cases! If they are, extreme cases require
extreme remedies; A if they are to be sought in the
power of the States, it is because [the States are
sovereign and may protect und defend themselves.
But does this consist with that unity, one and indi
visible, [claimed for the United States as a nation?
Certainly not. Rut then it becomes those who make
that claim, at the same time to make it good. For
ourselves xve protest against it, as most wild, ex
travagant and fallacions.—The States formed the
government of the United States—the States ratifi
ed it. From that day to this, it exists and breathes
but by permission of the Slates. Though three
fourtiis of the States are necessary to amend or al
ter it, a majority or less than a majority, may dis
solve it. If the States refuse Elections of President,
it is prostrate. II they refuse their Senators, it stops.
It they w ithhold their Representatives, it is the same
thing. There is indeed no one act required of the
people ol the U States as one people, either to be
gin it, to conduct it, or to end it—it would be just as
rational to make the Congress of Vienna a nation
deriving its authority from the people of all Europe.
The old confederation must have been a confedera
tion of.States, for I have never yet heard of a con
federation of the people. The confederation xvas
abandoned for the new government, because it had
no power to coerce the States. But was the new
government adopted to coerce the States? Cer
tainly not. It was adopted to coerce individuals, for
the very reason that Stales could not be coerced.
The statesmen of that day perceived that every thing
was gained by making a government strong enough
to operate effectually on individuals or that the idea
of coercing States was an absurdity, and that the
new government would answer all the ends of its
creation, without the least danger of collisiorf, so
long as it confined itself to its constitutional limits.
It is the departure from those limits; it is the exer
cise of powers not delegated; it is the exercise of
doubtful powers equally prohibited by the Constitu
tion, which has at anytime brought the General Gov
ernment into collision with the States.
In scribling thus much, I think I may have an
swered, out of order, no doubt, all your enquiries.
The result, according to my poor opinions, is that.
There is no power given by the Constitution to
resist the laws of the United States.
The only constitutional remedy for unconstitu
tional laws is the ballot box.
Amendments of the Constitnion, petition, remon
strance, conventions, correspondence, and consulta
tions of the States—these, (if you please to call them
remedies.) are not unconstitutional.
Under a government founded on consent and
opinion, evils are to be borne as long as possible.
The States in virtue of their sovereignty, when
evils are no longer supportable, must judge the evil
and the remedy.
The sovereign knows but two modes of settling
controversies, Negotiation and War.
Negotiation admits of arbitration, and controver
sies may be referred to other States but this is by
consent and not by the Constitution. It is, of
course not permisable to one of the parties, to refer
it to its own Courts and Juries.
When States cease to have an interest in the U
nion, or suffer extreme oppression, it is better that
they withdraw peaceably, than that blood should be
shed in contest, which seldom decide any thing, and
which are apt to separate the parties forever.
As States may do very imprudently and unwise
ly, what they have a right to do, it becomes them to
act very deliberately A:'cautiously, because it is law
ful for other States to unite against them, to compel
a fulfilment of their obligations under the public law.
You ask what Georgia ought to do? My worth
less opinions had been given on former occasions,
and you know what use has been made of them.
Those opinions were unchanged, and are, as 1 think,
unchangeable —th«y,amounted to this; “if the abuses
and usurpations of which w r e complain are continu
ed, and become the settled policy of the Government,
the States having indentieai interest ought to with
draw” but it was indispensible to a movement like
this, that there should be union; that this union
should be the result of a deep and settled conviction,
that such policy was inconsistent with the para
mount peace, interest, prosperity and happiness of
the Suite, & not a temporary union produced by an
artificial excitement—a united people even of one
State, might rescue liberty for a time, but without
the means of maintaining Independence, liberty
could not be preserved. It was necessary therefore,
that other States having common interests should be
prepared to think and act with us; and it was alto
gether proper that for this purpose, a system for cor
respondence and consultation should be organized
as the best means of producing union. My own be
lief was, that the Tariff would not yield and could
not be made to yield but to some interest stronger
than the interest in manufactures, and I knew but
one that was so, and that was the interest in Union.
It could not be doubted that the Northern States
were as much concerned in preserving the Union as
ourselves, and it was altogether fair, that in the last
resort, we should present to them the plain alterna
tive, either “to return to the bargain and stick to the
bargain or give up the Union.” If unhappily,it should
turn out that they take more interest in Manufac
tures than in Union, it is my deliberate opinion, the
Union is not worth preserving. In all this, we have
considered not so much what might be done and
rightfully done, by the sovereign States of this U
nion, as what may be wisely done. Do what wc
may and let what of evil come, wc will have the
consolation, that from the beginning to the end, wc
, have been* passive subjects, and the adverse par
, tv active agents The abuses and usurpations prac
, tised, and the burdens imposed, have been of a posi
, five character—we have done nothing but beg relief
. from them.
i You have insisted en mV opinions, and I ha'e
given tliefn. Ifo one could ask them with more
propriety than yourself. You have been all your
life a uniform, consistent Republican, & as much de
voted to the prosperity- of the state, and states too,
as any man in it. The stake which you and all of
your name and family have i:i it, is pledge sufficient
for your loyalty and discretion: and the passion for
liberty that was born with you, is absolute security
that you cannot be a slave.
Your Friend.
G. M. TROUP.
‘Our«r>iy auiltilioa is t® live uuder equal
taws.”
“THE" times,
A*Ji> STATE It It* I IT’S ADVOCATE.
MILLEDGEVILLE, FEBRUARY *3, 1833.
(fc!rSeveral Advertisements and other articles una
voidably postponed.
THE CRISIS.
Cant is the established order of the daV. It has long
been the fashion for Editor:- and Essayists to sermonize
upon the aspect of the times. Year after year the pub
lic presses have teemed w ith some awful crisis in our po
litical affairs; but when the deep stillness that pervades
our national councils, broken only by occasional electric
flashes, portentous of the pent up violence of the thunder
storm, announces indeed the approach of a crisis, these
faithful warders on the watch-tower become suddenly
apathetic. We almost blush to speak on so trite and hack
neyed a theme. Though others have cried ‘wolf while
danger was yet afar off, and their voices are suddenly
hushed w hen his grim front lowers upon us, we deem it
no apology for our remaining silent. The matter cannot
now he disguised. Congratulations have been rife, that
the Georgia controversy lias been amicably adjusted, that
there is now no longer apprehension of collision with
the general government. Rut is this the fact ? Recent
events developed in the conduct of tiie President to a
sister State, wear a threatening face; and if a conflict
should ensue between Carolina and the Federal Govern
ment, (which may God avert.) it behoves Georgia tu
look well to her own position. The foot of Federal oppres
sion weighs upon he-r neck in common with her sisters
of the South. Yet she slumbers on in quiet apathy.—
When the cry shall ring in her ear, “ the Philistine be
upon thee,” will she rise like the strong man, prepared
to rend asunder the green wythes with which she is
bound, or like Sampson shorn of his strength effectually
lettered by the cords wherewith she is manacled !
Will she suffer chains to be forged for South Carolina
when for aught it appears to the contrary, it may be her
destiny to wear them too? These are important ques
tions. But which, if Congress peisists in tiie course they
are now pursuing, we shall most assuredly be called up
on to answer. We are not prepared to see a Union vol
untarily formed, preserved by force, and cemented by
blood, neither are we ready to recede from our deter
mined resistance to unconstitutional exaction, and quiet
ly assume our places in the ranks of Federal myrmi
dons, armed to coerce a sister State into an abject sub
mission.
It is time that the voice of Georgia was distinctly
heard, denying that the President’s construction of the
Constitution is the legitimate one ; proclaiming that if
the just demands of the South are not acceded to, her
endurance too has reached its limit; and if Federal bay
onets close around an oppressed State, struggling in the
van for liberty and independence, her generous freemen
need'not be prompted on which side to strike. We may be
told, that wc are indulging in gloomy anticipations of
the future ; nay, we may be charged with the attempt of
producing an unnecessary excitement • our answer is,
look at the sign of the times, read the doctrines, the con
solidation doctrines of the President, study the provisions
of the Bill reported by the Judiciary Committee, and if
we are w rong,the fault be upon our head. That Bill com
pared to which, the Tariff is not worth a passingthought,
is the most flagrant violation of the Constitution, it has
been our lot to record. It demolishes the jurisdiction of
the State Courts at a blow ; it sweeps away the ancient
land marks that have confined this colossal engine of the
consolidationist within its constitutional boundaries ; it
gives unlimited sway to that far grasping power that has
not heretofore lacked ingenuity in constructing onreon
stitution to have erected a single nation. But alas! for
Georgia. We have no rulers that dare boldly tell the
General Government, forbear in your sacrilegious strides
to despotism ! No voice from our Legislative Halls, as
sures oursister state,that the Federal bayonet shall not be
reddened with the blood of her eons. We have no Gover
nor to stop forth, like the Governor of \ irginia, in de
fence of Slate Rights, for w e have no Tsoer* to w ield the
truncheon of Executive pow er. A degrading lethargy
paralizes our citizens. When we speak of resisting
Federal oppression, we are told tlwt wc are calculating
the value of {fie Uniqn. No. We hstr counted the
cost of that Union, and are calculating the value of
LIBERTY.
CONVERSION.
Our friend of the Constitutionalist is completely in ex
tacies with the idea that bis Ititc doctrines are supported
by Governor Troup’s letter. We read his Editorial on
that subject, and forthwith mounted our spy-glasses,
donned our considering cap, propped our chin on both
our bands, our elbows on our i>. sk, and straightway es
sayed a discovery of the alleged metamorphosis.
Surely we have done the Editor of the Constitution
alist some injustice. We had considered him since his
removal to the city of Augusta as the partisan of Mr.
Forsyth,good reason had we too, for this opinion, when
we saw him take up the cudgels, so boisterously in his
behalf. But alas! for the short-sightedness of man, even
w ith his spectacles on ! His fierce assault upon the late
Anti-Tat iff Convention was but a hasty ebullition of zeal
in behalf of the good people of Georgia, lest they might
endamage their own sovereignty, by unwisely resolving
that they would resort to one of the only- 11 two modes of
settling controversies, Negotiation and War.” We read
the letter in question in such i else (we hope we may say
likewise with our friend the Historian) that wc could in
no wise discdVcr the gratifying support he mentions. —
But he says it so ; and “ Brutus is an honorable man.”
He has then returned to the advocacy of the States
Rights doctrine,and we bid him a right hearty welcome,
recommending to his perusal, the following sentence
from the letter that ‘sv [/ports' iiie course so strongly.
“Theconfedcration w as abandoned for the new government
because it had no power to coerce the States. But was the
new government adopted to coerce the States? Ckrtaini.y
not. It was adopted to coerce individuals, for the very rea
son that States could not he coerced.”
We do not say that the Editor of the Constitutionalist
is willing to see South Carolina coerced into submission,
but being, as he is, amid the bristling bayonets that me
nace destruction if she persists, his voice has not been
raised against so high handed a proctdure. Such silence
is strangely ominous.
♦ONGIt i: SS ION AI. SPEECHES.
Wc have hitherto abstained from giving any of the
long speeches in Congress, for the reason that, it would
occupy too much of our paper to publish them on both
sides, and to publish one side and not the other might
subject us to the charge of partiality. In fact, those
which support the I’rcsident’s new construction of the
constitution—his consolidation and single nation doc
trine, savour too much of man-worship to suit our appe
titc. Their authors are somewhat like Mr. Ritclnc in.
his late editorials on the same subject, wanting princi
ple and r*r*t.
0... r lutot from i!ie Unj iul Qu§ inform wa that
Mr Ver]»ianck*s new tariff bill ia yet in committee* of the
whole in t!ic House of Representatives, where it is like
ly to be talked to death, or in danger of being overlaid.
The enforcing hill in the Senate, known as the fill to
repeal the Constitution and to appoint a dictator, is un
der full discussion. It was proposed to postpone its fur
ther consideration, mainly to wait for the fate of the ta
riff bill in the other iiouse, and the reasons assigned by
die mover of the proposition w as, that if the latter passed,
there would he no pretext for the fermer. This propo
rtion was ejected—our Vicar of Bray and Mr. (Inin
dy, being the only Southern Senators who voted against
jnstpcncrmnt. Is it not matter of some astonishment
that our lion. Senator Mr. Forsyth, should be the only
senator from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, North
and South Carolina and Georgia, who voted tn the nega
»ive ? I low* is it to be accounted for, has the glittering
splendors of a Cabinet appointment, induced our worthy
Senator to become recreant to the South f \\ e hope some
more worthy motive, may have actuated him.
Mr. Grundy, it seems attempted to try conclusions
with South Carolina’s gifted Senator, hut his falcon
glance was rather too piercing for the Tennesrean, and
the great Leviathan of Massachusetts has entered the
arena as the champion of the President’s doctrines!
Our accounts further indicate that the DICTATOR'S
hill will pass Congress. Well be it so. If the holy
shrine olour Liberty is to be thus desecrated and its vo
taries dispersed by the bayonet, if a doctrine is to be
forced upon us, whose argument is consolidation, whose
il'*«ttration is SLAVERY, we can truly say. that as an
humble conductor of the press, we have often warned
the people of Georgia of the dread catastrophe. They
will at least L&ar witness, “if Rome must fall, that wk
are iuucxSent.'*
For the Times 4* Stole Rightm Advocate .
Ms. Slal>k :—la the Journal of last week is an Editorial ar
ticle, profeMtdly approving of Governor Troup’s letter but ae
tuttliy constructa'ole into on apology for the monstrous doctrines
of the Proclamation and the enforcing Bill, i. e. a Bill asked for
by the President to create a monarch; to let him be aole
judge when to declare War, and to givo him the supreme con.
trol of the Army and Navy, of the United States, and the whole
Militia thereof. There is also an apology (l auppoae intended
for that) for the discharge of the Missionaries, for the Journal
apeaks of “ the present elevated triumphant position of Georgia.”
'Plie Term degraded, would have better suited ourcuse. Geor
gia triumphant because her Executive has abandoned the high
ground assumed by the .State in the question of her sovereignty !!
and that to calm the fears of the Governor when he had the
State to a man to sustain him, and to gratify a ministry to some
.of the political cravings of public apostates; men who have
übandoned the support of Slate Bights, ami are now supporting
the avowed doctrines of a monarchical government.
The Journal affects to draw huir breudih distinctions between
the terms “ stretches” or ‘ misuses” of acknowledged powers,
and an usurpation ol anew power. 1 deny that the case is a
misuse of an acknowledged power. Tr up never admitted
any such thing: The Journal hud as w ell say that any other
violation of the constitution is u misuse of an acknowledged
power, as to apply that expression to the Tariff acts : Though
the Journul may hold them Constitutional, Troup dosa not, nor
ever has.
The figure, or illustration if so called, übout the w arrant, the
property, and the life is worthy of emanating from ’he land of
its author; it’s not a Southern product, but 16 a protected ar.
tide.
The that Georgia, in the exercise of liar Sover
eign power bin acted etfictly defensive ; and defensive of what
was exclusively her own, and has never extended it to those
things in which her co-Stutes had an equal interest with herself.
Miserable subterfuge : a tolerable excuse for any Submission
Tariff man.
1 deny the proposition of the Journal as true : It says Geor
gia never exercised her sovereign power where her co-States
had an equal interest. Ah to dollars and cents and acres of land
perhaps it is true; but the proposition does not assert that : it
goes to the exercise of the right—The amount of money or prop
erty involved, cannot alter the principle. I say that Georgia has
exercised her .Sovereign power in direct opposition to the will
of the Congress of tiie United tates, that she has set at nought
her Treaties, aid rendered null and void her acts of Congress by
open and avowed Nullification* That she has placed herself
heretofore in an hostile # uttitude to the Federal Government, to
support the exercise of her Sovereign Power in violation of
Treaties and acts of Congress, and by 60 doing triumpnantly
sustained her sovereignty against the encroachments of the Fed
eral Arm.
As Statesmen, as Patriots, na citizens of the United States,
have not the Representatives of each .State the same interest to
support the acta ofConpree*. It has already been said that as
to Dollars and cents it is not so. but the interest referred to ia a
political interest; for if not that, no two > tales have the same* in
terests. The case to which the Journal refers is our Indian
question: why differs this from the Tariff acts; both cases are,
or w ere intended to he governed by. acts of Congress. Did not
a treaty of the United States seek to depri eus of a large pecu
niary interest, besides jurisdiction ? What says South Caroli
na? that ths Tariff acts of Congress greatly affect the pecuniary
interest of her people and to an extent that she will not suffer.
VNliat said Georgia as to the whole Indian subject? Our rights
ure violated, our interests deeply affected, and we in the exer
cise of our Sovereignty will no longer submit, This l\\* Journal
admits she had the constitutional right to do; but where aco.
v tate equally free and independent through the exercise of her
Sovereign power, says that the United States by her acts are
making unlawful exactions upon the income of her citizens and
that in exercise of such power she will no longer submit to it, and
cites Georgia The Journal says Carolina 19 wrong; her case
is not like ours, and therefore she lias no right to interfere as
* e did and oppose the Fedoral Government. This ia leaving
the Journal to determine and pronounce judgment upen Carolina,
depriving her of the right to think and act for herself in her sov
ereign character ; because say vc, this side Savannah River
that.acn e of Land in the Cherokee Nation is a different conside
ration for a Nullification of an act of Congress, to that of bales
ofCotton. Now Messrs Editors of the Journal have you faith
in Troup’s doctrine? If so, lie said that whatever Carolina done
in the exercise of her Sovereign power, was a* to her, right.
You say that Corolina obeying the impulses ofa high Indepen
dence, hut u mistaken ardor (Mr. Prince vs. Carolina) have sought
to unite the south by improper means. Do you believe that if
C arolina had pursued the course which the Journal has for some
time, that w e should have heard of the present Bill of the Com
mittee of Ways and Means : 110 never- and if the Tariff is re
duced South Carolina will be entitled to the credit.
I say that ifthe question of 'brute force” comes to put down
South Carolina you will see one large Military Beal, that is from
Potomac to Mississippi. Where is the Southern man who
would draw his sword against Carolina -if there be such an one
let him go yut irom among us. I shall notice your paper again.
PIT\AHI.
FOR SALE.
npHK Subscriber, from recent misfortunes, is desirous of
-*■ abandoning his business in this place, and offers for
sale the large three story building on Walnut Street, at pre
sent occupied by him 39 a Tavern. The situation is eligible,
the house as large and roomy as any in the up country, and
the internal arrangements every way adapted to comfort and
convenience. The extensive patronage bestowed upon this
House sit ce its establishment, to the present proprietor, no
doubt will be continued to any enterprising and industrious
individual who may succeed him. The house will be sold
alone, or together with the Furniture, (the latter, however,
would be preferred,) upon liberal and accommodating terms.
Persons who may be disposed to purchase, would do well to
call and view the establishment at an early day,
L. A. ERWIN.
N. B. All the Stages that come to Macon stop at this ts
tahiislimout.
Macon, Feb. 7.—s—ts
REMOVAL.
THE Subscriber has removed to the Store for
merly occupied by Manning & Lane, where he has
now on hand, and intends keeping 3 general assortment of
ready made (Nothing, together with every article necessary
for tne completion of Gentlemens apparel.
A. C. VAIL.
Milledgeville, Feb. I*2, 1833 5...tf
.H’ST RECEIVED
AT TIIT MILLLDGLVILLK C LOTI UNO STOKE,
S'N ADDITION to his former stock a fresh sup
. ply of ready made Clothing, of almost every description
suitable for the present season. The work is warranted, and
prices low ; also a few pieces of very superior cloths of vari
ous colors. A. C. VAIL.
February 42 6..tf
THE SUBSCRIBER having a very large as
sortment of fine Dress Coats now on hand, will sell
them at very reduced prices. A. C. VAIL.
Tcbrunry 13 ff. H
SILLEDOEmLR
STREET LOTTERY.
(Authorized by the General Assembly of the State of Geo).
Dam. Fortuu, stand, in merry mood
Pouring her favor, to the crowd—
Du ready, friend, bafor. they full—
Who knows but you may catch them all!
noxnr no>Ev i-lots of motet if
WHEN we consider that Fortune is daily dif
fusing wealth and happiness in all parts, and every
corner of this extensive country, through the medium of th.
LOTTERY SYSTEM ; that scarcely a week or a day
wheels hy us without bringing the Intelligence, that soma
one of our friends or fellow-citizens has drawn a prize; and
that it only requires an investment of the trivial sum of tea
dollars to give up a 0000 ihancr for a Prize of -20,000; —
Surely it is unnecessary to urge upon this liberal and enlight
ened people, the policy of stepping in the way to wealth and
the favor of tno propitious I>ame.
THE NEXT DRAWING
WILL TAKE PLACE ON THE
FIRST SATtRDAY IN .HAY NEXT,
Or sooner if the sal. of Tickets will authorize it—at which
time the following comfortable PRIZES will be FLOAT
ING in the Wheel, viz:
i oi *IO.OOO a of *eoo
1 of * 5.000 9 of * 500
1 of *I.OOO 1 of * 100
* of * 000 9 of * :tOO
1 of * WOO 1 of * 900
* of * TOO 91 of * 100
besides a great number of 50's and 90'. —thus it will b. per.
ceived, that there are now in th. wheel more than *95,000,
exclusive of th. prize, below *IOO.
Those, who wish to acquire fortune, for .mall sum., will
do well to make early investments, before th. gold.u moment
passes, and will be gone forever.
SCHEME.
l Prize or *20,000 is *20,000
3 Prize* of 10,000 is 30,000
4 do 5,000 is 20,000
0 do 1,000 is 9,000
5 do 900 is 4,500
5 do 800 is 4,000
S do 700 is 3,500
5 do 600 is 3,000
5 do 500 is 2,500
5 do 400 is 2,000
5 do 300 is 1,500
5 do 200 is ],OOO
35 do 100 is 3,500
50 do 50 is 2,500
050 do 20 is 13,000
5,000 do 1 i is 00,000
Lena than TWO blanks to u PRIZE.
All the Prizes to be floating from the commencement, ex
cept the following, deposited as follows, viz :
First Day’s Drawing.—2 Prizes of 5.000. lof 1,000, 1
of 900, 1 of 800, 1 us 700, 1 of 600, 1 of 500, 1 of 400, 1
of 300, 1 of 200.
Sscohb Day's Drawing.—l Prize of 10,000, lof 1,000,
lof 000. lof 800,1 of 700, lof 000, lof 500, lof 100, I of
300, 1 of 200.
Third Dat'r Drawing. —l Prize of 10,000, 1 of 1,000, 1
of 000. I of 800, 1 us 700, 1 of 600, l of 500, 1 of 400, I of
300, 1 of 200.
Fourth Dat’s Drawing. —l Prize of 10.000, 1 of 1,000
1 of 900, 1 of 800, 1 of 700, 1 of COO, I of 500, 1 of 400, 1 of
300, l of 200.
Fifth and i.ast Drawing.— l Prize of 20,000, 10l 1.000,
I of 900, 1 ol 800, I of 700, 1 of (UK>. I ofsoo, I of 400, I of
300, I of 200.
And on the commencement of the First, Second,Third and
Fourth Day’s Draw ing, the fir»t drau-n number shall he en
titled to a prize of * 1,000, and on the conclusion of the last
Day’s Draw ing, the first ami last drawn numbers shall be en
titled to a capital Prize of *s,oooeach, in addition to such
prizes as may be drawn to their numbers.
The whole Lottery to be completed in Five Day’s Draw
ing only t
PRIZE* ONLY TO HE DRAWN.
The whole of ths Prizes payable in sizty days after each
Day's Drawing—subject to a deduction of fufieciyier cent.
All prizes not applied for in twelve mouths from tocli draw
ing to be considered as a donation to the funds of th. Mit
red Seville Street Lottery.
'I he drawing to take place under the superintendence off
WM. W. CARNES,
SAM. BUFFING ION,
SAM. ROCKWELL,
WM. H. TORRANCE,
E. E. PARK,
Also, a Board of Visitors.
PRESENT PRICE OF TICKETS.
Wholes * 10—Halves * s—Quarters *2 50.
For sale in a great variety of numbers at the Commissioners
Office, on Wayne Street, opposite the Post-Office and State
Hank.
Cy" ORDERS for Tickets, from any part of the IE States,
(post paid,) will meet with prompt attention.
Address to PKYOK WRIGHT,
ticcrelary to Committionert.
Milledgevillc, Feb. 10, 1833. s—ts
j\. M’GEIIEE’S
LOTTERY AND EXCHANGE OFFICE.
MILLEDCEVILLE. GEO.
UNION CANAL LOTTERY of Pennsylva
nia, Class j. 4 for 1833. The official drawing will
be received at McGehec’s Office on the 3d of March.
06 3muber Lottery—lO Drawn Rallot*.-
1 Prize of 40.000 Dolls.
1 “ “ 15,000 Doll*.
I “ “ 5,000 is 5.000
1 “ “ 3,000 is 3,000
1 “ “ 1,390 is 1,390
lOOFIOOO 10,000
10 “ “ 500 is 5,000
10 “ *< 400 is 4,000 •
10 “ “ 300 is 3,000
20 “ “ 250 is 5,000
55 ’* “ 200 is 11,000
5C “ 10* is 5,00 ff
56 « « 80 is 4,480
112 « “ 70 is 7,840
229.6 - “ 40 is 91,*40
15,400 “ « 10 is 154,000
PRICE OF TICKETS.
Whole* only *lo—Halves 85—Quarters *9 50-
The above scheme offers more inducements for specula
tion, than No. 1052 in the GOLD LOTTERY.
IT* Or lers from any pert of th* Union, post paid, will me*t
with prompt attention/—Addess to
N. M’GEIIEE,
Milledgevill* Geo.
February IS
LAW NOTICE.
Thomas g. barron & david irwin
have entered into Copartnership, and will attend to
any business in their profession wiihin the Cherokee Cir
euit, whieh may he entrusted to them. All communications
will bs addressed to Sandfordville, Cass County. They
will practice under the firm of
BARRON & IRWIN. •
Jan-2G-45-2L
SKETCHES
OF the Land Districts in Cherokee county, Georgia, shew
ing the water enureet, public rnadt , and improved lute,
and quality of each lot, warranted to be correct, may be had
I hy inclosing fifty cents, (post paid) for any district, to
I THOMAS M. COOK,
Milled
February V
JOSEPH STOVALL,
JOHN H. WARE,
JAS. S. CALHOUN, fe
ROBT. M’COMB,
Commissioner*.