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to the .ltatites of their own conscience ; of every shade ol
opinion, end the most free inquiry ; of every art, trade,
and occupation, consistent with the laws of the States.—
And we rejoice in the general happiness, prosperity, and
advancement of our country, which have been the offspring
of freedom, and not of power.
This most admirable and wisest system oF well regulat
ed self government among men, ever devised by human
minds, has been tested by its successful operation for more
than half a century , and, if preserve.! from the usurpations
afthe federal government on the one hand, and the exer
cise by the States of powers not reserved to them on the
other, will, I fervently hope and believe, endure ibr a jet
t,. come, and dispense the blessings of civil and religious
liberty to distant generations. To efl'ect objects so dear to
every patriot, I shall devote myself with anxious solici
tude. It will hejny desire to guard against that most fruit
ful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system,
which consist* in substituting the mere discretion and ca- |
price of the executive, or of majorities in the legislative de- j
parunent of the government, for powers which have been !
JuraUheld from the federal Government by the Constitution.
Ay the theory of our Government, majorities rule ; but this
r ghl is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. It is a right to be j
exercised in subordination to the Constitution, and in con
formity to it. One great object of the Constitution was to
restrain majorities from oppressing minorities, or encroach*
io- upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to ap
peal to'the Constitution, as a shield against such oppression. 1
That the blessings of liberty which our Constitution se
cures may £>e enjoyed alike by minorities and majorities,
the executive has been wisely invested with a qualified ve
to upon the acts of the legislature. It is a negative power,
iml is conservative in its character. It arrests for the time
hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legislation; invite#
reconsideration, and transfers questions at issue between
the legislative and executive departments to the tribunal of
the people. Like all other powers, it is subject to be abu
sed. When judiciously aud properly exercised, the Con
stitution itself may be saved from infraction, and the rights
of all preserved and protected.
The inestimable value of our Federal Union is felt and
acknowledged by all. By this system of united and con
federated States, our people are permitted, collectively
mid individually, to seek their own happiness in their own
way ; and the consequences have been most auspicious.—
bince the Union was formed, the number of the States has
increased from thirteen to twenty-eight; two of these have
taken their position as members of the confederacy within
the last week. Our population has increased from three to
twenty millions. New communities and States are seeking
protection under its tegis, and multitudes from the Old
World are flocking to our shores to participate in its bless
ings. Beneath iu benign sway, peace and prosperity pre
vail. Freed from the burdens and miseries of war, our
trade and intercomse have extended throughout the world.
Mind, no longer tasked in divising means to accomplish or
resist schemes of ambition, usurpation or conquest, is de
voting itself to man’s true interests, in developing his fa
culties aud powers, and the capacity of nature to minister
to his enjoyments. Genius is free to announce its inven
tions and discoveries ; and the band is free to accomplish
whatever the head conceives, not incompatible with the i
rights of a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or rank
have been abolished. All citizens, whether native ora
ff.pttd, are placed upon terms of precise equality. All are
entitled to equal rights and equal protection. No union ex •
t-ts between church and State; and perfect freedom of o'
pinion is guarantied to all sects and creeds. I
These are some of the blessings secured to our happy
land by our federal Union. To perpetuate them itisoursa-<
cred duty to preserve it. Who shall assign limits to the 1
ac hievements of free minds and free hands, under the pro
taction of this glorious Union ? No treason to mankind
since the organization of society, would be equal in atroci
ty to that of him who would lift his hand to destroy it. He !
would overthrow the noblest structure of human wisdom, |
which protects himself and his fellow-man. lie would ,
slop the progress of free government, anu involve liiscoun- !
fry cither in anarchy or despotism. He would extinguish ,
the lire of liberty which warms and animates the hearts of}
happy millions, and invites all the nations of the earth to /
imitate our example. If he sajf that error ami wrong are
committed in the administration of the government let him .
remember that nothing human can be perfect ; aud that un
der no other system of government revealed by Heaven, or
devised by man, has reason been allowed so free and broad
a scope to combat error. Has the sword of despots prov
ed to be a safer or surer instrument of reform in govern
ment, thau enlightened reason ? I>oea he expect to find
among the ruins of this Uniou a happier abode for oqr
swarming millions than they now have under it? Kvery
lo er of his country tnustshud ier at the thought of the pos
sib.Uty of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt the
patriotic sentiment, federal Union—it mu rbe pre
served.” To preserve it, the compromises which alone
enabled our fathers to form a common constitution for the .
government and protection of so many States and distinct
communities, of such diversified habits, interests, and do
mestic institutions, must be sacredly and religiously ob
served. Auy attempt to disturb or destroy these compro- i
raises, being terms of the compact of Union, can lead to
t.one other than the most ruinous and disastrous consequent
.
It is a source <>f deep regret that, iti some sections of our
country misguided persons have occasionally indulged iu
t'fceai‘3 and agitations, whose object is the destruction of
domestic institutions existing in other sections—institutions
which existed at the adoption of the constitution, and were
recognised and protected by it. All must see that if it were
possible lor them to be successful in attaining their object,
the dissolution of the Union, and the consequent destruc
lion of our happy form of government, must speedily follow.
I am happy »«» believe that at every period of our exis
tence as a nation, there lus existed, and continues to ex
ist, am mg the great mass of our people, a devotion to the
Union, of the States, which will shield and protect it against
! ie moral treason of auy who would seriously contemplate
is destruction. T*» secure a continuance of that devotion.
1 »e compromises of the constitution must not only he pre
serve 1. but sectional jealousies aud heartburnings must be
discountenanced i ami all should remember that they are
members of the same political family, having a common
destiny. To increase the attachment of our people to the
Union’ our laws should be just. Any policy which shall
tend to favor monopolies, or the peculiar interests of sec
tions or classes, must operate to the prejudice of the into
rests of their fellow citizens, and should be avoided. If
the compromises of the constitution be preserved—if sec
tionnljealousies aud iieartbuinings be discountenanced—if
our laws be just, an l the government be practically admin
istered strictly within the limits of prescribed to
i'—we inny discard all apprehensions for the safety of the
y titan.
" With these views of the nature, char icier, and objects
of the government, and the value of the Union, I shall stea
dily oppose the creation of those institutions ami systems
which, iu ilieir nature, tend to pervert it from its legitimate
purposes, and make it Ihe instrument ol sections, classes,
and individuals. We need no national hanks, or other ex- 1
♦raneous institutions, planted around the government to
control or strengthen it in opposition to the will of its au-j
timrs. Experience has taught us liow unnecessary they (
are ns auxiliaries of the public authorities, how impotent j
for good, and how powerful for mischief.
Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal government;
aud I shall regard it to be my duty to recommend to Jon- i
f;ress, and, as far as the executive is concerned, to enforce j
*y all the means within my power, the strictest economy in
the expenditure of the public money, which may be com
patible with the public interests.
A national debt has become almost an institution of Eu- j
xopean monarchies. It is viewed in some of them as an es
sential prop to existing governments. Melancholy is the (
condition of that people whose government can be sustain- j
ed only by a system which periodically transfers large a
mounts from the labors of the many to the coffers of the .
few. Bucli a system is incompatible with the ends for
which our republican government was instituted. Under I
awi.se policy, the debts contracted in our revolution, and j
during the war of 1812, have been happily extinguished. By
s ju iicious application of the revenues not required for
other necessary purposes, it is not doubled that the debt
which has grown out of the circumstances of the last few
years may be speedily paid off.
I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire restoration
of the credit of the general government of the Union, ami
that of many of the Slates. Happy would it be for the in
debted Stales if they were freed from their liabilities, many
of which were incautiously contracted. Although the gov
ernment of the Union is neither in a legal nor a moral sense
b iund for the debts of the States, and it would be a viola
tion of our compact of Union to assume them, yet we can
not but feel a deep interest in seeing all the States meet
llieir public liabilities, and pav off their just debts, at the
earliest practicable period. That they will do so as soon
ns it can be done without imposing too heavy burdens on
their citizens, there is no reason to doubt. The sound,
moral, and honorable feeling of the people of the indebted
States, cannot be questioned ; and we are happy to perceive
a settled disposition on their part, as their ability returns,
after a season of unexampled pecuniary embarrassment, to
pay off all just demands, audio acquiesce in any reasona
ble me asures to accomplish that object.
One of the difficulties which we have had to encounter
in the practicle administration of the government, consists
in the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levy of the
taxes necessary for the support of government. In the
general proposition, that no more money shall be collected
than the necessities of an economical administration shall
r«qu»te, all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there
seem to be any material difference of opinion as to the ab
sence of right in the government to tax one section of coun
try. or one class of citizens, or one occupation, for the mere
profit of another. “Justice and sound policy forbid the
federal government to foster one branch of industry to the
detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one por
t on to the injury of another portion of our common country."
1 have heretofore declared to my fellow-citizens that, in
“ m .V judgment, it is the duty of the government to extend,
far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws,
and all other means within its power, fair and just protec
tion to all the great interests of the whole Union, embra
cing agriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, com- (
inerce, and navigation." 1 have also declared my opin i
ion to be “ru favour of a tariff for revenue," and that “in |
* 'justing the details of such a tariff, I have sanctioned
*uch moderate discriminating duties as would produce the
amount of revenue needed, and, at the same time, aliord
reasonable incidental protection to our home industry;’
and that I was “opposed to a tariff for protection merely
and not for revenue."
The power “to lay and collect duties, imposts and ex
cises," was an indispensable one to be conferred on the
federal government, which, without it, would possess no
means of providing for ita own support. In executing
this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support of
government, the raising of revenue should be th e object,
•nd # protection the incident. To reverse this principle,
and make protection the object, and revenue the incident,
w °uld be tu indict manifest injustice upon all other than
die protected interests. In levying duties for revenue, it
is doubtless proper to make such discriminations within
the revenue principle, as will afford incidental protection
to our home interests. Within the revenue limit, there
i* a discretion to discriminate; beyond that limit, the right
ful exercise cf the power is not conceded. The inch ten*
ta! protection afforded to our home interests -by dUcrimi
yaUo £MvilbLuJbe revtnuu range, it is believed will be ample.
In rriakifvg discriminations, ull our home interests should,
far as practicable, be equally protected. The largest
portion of oor people arc agriculturists. Others are em
j ployed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, und the
; mechanic arts. 1 hey are all engaged in their respective
pursuits, aid their joint labors constitute the national or
j “ om s industry. To tax oue branch of this hon e industry
lor the benefit of another would be unjust. No one of
I fuese interests can rightfully claim an advantage over the
<Hhers, or to be enriched by impovetishing the others.—
All are equally entitled to the fostering care and protec
| J lo *» of the government. In exercising a sound discretion
in levying discriminating duties within the limits prescrib
ed, care should be taken that it te done in a manner not
to benefit the wealthy few, at the expense of the toiling
millions, by taxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles
of superior quality and high price, which can only be con
sumed by the wealthy; an 1 highest the necessaries of life.
or • rl *cles of coarse quality and low price, which the poor
anu great mass of our people must costume. The bur
dens of government should, as far as practicable, be dis
tributed justly and equally among all classes of our popu
jation. These general views, loug entertained on this sub-
! ject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It is a subject,
• w .P° n which conflicting interests of sections and occuoa
j ,l< ns are supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual con
cession and compromise in adjusting its dftails should be
cherished by every part of our wide spread country as the
; only means of preserving harmony and a cheerful acquies
; canc ® of all iu the operation of our revenue laws. Our
patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily
submit to the payment of such taxes as shall be needed for
j l ‘ ie support of theHr government, whether in peace or iu
; war, it they are so levied as to distribute the burdens as
equally as possible among them.
I'he republic of Texas has made known her desire to
cotneinto our Union, to form a part of our confederacy,
i and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty, secured aud
j guarantied by our constitution. Texas was once a part
°f °Ur country—was unwisely ceded uw»y to a foreign
power—is now independent, and possesses an undoubted
•"iffht to dispose of a part or the whole of her territory,
und to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and indepen
l dent State, in ours. I congratulate my country that, by
an act of the late Congress of the United States, the as
sent of this government has been given to the reunion;
and it only remains for the two countries to agree upon
i the terms, to consummate ail object so important to both,
i I regard the question of annexation as belonging exclu
sively to the United .States and Texas. They are inde
pendent posers, competent to contr.it; and foreign na
tions have no rit/lil to interfere with them, or to take ex
ceptions to their reunion. Foreign powers do not seem
j to appreciate the true character of our government. Our
I Union is a confederation of independent Slates, whose
1 policy is pence with each other and all the world. To
enlarge its limits, is to extend the dominions of peace
over additional territories, and increasing millions. The
world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our
government. While the chief magistrate and the popu
lar branch of Congress are elected foi short terms by the
suffrages of those millions who must, in their own persons,
bear all the burdens and miseries of war, our government
cannot le otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers should,
therefore, look on the annexation of Texas to the United
States, nor as the conquest of a nation seeking to extend
her dominions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful
acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding another
member to our confederation with the consent of thut
member—thereby diminishing the chances of war, and
opening to them Hew and ever increasing markets for their
products.
To Texas, the reunion is important, because the strong
protecting arm of our government would be extended over
her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil und genial
climate would be speedily developed; while the safety .of
New Orleans and of bur whole southwestern frontier
agaiust hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the
whole Union, would be promoted by it.
In the earlier stages of our uatioual existence, the opin
ion prevailed with sumc, that our system of confederated
States could not operate, successfully oxer an extended
territory, and serious objections have, at diffeieat times,
been made to the enlargement of our bouuluri. b. These
objections were earnestly urged when wc acquired Loui
siana. Experience has shown that they were not well
founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to vast
tracts of country lias been extinguished. ISew States
have been admitted into the Union. New Teriitoriea have
b<*en created, ami our jurisdiction and laws extend over
them. As our population has expanded, the Union has
been cemented and strengthened. As our boundaries
hive hern enlarged, and our agricultural population has
been spread ovci a large surface, our federative system
has acquired additional strength aud security. It may
well be doubted whether it would not l»e in greater dan
ger ol overthrow, if our present population weie confined
to the comparatively narrow limits of the original thir
teen Slates, than it is,now that they are sparsely settled
over a mote expanded territory. It is confidently believ
ed that our system may he safely extended to the utmost
bounds of our territorial limits; and that, as it shall be
extended, the bonds of cur Union, so far from being weak
ened, will become stronger.
None can fail to see tne danger to our safety and future
peace, if Texas remains an independent State, or becomes
i an ally or dependency of some foreign nation more pow
j erfttl than herself. Is there oue among our citizens who
j would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas, to occa
| siona.l wars, which so often occur between homering Utile -
i pendent nations? Is there one who would not prefer
free intercourse with her, to high duties on nil our pro
'ducts and manufactures which enter her ports or cross
her frontiers? Is there one who would not prefer an un
restricted communication ’vith her citizens, to the frontier
obstructions which must occur if she remains out es the
Union? Whatever is good or evil in the local institutions
of Texas, will remain her own, whether annexed to the
j United tales or not. None of the present States w ill be j
j responsible for them,auy more thi. l they are for the local
I institution* of each other. They h;rre confederated to
gether for certain specified objects. Upon the same prin
! e.Jple that they would refuse to form n perpetual union
with Texas because of her local institutions, our fore
j lathers Would have been prevented from forming our pres
ent Union. !*• reciting no valid objection to the rneas-
I ere, ami many reasons for its adoption, vkally affecting
the peace, the safely, ftiunlte prosperity of both countries,
1 shall, on the broad principle which fanned the basis and
produced the adoption of our communion, and not innnv
narrow spirit of sectional policy* endeavor, by ulj, consti
tutional, honorable, and appropriate mentis, to consum
mate the expressed will of the people and government of
the United States, by tlie tcunttexarion of Texas to our
I' Union nr the earliest practicable period.
Nor will it ItfUM.ino in a less degree my duty to nesert
and maintain, by all constitutional mount l , the right of the
i United State* ih that portion of ottr territory which lies
j beyond the Rocky mountains. Our title to the country
I of the Oregon is “clear and unquestionable*" and already
I arc our people preparing to perfect that title by occupy
ing it with their wives and children. But eighty years
ago. our population was confined on the west by the ridge
of the Alleghrthies. Within that period—w ithin the life
f time, 1 might say, of some of my hearer#—our people, irt
| creasing to Tnattv millions, Imvc tilled the eastern valley
j of the Mississippi; adventurously ascend'd the Missouri
1 to it« head springs; and arealreadv ensreeed inestahli*h
i ing the blessings of self-government in the valleys, of
which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The wot Id beholds
the peaceful triumphs of the industry of oil' - emigrants.
To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately
wherever they m vbe upon our soil. The jurisdiction of
our laws, an I the benefits of our republican institutions,
should he extended over them in the distant regions which
thev have selected for thmr homes. The increasing fa
cilities of intercourse will ensilv bring the States, of
which the formation in that part of our territory cannot he
long delayed, within the sphere of bur federative Union.
In the mean time, every obligation imposed bv treaty or
conventional stipulations should be sncrcdlv respected.
In the management of our foreign relations, it will be
mv aim to observe a careful respect for the rights of other
nations, w hile nor ow n w ill he the subject of constant
watchfulness. Equal and exart justice should character
ize nil our intercourse with foreign countries. All alii
nn«*es having n tendency to jeopard the welfare nnd honor
j of eur country, or sacrifice any one of th ’ national inter
ests. will he avoided; nnd vet no opportunity
will be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with
foreign governments, hv which our navigation nnd com
merer mav bo extended, nnd the ample products of otir
: fettile soil, as will ns the manufactures of our skillful
nrtizans, find a ready market nnd remunerating prices in
foreign countries.
In taking “ care that the laws he faithfully executed," n
strict performant e ofdntv will he exacted fmm all public
officers. From those officers, especially, who are charg
ed with the collection and disbursement of.the public rev
enue, will prompt and rigid responsibility he inquired.
\nv culpable failure or delay on llieir part to account for
the moneys intrusted them, at the times and in the man
ner required bv law. will, in every instance, terminate the
official connection of such defaulting officer with the gov
ernment.
Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must
! almost of necessity he chosen by a party, and stand pledg
ed to its principles and measures, vet, in his official action,
he should not he the President of a part only, but of the
whole people of the United States. While he executes
the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper
responsibility, end faithfully carries out in the executive
department of die government the principles and policy
of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmind
ful that our fellow citizens who have differed with him in
opinion are entitled to the full nnd fro’ exercise of their
j opinions nnd judgments, nnd that the rights of all ate en
titled to respect nnd regard.
Confidently reiving upon the aid nnd assistance of the
co-ordinate departments of the government in conducting
our public affairs, I enter noon the discharge of the high
duties which have been assigned me bv the. people, again
humbly supplicating that Oivine Perng who has watcficd
over and protected our beloved country from its infancy
to the present hour, to continue ITis gracious benedic
tions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous
and happy people. _____
Forgiveness—A Turkish Parable.—\ traveller,
who spent some lime in Turkey, relaies a beauti
ful parable which was told him bv a dervis, and
which seems even more beautiful than Sterne s
celebrated figure of the accusing spirit and the
recording angel. Every man, (said he,) lias two
angels, one on his right shoulder and one on his
less. When lie does anything good, the angel on
his right shoulder writes it down and seals it; be
cause what is once well done is done for ever.
When he does evil, the angel upon his left shoulder
marks it down, hot does not seal it. He waits till
midnight. If before that lime the man bows down
his head and exclaims—“ Gracious Allah ! I have
s | nne d forgive methe angel ruhs that out; but
iT not. at midnight he seals it, and the angel upon
the right shoulder weeps.
Mr. Cai.hopn.—The follow which we find in
j the Norfolk Beacon, we (relieve to be entitled to
j credit“lt is raid that Mr. Calhoun was offered
[ the mission to England, but that he declined it.
THE REPUBLIC.
SASH EL M. Editor.
MACON, MARCH if, IST.. “
TIIE CONSUMMATION.
At length the clouds are dispelled—the
‘lost pleiad’ restored—and bright beams
the sun of Republicanism as ou the aupi
cious morn when on the plains of York
lown the proud and dominant Cross of
St. George, prone before the American
Eagle, recognized the might and triumph
of freemen contending for the establish
ment of a free , sovereign, and independent
government. As then, so in the present in
stance, the few have proved victorious over
the many. Fadeless as the evergreen, be
the civic wreath around the brows of the
illustrious statesmen by whose virtuous
courage and abilities the national honor
has been vindicated the diplomacy of St.
James baffled, the ‘area of freedom’ ex
panded, and the greatness and glory of
the Republic exalted. On the bright list
of immortalized names, whose memo
ries are destined to receive the homage
of unborn millions, towering above the
rest in the moral strength and beauty
of patriotism stand John Tyler and
John C. Calhoun. Even with more truth
than the Roman, may the first of these ex
claim ‘ Exegi monumentum <ere perenniusP
Proscribed by one party and feared and
betrayed by the other, with unblanched
cheek and steady eye he moved right on j
to the consummation of his object. And
basing bis actions upon those eternal truths '
written in characters of adamant upon the 1
hearts of the virtuous and patriotic great —
he has almost alone and single-handed
placed the keystone upon the arch of out ■
national greatness —demonstrated the fix
edness of republican principles on the
American continent, and, by a fearful les
son taught the ‘giant mistress of the ocean’
that though the sceptre of her power may
be waved mistress over continental Eu
rope, that here in this land, strewn with
the hones of the heroic, watered by the
blood of revolutionary heroes, and peo
pled by a race baptised in the clear foun
tains of constitutional liberty, no prince
or power, or potentate on earth, shall cross
the bright path of our destiny, or prostrate
the virgin soil of these western shores to,
the embraces of a corrupt and domineer
ing despotism! Proudly erect, with that
mens consent- reed, the solace of the patriot
as well as the balm of the Christian, he
has withstood alike the blandishments of
power, the barbed and bitter arrows ol
sarcasm, the ruthless hostility of enraged
partisans, that worse than all political ad
vocacy, the qualified support of Democratic
leaders, and the temptations that ever be
set the man occupying the highest politi
cal station known to civilized government.
Power has passed from his hands unahas
ed, and he retires from his exalted position
into the calm circle of social and domestic
quiet. But gratitude for the great servi
ces rendered his country will not, cannot
pass froifl the hearts of the people.
Star after star will shoot up from the I
western horizon until our banner, already ,
sparkling with the brilliancy of twenty- i
eight stars, shall become yet more lustrous i
by die united blaze of our glorious con
stellation. And as each moves up to plant
itself upon the azure field of the American
banner, they will radiate the path of the
illustrious statesman whose wisdom Tind
moral courage dispersed the clouds that
so long shut out their light from the world, i
What shall we say of the part old Reg- ;
ulus hath borne in the great triumph?—
We speak of John C. Calhoun, tire iron
shaft of democracy, upon whose summit the
storms of parly malevolence and envy
have beat in vain. He to whom Texas is
so greatly indebted (or the happy adjust
ment of her re-union with the States, the
south for the security of its institutions,
and the whole.couritry lor the vindication
of our national honor, both in ISI2, when i
we t riumphed by arms over Old England, j
and in 1545, when with the courage of a i
patriot and the profound genius of the
statesman, lie again defeated her in the
field of diplomacy. In proportion as de- j
traction exudes its envenomed poison, and j
intrigues thicken around him, does he ap-1
pear in bolder relief, and towers in the
pride of unapproachable dignity and in- I
tellect above the impure elements that
rage in harmless violence around him.—
Faction cannot conjure up the storm strong
enough to harm him, nor envy and intrigue
pluck one leaf from the unfading laurel
that adorns his brow. Office cannot ele
vate, nor the incense of popular adoration
add one ‘cubic to his stature.’
He has lived to see oue, at least of his
great measures consummated—he has liv
ed to carry it over the unexampled oppo
sition of traitors at home, and the fierce
scowls of an armed and threatened alli
ance abroad; lie lias liveil indeed to see
in the language of his eloquent compatri
ot an ‘empire added to the Union, and a
Gibraltar to the South.’
He 100, it is said, retires to the serenity
of domestic life. But he takes with him
the applause of the American people, not
the empty articulations of praise bestow
ed by heartless sycophants or indiscreet
friends, but the genuine and deepfelt ad
miration that spontaneously springs from
the bosom of the people for inappreciable
services rendered by a pure and exalted
patrtot.
PARTIES, BALLS, WEDDINGS, &c.
The last two weeks has been a real
carnival, in our beautiful city of the hills.
On such an evening the beautiful Mi3s
on another a ball, on another a party, on
another the union of loving hearts, and
again the mazy dance and twinkling feet.
We were out at the party ol the hospita
ble Col. ————, when in one r°oro wc
saw five brides. “Behold the brid p g rt>om
| comcth” would have been rather inaptly
(applied. “Get out of the way old Dan
Tucker” would have been on the occasion
refered to rather more appropos as we
could’nt turn ’round in the room without
touching oue of the “cooing turtles.”
THE INFANT SISTERS.
These very interesting children ma
theii last appearance in this city this eve
ing, on which occasion they take a brnc f
The high satisfaction which their peril
mances have given render it only nec
sary to announce the fact, that they tak<_
their leave to night.
MURDER WILL OUT t
Col. Nutt of Vermont, the independent
and courageous democrat by w hose assis
tance, Col. Samuel T. Bailey was enabled,
to regain bis servant whom the Vermont
abolitionists had enticed from his posses
sion, has made their leader and the author,
of the appeal to the abolitionists retract his
libellous charges made against him. Col.
Nutt’s triumph over Hutchinson and his
abolition friends proves what a bold honest
and learless man und patriot can do in
defence of Southern rights even in the hot
bed of abolition.
A few such men would soon extinguish
those unholy fires that hum so fiercely up
on the altars of a wild, misled and reck
less fanaticism. The thanks of every
Southern patriot are due to Col. Nutt for
his noble conduct in that transaction, and
we feel assured that his “bearding the lion
in his den” will be generally applauded
by the whole body of the Northern Dem
ocracy and that enlightened portion of the
Northern Whigs that are not like the great
majority of that party at the North, steep
ed in the doubly distilled gall of abolition
ism. The following which we take from
the “Age” published in Woodstock, Ver
mont, gives a correct statement of the
aifiiir.
From (lie Woodstock (Vt.) A<n>.
COL. SAMUEL NUTT AND KID
NAPPING SLAVES.
The public will remember a horribly
j bloody story got up just before the Scp-
I ternber election about Col. Nutt, and S.
T. Bailey, Esq. of Geo., attempting to
regain possession of a run-away slave
belonging to the latter gentleman.
The awful affair was announced in the
Vermont Freeman, the State Abolition
paper, Aug. 26, after the following man
ner :
| Hold the Miscreant up, that freemen may
look uqton him !
J Ma. Editor:— We learn, from un
! doubted authority, that on Wednesday,
i ike 14th of August iust:, a female was in
open day caught, bound with bed cords,
! and thrown into a waggon, (as a sheep or
swine would be cast,) and started for the
land of slavery ! —and this 100 in the free
air, amid the free hills of Vermont, in the
town of Hartford, in Windsor county!!
It seems that an animal, dressed like a
; man, (though it would be libelling human
i ity to call him a man, because destitute
| of those qualifications which constitute a
man,) by the name of Bailey, from the
! slate of Georgia, carne into Vermont a few
weeks since on a visit to his relatives,
bringing with him this female, whom he
called his slave. She having been inform
ed that her pretended owner had no legal
claim to her by our laws, concluded for
the future to be her own owner. She
therefore left the place of her master’s
temporary residence and sought, a retreat
among some friends of suffering humanity
a few miles distance, until this SOUTH
ERN HYENA, her master, should re
turn to the ‘chivalrous’ land of robbery
and blood. But this specimen of the no
ble generosity of the slaveholder was not
thus to be balked. He procured a mis
erable being, by the name of Col. Samuel
Nutt of Hartford, a Justice of the Peace
for Windsor County, to turn catehpole
and fertet out the lurking place of the
slave. And having found her place of re
treat these two magnates, a Georgia Slave
holder and a Vermont Magistrate, procee
ded to bind their fellow being hand and
foot, iu open day, in the presence pf sev
eral females, threw her in a waggon, and
the slave holder drove off with his victim
—neither of whom have been since seen
in the vicir.it}', and ere this time, no doubt,
she has suffered the full measure of the
penalty which slaveholders always inflict
on those ‘chattels’ who presume to think
themselves human beings and entitled to
the rights of humanity.
Vermonters! what think ye of slavery
on your own Green Mountain soil? What
think ye of that Bailey, the slave holder?
What a noble President of the United
States he would be/ How he would be
careful to guard the rights of the most
humble individual of the community!
But, freemen of Vermont, that dastardly
Bailey is no worse than your Polk and
your Clay. Nay—not so bad. He stole
but one human being—They steal their
dozens. lie in this instance, committed
but one robbery, a conjoint robbery against
God and man—they rob God and man by
the scores. They trample ou human
right—blast human hopes—crush human
happiness by the wholesale ! God Al
mighty save our country from such rulers!
God Hhnighty either bring to repentance,
or spew out from his church on earth,
every such false professor as can betray
the son of man by voting for either the
one or the other! Christian ! where is
thy faith—in God or man ?
As for Samuel Nutt, the slaveholder’s
catehpole, his deeds will be recorded in
characters so tangible, that neither he,
nor his purse, nor his posterity, will for
get the slaveholder’s catehpole, Samuel
Nutt. Yours, See., AMICUS.
From this flaming text, the Granite
Freeman, an abolition paper printed at
Concord, N. H., preached as follows,
I Aug., 29.
Slavery in Vermont. —A slaveholder
| brought his female slave to Hartford, Vt.
recently, and she refused to return with
i him. She escaped from him but by the
• assistance of a Justice of the Peace, was
ab
so, u
same tex.
More of the
the last Green Mountain 4 i
muuication detailing the particulars .
case of kidnapping or slave-catching, in
Hartford, Vt., doubtless the same person
who was hurt ied through on the cars from
Nashua to Boston on the 16th. It appears
that one Bailey, from the state of Georgia,
went to Vermont a few weeks since on a
visit to his relatives, taking with him a
woman whom he called his slave. She,
having been informed that her pretended
owner had no legal claim to her on the
free soil of Vermont, sought a retreat
among some friends of humanity a few
miles distant. But the ‘chivalrous’ son of
Belial was not to be balked. He procurf
ed a dastardly catehpole by the name o-
Samuel Nutt, a Justice of the Peace, and
by their joint efforts the woman was fer
reted out, caught in open day, in presence
of several females—bound hand and foot
—thrown into a waggon, and by the slave
holder hurried off !
All this in Vermont—the land of Allen,
and Warner, and Harrington! in Ver
mont, whose laws have made it a penal
offence in any citizen or magistrate to as
sist in the execution of the infamous law
of Congress of 1793, for the rescue of fu
gitives from slavery ! Sons of the Green
Mountains! Let the‘deep damnation of
his taking off - ’ ring over your bone-strewed
battle-fields ! Let Bennington and Hub
bardton speak for the slumbering dead !
Let the bones of old Harrington rattle un
der the clods of Clarendon ! Let the
clank of the slave-shackle summon you
from every hill and valley! Vindicate
your violated charter-rights by voting for
liberty on the third of September!
Well, Col. Nutt and Mr. Bailey were
“taken up” tried and acquitted. The
trial was attended by Judge Hutchison
who, we understand was satisfied that the
charges in the Freeman were false.
Col. Nutt, shortly after addressed a
letter to the editor of the Freeman calling
on him for the name of the author of the
scurrilous and bombastic effusion of Au
gust 23d, signed “Amicus,” and inform
ing him that he must do one of two things,
back out or back up. Iu reply to which
pressing call, the Freeman’ of Oct. 25th
contained the following :
Mr. Editor :— You, and your readers
will doubtless recollect a communication
in the Freeman of Aug. 23, animadvert
ing upon what was then believed to be a
cruel case of the forcible abduction of a
slave from our state back into slavery.
That communication was penned the
same day on which that transaction was
related to me and substantially as I re
ceived it. My informant is an intelli
gent and pious minister of the gospel who
tarried in Hartford, (the scene of the
supposed transaction,) the night imme
diately following it. He related the facts
in presence of five or six persons, includ
ing myself, and gave the names of citizens
of Hartford, (some of whom 1 knew to be
men of undoubted integrity,) as his au
thority. On the strength of such author
ity I furnished you that communication,
reciting the history as it was related to
me, and which I myself believed to be
the true statement of facts, as did also
my informant, for he remarked at the
time, that there could be no doubt of the
fact, coming from such reputable author-
“y-
But, Mr. Editor, I rejoice, for the hon
or of our State as well as for the credit of
the persons supposed to he implicated,
that the most revolting portion cf the
transaction as related in the communica
tion referred to, proves upon judicial ex
amination, unsupported by evidence. I
now learn that Messrs. Bailey and Nutt
were arrested immediately after the sup
posed offence was committed, but were
discharged on the ground that no force
was resorted to reclaim the slave; hut
that she voluntarily surrendered herself
to the service of her master. It is only
within the last three days that I became
acquainted with these latter facts, and I
avail myself of the earliest opportunity to
retract all the statements and remarks
thereon in that former communication
which are inconsistent with the facts as
herein represented. This Ido cheerfully,
not only as an act of justice, in this part i
cular instance, to the gentleman supposed !
to have been connected in the affair, as;
represented, hut because also it accords i
with a plain rule of duly by which 1 have j
ever been, and hope ever to be actuated
—never knowingly to he instrumental in
either circulating, or, when I could pre
vent it, of keeping in circulation, a false
report, injurious to the character of anoth
er. Respectfully Yours,
O. HUTCHINSON.
Chester, Oct. 19, 1844.
It will thus be seen, that so far as Col.
Nutt was concerned, the bloody tragedy
turns out to be a cutaneous eruption of the
brain of some over zealous friend of the
‘down-trodden slave.’ We have no ob
jection to people manifesting what they
may consider laudable zeal for ‘the slave,’
but when their zeal gets so far ahead of
the truth as it did in this case, and is man
ifested in unjust aspersions upon the re
putation of our worthiest citizens, it is
time for sober-minded people to pause,
and for the public press to see that justice
is done. Truth.
First appearance in Macox, this Evening,
AT THE FLOYD IIOUBE SALOON.
To commence at 7 o'clock.
INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS,
By Mr. S. T.itlir, late of the Sparta Female
College.
CO" For particulars see bills of the day.
March 12 1845. ’ 22 It
This Evening, March 12,
FOR LITTLE EMSIA AND ELIZA’S
BENEFIT,
AND THEIR LAST APPEARANCE.
THE Children, only 4 and 6 years old,
will appear in their most diverting characters
and pleasing songs, and on this occasion Will dance
the Irue POLKet, they being its importers into this
country. Mr. Horne lias kindly granted the free
use of ti e Saloon for (his occasion and Mr. FElt-
GUSON liberally volunteered his services. He
will appear clad in true Scottish uniform, and play
upon ihe Scotch and Irish Bagpipes.
OO* For particulars see Bills.
Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 It
Law Notice.
A. P. POWERS & L. N. WHITTLE,
Have associated themselves in the practice of
the Law, and will give prompt attention tosuch bu
siness as may he intrusted to theif care.
—They will attend the following courts:—
Bibb, Crawford, Monroe, J \rigfs, Jones, fViikin
son, Houston, Pulaski, Henry, and Pike.
Office over E. B. Weed’s store, second door from
Wm. B. Johnston.
Macon, Marcli 12, 1845. 22 Sra
f/g e, mjymj. cnjSßiArk
THE subscribers, Agents lor iheProteetive In
surance Company of Hartford, will insure
Dwelling Houses and other Buildings, Furniture,
Merchandise and Produce, against loss by fire.
They will also lake Inland and Sea Risks, on the
most favorable terms.
CHARLES DAY fc CO.
Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 2t
J Fire Insurance.
THE NEW YORK EQUITABLE insu
rance COMPANY continue to take risks
on buildings, furniture, cotton, and merchandize,
on the most favorable terms.
ISAAC HOLMES, Agent.
Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 St
<jJIGHT CHECKS ON NEW YORK,
Do. do. “ Charleston,
For sale hy C. DAY & CO.
March 12, 1845. 22 21
JUST RECEIVED,
A LARGE and splendid assortment of SPRINO
and SUMMER GOODS, at a very low price
for Cash only. For sale at the Store next door
to Graves, Wood St Cos., and formerly occupied by
Messrs. Kay 8t McNeil. Bv
A. BETTMAN & BRO.
Macon, March 12, 1845. 22 ts
WA N TE IL
FOUR NEGRO MEN, for whom liberal wa
ges Will be paid by
ISAAC HOLMES.
March 12, 1845. 22 ts
Messenger copy.
JVew Family Grocery.
AA. A. KOB HUTSON,
HAS just received and offers at tVioU
sale and Relail, on reasonable terras, the
following complete assortment of FAMILY GRO
CERIES. Everything is of the very best quality.
Country merchants, planters and families in the
city can now supply themselves with every thing
they want, and will do well to call and examiaa
for themselves.
CO" F.ntrance opposite Scott, Carhart & Co's.,
and next door to Geo. M. Logan’s.
Pickled Beef, Black Tea,
Smoked do. Cloves,
Pickled Pork, Nutmegs,
Do. Tongues, Spices of all kinds,
Smoked do. Qyanne Peppier,
Codfish, Beans,
Fresh Salmon, Canal Flower,
Sardines, ltice do.
Mackerel No. I, Rice,
Do. “ 2, Tobacco,
Scaled Herrings, Segars,
Butter, Snuff,
English Cheese, Brooms,
Lard, Blacking,
Butter Crackers, Carb. Sods,
Soda Biscuit, Sal jEratus,
Pilot Bread, Lemon Syrup,
Pic Nic Crackers, Copperas,
Adamantine Candles, Glue,
Spertn do. Isinglass,
Col’d Wax do. Indigo,
Family Soap, Madder,
Toilet do. Mace,
Castile do. Matches,
Capers, Mackaroni,
Olives, Vermacifla,
Olive Oil, Rose Water,
Pickles, Cologne do.
Catsups, Rotten Stone,
Mustard, Barth Bricks,
Preserved Ginger, Starch,
Dried Figs, Washing Soda,
Currants, Pipes,
Raisins, Powder and Shot,
Prunes, Saltpetre,
Almonds, Epsom Salts,
Hazlenuis, Seidiitz Powders,
PtcanNuis, Soda do.
1 English Walnuts, Turpentine,
Cocoa, Table Salt,
Chocolate, Champaigne Wine,
Java Coffee, Claret, dm
African do. Madeira do.
Rio do. Port do.
Crushed Sugar, Malaga, do.
Pulverized do. London Porter,
Loaf do. Fine Brandy,
Brown do. Do. Gin,
N. Lard Lamps,
Sugar House Treacle, Solar do.
Hyson Tea, Sup. Sperm Oil,
Imperial do. Do. Lerd Oil, Ite.
Together with a large lot of
CROCKERY.
Maoon, March sth, 1845. tl ts