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7
KKSIDENT CALVIN COOL
® K/ I DOE recently dedicated
anew national shrine —a
,/aT \ repository whlcli has been
set up in (lie Library of
L(W At Congress for tlie snfe-
J' guarding of the Declurn-
AVT Ja lion of Independence and
I the Constitution of the
Jj United States. The man
fitted tlie occasion. l*rob
ably no one present had a clearer un
derstanding or a more intelligent ap
preciation of these documents.
For President Coolldge Ims been a
student of tlie history and institutions
of his country since ids youth. In
tills connection much interest attaches
to an essay written by him at the
nge of twenty-three, when lie was a
senior at Amherst. The Sons of the
American Revolution offered a $l5O
medal for the host essay by a senior
in an American college on tlie causes
of the American Revolution. The
judges awarded tlie medal to Calvin
Coolldge on his essay, “Tlie Principles
Fought For In tlie American Revolu
tion.” Tills essay is good reading for
a good American, especially on u na
tional holiday like independence Day.
Here is the issnyist’s opening para
graph .
When history looks beyond the Im
mediate cause of the American Revolu
tion for the justifying principles, it is
very soon brought buck to the spirit of
English liberty. It is tlie same genius
for freedom that has led the race from
the primeval forests >f Germany to the
Thirteenth Amendment of the Consti
tution.
Tlie r.say Ist then points out how
tills spirit of liberty camt* to the sur
face on great occasions like the ex
tortion of tlie front charter of human
rights from King John In the Thir
teenth century and tlie confirmation
of Magna Charta by Edward I. He
states that Englishmen drove out one
king, rebelled against two and execut
ed three and says:
Precedents, then, arc by no means
wanting ..tnong Englishmen for the
successful resistance of arbitrary des
potism whenever It encroached upon
their liberties.
Sketching the characteristic** of the
Puritans of Massachusetts, he snvs of
them ‘Of all the races they wore the
most tenacious of their rights and the
most J.'alone of their liberties." Then
he says.
The American Revolution was not.
then any struggle for emancipation
from slavery; ami the colonists were
free men Nor was It at first so much
for training new liberties as for pre
serving the old.
N.ir inn It is is fton thought, be
called n war between different ns
tion> Roth sides wrrt Englishmen
who glorified In tlit name of England.
William *nd Mary had, moreover, given
the -oiontsts a full share of the rights
of Rritish subjects . . The real
object of resistance was to gain se
curity from parliamentary encroach
ments. . . . The colonists were con
tending tot the principle of , repre
sentative government of chartered
rights and constitutional libert.es.
The) were defend, ug theuiseltes
Prize Essayly Calvin
Coolidge. when
Senior in Amherst
against the military despotism of
George 111 anrl struggling to change
the foundation of government from
force to equality.
The essayist next points out that
the condition of England at tlie close
of tlie French and Indian war in 1703
forced anew colonial policy looking
toward the raising of revenue in Amer
ica. Tlie Colonists, on tlie other hand,
instead of wanting now taxes and new
restrictions upon their commerce,
"‘ere already breaking away from tlie
old restrictions by their systematic
evasion of the navigation acts, which
were commercial regulations and not
for revenue. Grenville, ignoring these
tendencies, proposed to enforce tlie
trade laws, to* quarter soldiers in the
colonies and to raise a tax upon the
authority of tlie English parliament.
This tax meant the disfranchisement
of 3,000,000 British subjects and tlie
surrender of all those rights laid down
in the Magna Charta.
Tlie essayist next tells about the
Stamp act and the protest that forced
its repeal; the Dependency act. which
declared that tlie repeal did not in
clude tlie principle involved, and the
Townsend revenue act, laying duties
on imports. Finally all tlie revenue
taxes were repealed, except the one
on tea. During the four years that
followed, 1770 to 1774, there were sev
eral acts of violence on the part of
tlie Colonists in resistance, Including
the Boston Massacre, tlie burning of
the Gaspee and tlie Boston Tea Party.
Says the essayist:
Again Great Britain had recourse to
acts of coercion. First, it closed the
I*ort of Boston, thus destroying the
property of thousands.
Second —It declared void certain
parts of the charter of Massachusetts,
following a policy begun In New York
in 1767. and so it virtually attempted
to annihilate the protection of char
tered rights and chartered liberties al
ways so dear to Englishmen. Free gov
ernment was destroyed, too, in an
other way.
Judges, courts, sheriffs were made
almost the puppets of the king. They
were placed in his direct pay and made
subject to his pleasure. Town meet
ings were forbidden, nnd thus the old
familiar forms of self-government
were entirely swept away The gov
ernor was made as absolute as a des
pot. and the form of government thus
thrust upon Massachusetts was des
potism such as Englishmen would not
have endured, even in the days of Hen
ry VIII.
Third —The British government sent
nearly ~11 criminals to England for trial.
Fourth —Soldiers were quartered
upon the inhabitants, so that a mili
tary government was set up in the
colonics.
Fifth —Parliament passed the so
called Quebec act to separate the
French from any bond of sympathy
with the colonies.
The governor stood over them like
a viceroy. In liis command was the
army. If f soldier should murder a
citizen he was sent to England for
trial. If a citizen should become -
criminal he. too. might be sent across
the sea. In order that in both cases the
government might have all the advan
tage It was a military despotism.
Then were no popular meetings, no
criminal courts, no habeas corpus, no
freedom >f the press. The question
w - no longer >r.e of taxes; that was
a mere figment uow.
THE DANIELSVILLE MONITOR, DANIELSVILLE, GEORGIA.
ain—and they were so
by their charters and by the action of
William and Wary—that state had the
right to demand not only their prop
erty, but their service in the army and,
in the last extremity, their lives. It
cannot be, then, that the American
Revolution was fought that colonists
might escape paying taxes. The great
struggle that they passed through must
make such a duty seem insignificant.
The real principle was not one of the
right of the state or the duty of the
citizens, it was a question of govern
ment, a question of form and method.
It is this that is meant above, in the
statement that the struggle was not
between nations or for new principles.
It was not so much a revolution, a
propagation of new idea.s, as the main
tenance of the old forms of representa
tive government, of chartered rights
and constitutional liberty. England
had fought for this in 1688 and im
agined it was secured. But it was only
so in name.
George 111 was by nature a despot;
at heart he was another Stuart. He
had the parliament almost completely
under ills control in its legislation
upon English questions, but in regard
to the king’s colonies his will was su
preme.
He forced a policy of government
upon America that he could not and
dared not force upon England, though
his disposition was strong enough.
Were the descendants of Cromwell's
Puritans going back to submit to a
Stuart regime?
That is what is meant when we hear
that America fought at once the battle
of freedom in the colonies ar.d In Eng
land. That is what England’s great
statesman meant when he declared on
the floor of parliament that he rejoiced
in the resistance of the colonists. The
earl of Chatham knew that the govern
ment of George 111. in whose ears was
ringing the admonition of his mother
“to be king’ was undermining the con
stitution of Great Britain and bringing
the state back to the forms of mon
archy that had existed in the 'imes of
the Stuarts and the Tudors
But if the leading principle was the
preservation of English constitutional
government from the encroachments
of king and parliament, says tlie essay
ist, there is another principle is far
reaching as the development of the
state in government. Sovereignty is
always finally vested in the people.
And lie goes on;
If the king could have accommodated
himself to the exis ng state of affairs
for America as he managed to do for
"England, there would have been the
limited constitutional monarchy that
Great Britain finally reached in 1532.
But this was Impossible, and so the
colonies were driven to assert by war
what the commons of England partly
gained by legislation sixty years later.
There was further gained in tlie
Enited States a recognition that qual
ity. not quantity, is the basis of the
peerage of man and accordingly all
men were declared free and equal.
Still, there is another factor that
must have eventually led to separation.
The great land of America had a part
to play in the history of the world
that could best be performed by mak
ing it an independent nation.
England's great work was to plant
colonies. America could not aid in that
work It was her place to found a
great nation on this side of the At
l lantic and bring out the conception of
free government.
And when this wns done, concludes
the essayist, then America stretched
| out her hand over the sea to aid the
oppressed of Europe, to furnish them
! a place of refuge, nnd as soon is they
I could assume the duties, make them
citizens, not alone of our United
States, hilt of the world.
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Though the injustice
of taxation without
representation made a
good war cry, it Is, in
the last analysis, a dan
gerous principle, says
the essayist. But it is
easy to grasp, and the
common people no
doubt fought the war
largely on that issue.
The fact is, it is a duty
to the state to pay
taxes, and it is equally
a duty to vote. It does
not follow that because
the state requires one
duty it shall require the
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second. And he con
tinues :
But there Is another
side where the require
ment of the state runs
over into tyranny. Only
on this ground can re
__ sistance to taxation be
feS} ■’UKtiiied. So long as the
colonies were a part of
the state of Great Brit-
Bungalow With Colonial Touch
Gaining Widespread Popularity
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By WILLIAM A. RADFORD
Mr. William A. Radford will answer
igiestions and give advice FREE OF
COST on all subjects pertaining to the
subject of building, for the readers of
this paper. On account of his wide
experience as Editor, Author and
Manufacturer, he is, without doubt,
the highest authority on all these sub
jects. Address all inquiries to William
A. Radfbrd, No. 1827 Prairie avenue,
Chicago, 111., and only Inclose two-cent
stamp for reply.
The colonial touch in the building of
bungalows Is gaining widespread pop
ularity. This is due in a large meas
ure to the combination of the dignity
of the home of the colonial type with
the convenience of having all of the
rooms on one floor.
Much of tlie charm of tills home is
in its quiet dignity and tlie careful at
tention paid to the simple lines of the
trim and the correct proportions. The
porch, with its simple pillars, forms
an attractive portal which is balanced
well by the wide window group in the
bedroom to the right. Even the brick
of the porch foundation and the fire
place, with their distinctive mortar
setting of white, seem to fit in tlie gen
eral scheme of this “little White
House” and contribute to its charm.
A rather unusual feature of the plan
is the reception hall at the side of
tlie house. This permits entering tlie
home and retiring without disturbing
the occupants of the living room. No
tice that provision Is made here for
a stairway at the attic floor, where
an additional bedroom might be in
stalled after tlie house is built.
The living room of tlie home is of an
adequate size nnd is properly propor
tioned and gives due consideration to
wall space for the arrangement of fur
niture.
The attractive oblong stiape of the
dining ropin Is one which seldom is
found in a room used for this pur
pose. It is particularly well adapted
to the oblong type of dining table
which is so popular jvlth housekeep
ers. The adjoining kitchen lias been
planned for the maximum of conveni
• v. ’• and attractiveness.
The bedroom group has a conven
• Vr.si arrangement with several fea
rn: which are of more than ordinary
>ote that th? bathroom, be-
tween tlie two bedrooms, is insulated
from them by the closets. The sleep
ing porch is a feature which is unusual
in a home of tlio bungalow type.
The outside dimensions of the house
are 23Vsi by 38 feet, well fitted to the
lot of average size.
Faulty Building Often
Cause of Lack of Heat
Tlie human body has the most per
fect heating system that has ever been
devised.
This human heating system requires
a sufficient amount of air; the rigi
kind of fuel and proper attention.
The liumnu body requires a goon
covering or protection, or its heating
system may not be able to gi\e 1
best results. -■
With those who are always cold, t i
fault lies with either the wrong kind
of food (fuel), insuflieient amount o
air, or faulty circulation of blood
(heating system), or their bodies may
not be sufficiently well covered.
Those who have not sufficient P 1
tection or covering may not be su
ciently well covered.
Those who have not sufficient P
tection or covering can be likened to a
faultily constructed building.
They have not been sufficiently In
sulated to keep out the cold, and con
sequently the heating system, tie
heart, veins, lungs, etc., may ha*
work overtime to supply sufficiem •
So It is with n faultily constructe
building. Tile heatlDg plant, if - ,
working properly, will have '
forced constantly with every
continuously hot to supply
heat comfortably to warm the •
Under such circumstances, the •
can hardly lie with the heating / ,
An excess amount of fuel > ■' ■ “
to supply the overworked beating U ’
Constant care must be f- 1 e ’\ .
boiler, as well as high-grade •
plied, to procure adequate ri-
And under such conditions, t..•■ ■■
ing plant, which Is not at -
many times condemned.
So every builder should
fully consider the construct, a
building.