Newspaper Page Text
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ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, July ll, 1806.
The National Union Contention at Phila
delphia.
That Georgia will be represented in the Na
tional Union Convention at Philadelphia, admits
of no doubt now. We are satisfied that this is
the desire of an overwhelming majority of her
people, judging from what has been reported to
us of their maniiestations: from our own person
al knowledge and observation; and fiom the
tone of the press of the State. This being the
case, we trust that no opposition will be made to
the movement by any who at first objected to it,
for the reason only, that in this “call" for the
Convention, terms were used not agreeable to
Southern men, and which left an unpleasant im
pression ui>on their minds. The main objects,
however, of the Convention are of such momen
tous import to the South, as well as to the whole
American people, that this objection to Georgia’s
being represented in it “ must vanish as the mist
before the sun.” What are they?
To maintain the supremacy of the American
Constitution.
To assert the rights, dignity, and equality of
the States, including the right of representation
in Congress, and the right of each State to order
and control its domestic legislation, subject only
to the Constitution.
To affirm and maintain that denial to the
States of the right of representation, and the
prescription by Congress of conditions for its ex
ercise, are unjust, dangerous, and revolutionary.
To maintain that—war between the sections
being over, and peace prevailing—war measures
should cense, to the end that union, harmony,
and concord, may be established, commerce and
the peaceful arts revived and promoted, and the
Government strengthened in its credit and pow
er of defense.
These, with the avowed purpose animating all
who favor the assembling of the Convention, of
sustaining President Johnson’s plan of recon
structing the Union, being the main objects of the
Convention, we trust that the people of Georgia
will, as a unit, send delegates to it, and not divide
upon issues too insignificant when compared
with the objects to be accomplished. What we
waut above all things in this country, at this time,
says a cotemporary, “is a true, generous, wise,
magnanimous party, thoroughly possessed with
the great ideas of the present; who are bent
upon restoring the Union in spirit and in truth;
who ardently desire to take every guaranty for
universal liberty; who seek to maintain the Un
ion, not as a central despotism, but as a benefi
cent and paternal government; who, rising above
prejudice and passion, desire to treat the people
of the South with every liberality consistent with
the public safety ; who believe that the true in
terests of both races at the South are to be best
advanced by inculcating harmony between them;
who believe that in the interests of republican
ism it is wise to escape as soon as possible from
our present anomalous political condition; who
believe that the momentous material interests of
the country will be infinitely advanced by the
perfect restoration of peace, and who propose to
lay the foundations of our political system in
concord aud fraternity, believing that the gov
ernment rests upon eternal granite when it is
firmly fixed in the hearts of the people.”
To accomplish these great purposes the Con
vention is culled; to aid in their accomplishment,
Georgia is invoked. As before observed, we be
lieve she has determined to respond, and so be
lieving wc take the liberty of making the follow
ing suggestions to, and of respectfully asking
their consideration by the press of the State:
First, That each Congressional District shall,
at as early a day as practicable, hold a conven
tion which shall nominate two delegatee to said
National Convention.
Secorul, That the delegates so nominated, shall
soon thereafter, at the call of the delegates from
the First Congressional District, meet at some
central point in the State, and nominate the four
delegates for the State at large.
It has been suggested by one of our Macon
cotemporaries, that the Governor be requested
to nominate the delegates. Wc were pleased at
the suggestion, but we are satisfied that the Gov
ernor will not assume this responsibility. The
people must, in their primary assemblies, set the
“ball in motion,” and through their district con
ventions, make the nominations. If any better
plan can bo suggested, we will cheerfully con
form to it.
What says the press of our State?
j does from that of our Augusta cotemporaiy, we
commend to its consideration, and that of the
press generally of the State. We allege no ob
jection to the gentlemen it names as delegates lor
'the State at large to the proposed Convention;
but is it not probable that the Convention, when
it assembles in Philadelphia, will require some
thing more, in the way of credentials, than a
nomination by the Press of any State of the four
delegates at large, to entitle them to a seat in
that Convention ? The Press may assume too
much when it goes so far, and it may overlook,
in so nominating delegates, that the Convention,
or its “Committee on Credentials,” may be forced
to adopt rules which might place the four dele
gates from Georgia in an embarrassing position.
The district Conventions, by empowering their
delegates to nominate the four delegates for the
State at large, would obviate any difficulty, and
we, therefore, still incline to favor that manner
ot nomination.
Tlie Georgia Preuon (lie National Union
Convention.
The Augusta Constitutionalist, of tbe 6th inst.,
contains the following article, headed “ That
Convention.” We cheerfully publish it, having
been misled as to tbe position of that excellent
journal by the manner in which the "selected”
article appeared in its columns, and having ex
pressed our gratification at what we, thus misled,
supposed to be a yielding on its part to the poli
cy of Georgia being represented in the proposed
Convention at Philadelphia. We regret that our
Augusta cotemporary still adheres to its original
position :
“ That Convention.—In the issue of this pa
per of Weduesdav morning last, the fourth, there
appeared a selected article, pi eced by some re
marks, likewise selected, which, from their ap
pearing in the typographical garb bestowed up
on editorial matter, may have convoyed the im
pression that this paper endorsed the late call for
a National Union Convention. Such is not the
case, and the selections referred to would not
have seen repnblication had it not been for cir
cumstances temporarily depriving our political
columns of that customary supervision exercised
over them by the editor. To those desiring what
i fluonce this journal may exert in any effort of
a cognate nature to that proposed by this call, the
sentiment of this paper is now, as heretofore:
“ Give us the Federal Constitution pure and
simpfe—standing serene and beautiful in a majesty
t/iat never did anybody harm—s:.ffer us to substi
tute “law-abiding”/br "loyal” and tee are with
you. But not otherwise.”
Per Contra, the Augusta Chronicle & Senti
nel of the same date is out in the following call
for a district convention, to be held in the Fifth
Congressional District, on Saturday the 38th in
stant, for the purpose of nominating delegates to
the Philadelphia Convention. The call is worded
as follows:
District Convention—Fifth Congression
al District.—We suggest that a Convention,
to be composed ot as many delegates as each
county is entitled to in the Legislature, including
a Senator from eacli county, be held for this dis
trict in the city of Augusta, on Saturday the 28th
instant, to select delegates to represent this
district in the Philadelphia Convention. We
would like to hear the views of our country
friends upon this subject. What says the coun
try press to the proposition ?
The same journal, in the same issue, makes the
following suggestions:
We respectfully suggest to the people of Geor
gia the propriety of taking immediate action to
secure a full representation ot the State in the
Philadelphia Convention.
The time is too short to admit the calling of a
State Convention, but we have ample time to
hold conventions in each congressional district.
Let this be done at once. The press in each dis
trict can agree upon and announce the time and
place of the meeting, and the people in the dif
ferent counties can send their best men to repre
sent them. Two delegates from each district
are to be chosen, and four from the State ax large.
In regard to the latter, we think that our people
through the press of the State can indicate four
gentlemen who will give general satisfaction.—
We suggest the names of Hon. A. H. Stephens,
Hon. H. V. Johnson, Hon. B. H. Hill, and Hon.
A. H. Colquitt What say our brethren of the ]
press to the nomination of these gentlemen ?
We agree with the Chronicle <£ Sentinel that |
the time is too short to hold a State Convention, ,
and would add that the times are too hard, and
the condition of the crops too precarious for anj r
reasonable expectation to be entertained, that
such a Convention would be attended bat by a
small proportion of delegates from the several
counties of tbe State. In regard to the appoint
ment of delegates for the State at large, we made
A suggestion on yesterday, which, differing as i
Spirit of the New York PrCH.
The News of Tuesday, on the Kentucky elec
tion to be held on the first Monday in August,
says that the canvass is being carried on with
great energy on both sides, but that the Radicals
and Conservatives have exhibited, within the
last few days, symptoms of a lack of confidence,
by tbe repudiation of tbeir separate candidates
and the concentration of their strength upon a
third party.
In its article of the same date, on the Euro
pean war, the News alludes to the report that
Prince Gortschakoff had sent a circular to the
representatives of Prussia abroad, stating that on
the slightest violation of neutrality by France,
she would abandon her present neutral position,
and would, herself, take part in the struggle.
The News, referring to the intelligence that
about the 8th of July is named as the time when
the Great Eastern will depart from Valentia on
her errand of laying down the Atlantic. Cable,
says that in view of the great war in Germany,
the course of this important enterprise will be
watched more eagerly at the present time than
under other circumstances.
The World of Tuesday, in its leading article
on the European war, says that the advantages
already won by Prussia are of the greatest im
portance, an i that decisive battles cannot long
be delayed.
In its article on the “ Defeat of the English
Reform Bill,” the World refers to the fact of the
Ministry being supposed to have resigned as the
immediate consequence of the defeat, an im
portant communication being known to have
been made by them to the Queen, then at Bal
moral, 600 miles from London. Mr. Gladstone,
the prime minister, is regarded by his critics as
having blundered greatly in the management of
the measure, as the Parliament is only five or
six months old, aud the elections gave a clear
majority of seventy to the Ministry. The Times
says, that a week previous to the division, Min
isters felt confident ot a majority. The Times
suggests that the retirement of the Ministry, if
the Queen accepts their resignation, involves a
possible return of the Tory Party to power, and
with it important changes in the recent foreign
policy of England.
The Times, of Tuesday, contains articles on
“The Opening of the Grand Conflict in Europe,”
“New Life for Italy—The Compensations of
War,” “The West and the Tariff,” and a sketch
of tbe late Senator Lane, who committed suicide
at Leavenworth, whither he had gone under
leave of absence from the Senate on account of
ill health. The Times remarks that it was in
connection with the wild and heroic history of
the young State of Kansas that Lane figured con
spicuously. The Washington correspondent of
the same paper says that since leaving that city
certain developments had been made in the West
seriously impugning his private and official char
acter, and that these, added to his previous de
pressed physical condition, may have been the
principal cause for the act.
The World, in an article on the “ Sudden Tre
pidation among the Radicals ” produced by the
Conservative call for a National Convention,
says there are other indications that the Radicals
are not so strong as their defiant attitude towards
the President has made them appear to be.—
Their extreme haste in trjting to get the Consti
tutional amendment ratified by the Republican
Legislatures looks more like a desperate expedi
ent to produce unanimity than a proof of una
nimity already existing.
In an article headed “ Protection and Dis
union,” the World speaks of the protective tariff
as a mere instrument to enable New England
and Pennsylvania to practice legalized robbery
upon the purely agricultural States, and argues
that if protective tariffs are good political econo
my as between different countries, they must be
equally so as between the different States of the
Union. These are old truths; but while the ar
gument is with the opposition, the power is in the
hands ot the Radicals. The prediction of the
World, is, that when the South is readmitted to
Congress the joint influence of the South and
West will be sufficient to arrest and reverse the
protective policy. When this happens we can
see what the West will do.
The Washington correspondent ot the Express
says that the West aud Northwest must soon be
co-operating with the South to save itself from
the cupidity of New England and Pennsylvania.
Their agricultural and productive interests are
common, and when the Union is restored they
will again work together on business matters.
The. New York Express says of Jim Lane, of
Kansas, who, after a most checkered and violent
life, has lately died of his own hand, that of hi m
some good things may be said—some, however,
not so good. But as death closes his career, it
adopts the Latin maxim, so far as the “ nil”
goes, if not the nisi bonum. General Lane was
born in Indiana, and represented that State in
Congress from 1853 to 1855. Afterwards he em
igrated to Kansas, and there he figured so con
spicuously that his name is familiar to everybody.
A resolution was adopted in the House on
Monday, reciting certain outrages committed in
Georgia upon citizens of Maine, and calling up
on the President to inform the House whether
any further legislation is necessary to clothe him
with sufficient authority to protect all the loyal
citizens, of States recently in rebellion, in the
enjoyment of their constitutional rights.
The Express says that the dost; voting on the
tariff in the House on Saturday, 59 to 50 and 50
48, indicates that General Rosseau is to be dis
pensed with, like Yoorhees aud Brooks—while
Grinnell is to be kept in—as he votes the 200 and
300 per centums wanted.
Referring to the European war, the Express
says, that it is the infirmity of the crowned heads
of Europe, just now, to be afflicted with some
thing worse than the average “ wants ” of cov
etous man. Prussia wants Holstein, and to di
minish the Austrian influence in Germany. Aus
tria wants Holstein to be let alone, and Count
Bismark to mind his own business. Victor
Emanuel wants Venetia, and wants the Emper
or of Austria to take himself out ot Northern
Italy altogether. Louis Napoleon wants the
Rhine for a frontier, aud also wants to upset the
detested treaties of 1815. The Czar of Russia
has his little wants too. But he only wants a
slice of T urkey.
The New York University has conferred on
Mr. Erastus W. Smith the degree of Doctor in
Physical Science, as a recognition of his abilities
as an engineer. This is a new degree, says the
American Artisan, and Mr. Smith is the first to re
ceive it. The University has established it, to place
itself in connection with mechanical engineering,
one of the most important and growing interests
of the city aud country.
The World reproduces what it calls one of Dr.
Forney’s love letters to the President, dated Janu
ary 21st. 1865. The D. D. is very affectionate,
Addrfu of eke Dcmoenrj in Congress to
tke People or tke United States.
To the People of the UmTed States:
Dangers threaten the Constitution ! The cita
del of oar liberties is directly assailed! The fu
ture is chirk, unlessihe people will come to the
rescue. In this hour of peril, national union
should be the watchword of every true man. As
essential to national union we must maintain on-
impaired the rights, the dignity, and the equality
of the States, including tbe right of representa
tion in Congress, and the exclusive'right of each
State to control its own domestic'concerns, sub
ject only to the Constitution of the United States.
After an uniform construction of the Constitu
tion tor mote than half a century v xhe assump
tion of new and arbitrary, powers in the Federal
Government is subversive of our system, and de
structive of liberty.
A free interchange of opinion and kind feeling
between the citizens of all the States is necessaty
to tbe perpetuity of the Union. At present eleven
States are excluded from the national councils.
For seven long months the present Congress has
persistently denied any right of representation
to tbe people ot these States. Law's, affecting
their highest and dearest interests, have been
passed without their consent, and in disregard of
the fundamental principle of free government.
This denial of representation has been made to all
the members from a State, although the State, in
the language of the President, presents itself not
only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in
the persons of representatives whose loyalty-can
not be questioned under any existing constitution
al or legal test. The representatives of nearly one-
third of the States have not been consulted with,
reference to the great Questions of the day.—
There has been no nationality surrounding the
present Congress. There has been no intercourse
between the two sections, producing mutual con
fidence and respect In the language of the dis
tinguished Lieutenant General: “It is to be re
gretted that at this time there cannot be a greater
commingling between the citizens ot the two
sections, and particularly of those entrusted with
the law making power.” This state ot things
should be removed at once and forever. There
fore, to preserve tbe national Union, to vindicate
the sufficiency ot our admirable Constitution, to
guard the States from covert attempts to deprive
them of their true position in the Union, and to
bring together those who are unnaturally severed,
and for these great national purposes only, we
cordially approve the call for a National Union
Convention, to beheld at the city of Philadelphia,
on the second Tuesday (14th) of August next,
and indorse the principles therein set forth.
We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly urge
upon our fellow-citizens in each Stale, and Ter
ritory, and Congessional District in the United
States, in the interest of union and in the spirit
of harmony, and with direct reference to the
principles contained in said call, to act prompt
ly in the selection of wise, moderate and con
servative men to represent them in said con
vention, to the end that all the States shall at
once be restored to their practical relations to
the Union, the Constitution to be maintained,
and peace bless the whole country.
W. E. Niblack,
Anthony Thornton,
Michael C. Kerr,
G. S. Shanklin,
Garrett Davis,
H. Grider,
Thomas E. Noell,
Samuel J. Randall,
Lewis W. Ross,
Stephen Taber,
J. M. Humphrey,
John Hogan,
B. M. Boyer,
Tunis G. Bergen,
Charles Goodyear,
Charles H. Winfield.
A. H. Coffroth,
Lovell H. Rousseau,
Philip Johnson,
Charles A Eldridge,
John L. Dawson,
Reverdy Johnson,
Thomas A. Hendricks, B. C. Ritter,
Win. Wright,
James Guthrie,
J. A. McDor.gal,
Wm. Radford,
S. S. Marshall,
Myer Strouse,
Chas. Sitgreaves,
S. E. Ancona,
E. N. Hubbell,
Washington, July 4, 1866.
A. Harding,
A. J. Glossbrenner,
E. R. Y. Wright,
A. J. Rogers,
H. McCulloch,
F. C. LeBlond,
W. E. Finck,
L. S. Trimble.
EUROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, June 22,1866.
EditorAUanta Intelligencer : „ '
THE WAR 15 6BMAXT.
We are at last beginning to see clearly into the
imbroglio which oppresses Europe, and the de
nouement of which will no doubt be a dreadful'
butchery of Christians. .
HUMANITY OF THE PRUSSIANS.
The soldiers of Bismark, in opening the cam
paign, hate begun- 1Sy assuring the peoples" of
those countries which they have invaded that
they have come there as brdthera, and not as ene
mies. In less than K13 days the troops of King
William are masters qf Hanover, Hesse Electo-
ral, and Saxony.
The Hanoverian army, which has massed
in Gottingen in order to form a junction with
the Austrians, sees itself cut off from its ally by
the Prussians. All the German papers inform
us that the Prussians hive generally been well
received by the population. The soldiers of
Bismark, who now occupy Wetzler, menace
Frankfort, which is defended by the Federal
army, under the command of Alexander of Hesse.
The army, called that of the Elbe, commanded
by Prince Frederic Charles, which is now opera
ting in Saxony, consists of 38,000.
The army of Silesia, under the command of
the Prince Royal of Prussia, is much inferior.
THE AUSTRIANS
In Silesia, on the contrary, are massed in great
numbers, under the command of old Benedek,
to the amount of 280,000. We have not as yet
bad any battle of importance. We must, how
ever, mention
THE BATTLE OFBUNBSBURG,
On tbe frontier of Bohemia, where, it is said,
the Austrians had the advantage. Per contra x at
Freedberg, near Frankfort, 1 feYegiment of Hessians
were completely routed by the Prussians who
menaced Frankfort
We are daily expecting to hear of a great bat
tie, but to do justice to t&e Germans, we must
say that they do not seem in a hurry to come to
blows; but tbe unhappy Teutons already know
the wretchedness of war, as all communications
are interrupted, the rails taken up in several
Tke Tennessee Legislature.
This body, pursuant to Governor Brownlow 5 s
call, convened in Nashville on the 6th instant.
In the Senatorial branch twenty-one members
answered to the call of their names, whena resolu
tion was offered to appoint a committee to wait on
the Governor and inform him that “the Senate is
organized and ready to receive and consider any
communication from him.” On adopting this
resolution, the vote stood, 16 yeas, 5 nays, where
upon the committee was appointed to wait upon
the Governor, who responded soon in a message
to that body, which in its unmitigated radical
sentiments and recommendations is worthy only
of a—Brownlow.
The House branch had no quorum present, on
ly fifty-one members answering to the call of
their names. The following correspondence was
read:
July 5,1866.—Hon. William Heiskell, Speak
er of the House: I submit herewith a corres
pondence with Hon. M. E. W. Dunnaway, for
such action as the Honse may deem proper in its
efforts to procure a quorum.
W. G. Brownlow.
July 5,1866.—To Wm. G. Brownlow, Gov
ernor of the State of Tennessee—Sir: Being de
sirous of resigning my seat as a member of the
House of Representatives, from the county of
Bedford, in the absence of a quorum in that hon
orable body, I hereby tender you my resignation
of the same, to take'effect from the date hereof.
M. E. W. Dunnaway.
Executive Department, July 5,1866.—Hon.
M. E W. Dunnaway—Sir: As it is evidently the
design of your resignation to reduce the House
below a quorum, and to break up the Legislature,
the same-is not accepted. W. G. Brownlow.
No action was taken on this correspondence.
Tke Penitentiary.
Five weeks ago, we made mention of the Peni
tentiary and its inmates. In looking through it
a few days since, we find that from 40 convicts
the number has run up tc 90, rather a rapid in
crease we should say. We find now 47 negroes,
the rest white. Col. Anderson, the Principal
Keeper, is wide awake with his mongrel crew,
and no idle bread is allowed to be ate. He says
that he never saw better hands to work than the
negroes, and he has sometimes to tell them, that
they need not go at such a rapid rate. No talk
ing is allowed, and the novelty of the position
they find themselves in, and the exercise of the
paddle for violation of rules, acts as a wholesome
stimulant to their muscles and brain.
There is still a large quantity of debris to be
removed, but is growing less every day. Col. A.
is now building a smoke house, eating room and
other buildings of absolute necessity. With a
little aid from the State, he thinks that he could
build freight cars and realize a profit, as he could
work 100 men in that line of business. The
tan yard is doing a good business, and as the
leather is fit for use he intends to increase the
number of workers in tbe shoe shop The steam
engine will soon be in running order, and ma
chinery up. A corn and tan bark mill will tlien
be at work. It is also the intention of the keeper
to turn his attention to the making of brick, and
a number of hands will be pm to that work as a
regular business.
A number of the negroes display an aptitude
in doing plain work with the saw, hammer, &c.
The worse punishment of the negroes is that of
forbidding them to talk; the same rule is also
applied to the whites, and the Col. is under the
impression that when his colored pupils gradu
ate, they will be slow to return to his institution.
We do not see why the building of cars and the
manufacture qf shoes and tanning leather could
not be made a profitable business; at least the
State ought to be freed from expense in maintain
ing the institution.
An outbreak was planned a few days since by
t wo ot the Yankee convicts—the two that robbed
Col. Alexander, of Pike—the leader was shot
some three weeks since in an attempt to escape,
and as soon as he got well of his wounds, lie was
ready for another attempt The plan was divulg
ed and of course thwarted. We will at some
future day again allude to the subject.—MUledge-
vSle Recorder.
places. Hundreds of families have to lament the
absence of fathers, husbands, &c., called away to
the Landerekr. Business is bad and almost
dead, and what is even more deplorable, the
cholera has come to make bad worse; it has made
its appearance in Berlin, in Stettin, and in Prus
sian Silesia.
Italy’s declaration of war.
On the 20th instant Victor Emanuel declared
war upon Austria, after which he left Florence
for headquarters at CrerSOna. The quadrilateral
will be attacked in three or four days.
The Italian army will commence operations
on four different points at the same time. The
Italian fleet will attack Venice. Cialdini, at the
head of eight divisions, will try to pass the lower
Po at Rougi. Victor Emanuel will attempt to
get hold of the quadrilateral, whilst Garibaldi, at
the head of his volunteers, will attack Trent,
which is the key of tfie Tyrol. The army of
Italy is better than is generally believed; the
volunteers are the weakest part of the army.
Garibaldi, it is said, is still suffering from his
wound received at Asprimorite, and it is proba
ble that this will be the last campaign of Gui
seppe Garibaldi.
TACITURNITY OF NAPOLEON HI.
Our army, to be sure, is still on a peace footing,
but this peace is very like the war footing of other
nations. Our fleet is ready for every emergency.
The head of our government, before risking an
inch, wishes to be well prepared on land, and at
sea. This undecided attitude very much pro
vokes the war party round about tbe Emperor,
of which Prince Napoleon is the leader. They
observe that we are losing the best opportunity
of making an ally of Prussia, and getting
the borders of the Rhine which are so necessary
to us. In fact, says the war^brtyjrif we wait
until the Prussians ara beaten to intSpene, and
if the Austrian troops are triumphant; our moral
influence will be very much vanished in Ger
many. If, on the other hand, the Prussians are
victorious without our aid, it is not likely that
they will quietly give ns up the Rhenish Pro
vinces. I think the Emperor would have taken
some decisive step had it not been for
THE ATTITUDE OF RUSSIA AND ENGLAND.
Russia, more than any other country, gives
our Emperor much anxiety. After much hesi
tation, the cabinet of St. Petersburg, notwith
standing its professions of attentive neutrality
seems more or less inclined to go a little further.
Should France take a step, Russia will take
two.
On the other hand, the defeat of the Gladstone
ministry in England may be the means of chang
ing things on the other side of the channel. We
may be said to be dancing on a volcano. There
are five millions of armed men in Europe
at the present moment. In the midst of this im
broglio, home matters are entirely neglected; the
Corps Legislatif is quite unheeded, and they can
go on discussing the budget without let or hin
drance. The clever speeches of the radical ora
tor, Jules Favre, are sweetness wasted on the
desert air.
The evening newspapers are caught up with
anxiety. The government has given orders to
the unstamped press to make no mention of any
military news coming from Germany.
EIGHT MONTHS IN AMERICA.
We have now naturally little time to devote to
either literature or the drama. However, to a book
by M. Duvergier de Lausanne, one ot those who
the most contributed to the fall of the House of
Orleans. It is curious to see with what acrimo
ny the author speaks of the republican institu
tions of the United States. He seems to think
that there is too much liberty in the land of the
Stars and Stripes. Still, M. Duvergier calls him
self a liberal! This is the only literary work I
have to mention.
THE DEATH OF MERY.
Our celebrated poet, novel writer and improvi-
satore, the author of so many charming novels:
La Guerre du Mizam and La Floride, to-wit, is
no more. He expired a few days ago, at the age
of 68. Mery, bora at Marseilles, could not live
out of the sun’s rays. Whenever he showed
himself on the Boulevards, Mery was sure to be
there, basking in the sun all day long, at the
Cafe de Madrid, and charming all those around
him by his witty and lively sallies. He knew
everybody—in eight days he will most likely be
forgotten. “ Sic transit gloria mundi.”
THE DUKE DE CHARTRES AND THE ITALIAN
ARMY.
A week ago the brother of one of the pretend
ers to the French throne demanded to be admit
ted to take a part in the coming war, in the army
of Victor Emanuel. But as His Royal High
ness had, during the year 1859, suddenly thrown
up his commission in the Italian army, at the
time that Cialdine invaded the Pontfical territory
he has been met with a refusal. I hear it is
Prince Napoleon who has secretly intrigued
against the Prince.
DION BOURCICAULT IN PARIS.
All those who take anr interest in theatricals in
Paris have some time been looking forward to
the performance of Dion Bourcicault’s arrah na
pogue, entitled Jean la Paste, which has taken
the town by storm, as it is found, as regards plot
aud scenery, very superior to the pieces we have
had of late.
Ladies’ fashion s.
The bonnet which has for some time been
dwindling to nothing, is a thing of the past.—
What is now worn on the head by our Parisians,
is about tbe size and shape of a piece of note pa
per, and looks very much like tbe head dress
worn by the Roman women, but on a smaller
From the South era. Recorder.
^ Star Law.
As noticed in onr last issue, Hon. A. H Ste
phens jm Wednesday last, discused beforq the
Supreme Court the constft
of the^stay
law.” Below we give htl main points .tnd reason
ing.
Gen. Cobb, replied, maintaining the uncoiisti-
tutionality of the law; as will also be found his
maia-points as argued.
AS to who is right and who is wrong, we will
patiently 'await the decision of the Supreme
Court
Mr. Stephens maintained, that the law post
poning the period for the levy and sale of pro
perty under execution, was of the nature of a
statute of limitation, its constitutionality was
to.he tested upon the same principles. If the
time was reasonable and definite it could not be
said to interfere with or impair the obligation of
contracts.' This was a law regulating the re
medy. The obligation of a contract is one thing,
and the remedy another. The obligation of a
contract is intrinsic in itself. It springs from its
validity, with a proper interpretation of its terms
under the laws regulating-contracts themselves,
where it is made and not the laws regulating
Judicial proceedings for holding parties to tbeir
legal responsibilities for their breaches. The
latter class of laws are known every where as
the laws of remedy. These latter vary with every
State or nation. They never enter into or become
part of the obligation of the contract. The con
tract is perfect in itself and travels with it under
“lex lodcontractus” wherever it goes or in what-
ever forum it seeks redress for a breach. He com-
batted broadly and thoroughly the idea that the
obligation of a contract included in the least de
gree.the laws made to enforce them.. Strictly
speaking, there is and can be no such thing as.
enforcing contracts by Judicial proceedings of
any sort. All that tlie courts and that class of
laws known as remedies can do, is, to provide
compensation for contracts broken before the
courts or remedies are appealed to. The obliga
tion of a contract is as counsel who had proceed
ed him (Hon. Linton Stephens) had well stated,
“ the liability which the law attaches to the terms
used by the parties.” This liability or responsi
bility; this “juris vinculum” as Judge Story
styles it, or this “legal tie,” as the French term
it, exists separately and distinctly in every valid
contract without any reference or connection
whatever with the laws or judicial proceedings
instituted for the purpose of holding parties to
their legal responsibilities for breaches of con
tracts. Every perfect and valid contract has not
only a legal unity but in the language of Story,
a legal ubiquity of obligation; which could not
be it the remedial laws of the place where it is
made entered at all into the essence of its obli
gation which by tbe Constitution of the United
States no State can impair.
Hence any dealing with the remedy, any
change, in the language of Story, as to the “times
and modes” of giving redress for breaches of
contracts which does not impair this obligation
as stated, does not come within the prohibition
of the Constitution of the United States. The
Legislature may say, that no suit shall be brought
on a note after six years from its maturity. No
one has ever contended that such an act impairs
the obligation of the contract. The Legislature
has equal right and power if they saw fit, to de
clare by law that no suit should be instituted on
promissory notes after two years from their ma
turity, or one year, or any shorter time, provided
it was reasonably long in the judgment ot the
courts for parties interested, to look after their
rights. Such action of the Legislature it is ad
mitted on all sides, would affect notes made be
fore, as well as after. It is also admitted, that
such action would be constitutional. Well, if it
is constitutional for the Legislature in providing
remedies for broken contracts, to deny all remedy
after six years, or two years, or one year to the
holder of a note without impairing the obligation
of the contract, is it not just as constitutional to
provide that when parties come into court to
seek redress for breaches of contracts, that an
equally reasonable time shall be allowed, before
final execution shall be awarded without impar-
ing the obligation ot the contract ? That certain
ly remains as intact by the Legislature in the one
instance as the other. If the obligation is unim
paired when all remedy is barred in the one
case, equally so is it in the other when there is
only a reasonable postponement of the compen
sation awarded for its breach.
We give but an outline of tbe argument of
Mr. Stephens as we understood it. He spoke
for upwards of two hours, and the main object
of his speech, after settling the principles upon
which he rested his case in a legal point of view,
was, to show that the act of the Legislature was
founded upon a wise and prudent policy. It look
ed as much to the protection of the rights of
creditors as debtors.
If he was right in showing that this act of the
Legislature fell properly within that class of laws
as remedies, then he quoted Marshall’s remarks
as’not only applicable but potent on tbe question,
when he said:
“ Without impairing the obligation of the con
tract, the remedy may certainly be modified as
the wisdom of the nation may direct.”
He also quoted as pertinent and having great
force on this question, in his opinion, tbe remark
of Justice Johnson of the U. S. Supreme Court
in a case where he said:
“ The right then of creditors to the aid of the
public arm for the recovery of contracts, is not
absolute and unlimited, but may be modified by
the necessities of society.”
The policy of this act of the Legislature, Mr.
Stephens vindicated at great length, and main
tained that it was essential for the creditors as a
class as it was for the debtors.
Without it, or something like it, the obligation
of the contracts of creditors as a class though
perfect, would be almost worthless while under
the provision of the act the obligation remain
ing unimpaired, full compensation might be ob
tained.
Gen. Cobb held the act of the Legislature, call
ed “ stay laws and installment laws, ” impaired
the obligation of contracts, and consequently
were unconstitutional and void.
The true doctrine to be drawn from all the ar
gument aud authorities he said, is this: That the
Legislature had no authority to interfere witli the
contracts of parties neither directly by changing
them, nor indirectly by legislating on tbe mode
ol enforcing them. The Legislature can, for the
purpose of giving efficacy to contracts, and there
by advance tbe ends ol justice, deal with the
remedy; but this power can never be exercised
with the view and for tlie purpose of relieving
the parties from tlie legal effects of the contracts
which they have voluntarily assumed. Where
there is just cause of complaint by either party,
that the existing remedy promised by tbe law
fails to afford the benefit or relief to which he is
entitled by his contract, he can call upon tlie Le
gislature so to modify the remedy, as to furnish
the benefit or relief to which his contract entitles
him, and the Legislature can constitutionally re
spond to such an appeal. But where the com
plaint is not against the remedy which the law
gives, but against the contract which the party
has made, then there can be no constitutional re
sponse to the complaint.
Gen. Cobb quoted largely from tbe opinions of
Judges Marshall and Story in defense of his po
sitions. He argued in extenso that the Legisla
ture of the State, impairs the obligation of con
tracts.
1st. Because in the modification of remedies
for the collection of debt, the collection of the
same is so hampered with conditions and post
ponements, as to greatly lessen their value, and
almost renders the collection impracticable.
2d. Because it gave an unjust advantage to
new over old creditors.
3d. Because it gives precedence to foreign over
domestic creditors, as the former can collect their
debts through the Federal courts, whilst the
hands of the latter are tied up.
For the Intelligencer.
The UaWMcecfl Han.
I was bora in the country, and nevter saw a
city, town ,or village juntil I- was in my tenth
yegr. I was said b^lfiy mother to have been a
good child, and was always tailed a good boy.
In allthe schools I,attended, I stood among the
first of my class, and at college my standing as a
scholar was good. Up to this period I may be
stud to have been successful. Previous to gradu
ating, however, the girls—yes, tlie girls—proved
to be the first rock that I encountered in the
wide ocean that was spread out before me. At
night, instead of being at my room, poring
over the pages of Homer, as some of the class—
not all—were doing, I was seated by the side ol
some Dulcinea, trying to make myself just as
pleasant and agreeable to her as though she was
the queen and I 6ne of her waiting boys. At
length, a lassie about “bonnie eighteen” became
so supremely fascinating that I lost my heart,
and With it all relish for the quiet, severe studies
in which I ought to have been engaged; Writ-
ing love letters—which I took great pains to do
neatly, tastily, correctly, and regularly—became
now a part of my week’s work, to the neglect of
my college duties. These letters, although they
did not advance my position in tbe class,.set my
claims before the lady addressed so favorably
that she consented for me to become her “John
Anderson, my Jo.” In that respect I was suc
cessful, but I did not graduate with as high hon
ors as my friends bad a right to expect of me.
Not long after marriage, I entered an attorney’s
office to fit myself for tlie practice of law. The
attorney himself was more interested, just about
that lime, in the election of the “Log Cabin and
Hard Cider” candidate than he was in the dry
details of legal studies, or the progress of his
pupil; and the pupil himself, though foud of
hard cider, was not particularly interested either
in the study of law or the log cabin candidate.
The company of the young wife—and she was
a charming woman—had far greater attractions
than the law office, and too frequently I found
that I had stolen away from the office to spend
a moment or two with her. I read a little in
Blackstone, a little in Chitty, a little in Kent, and
was admitted to the bar. After sitting in > front
of the door of a village office for nearly
twelve months, whittling sticks, reading the
newspapers, and listening to the village pol
iticians talk, I determined to forsake the
honors ot the “greenbag.” This was a great
mistake, and I name it as one of the er
rors of my life—one of the rocks pictured on my
chart of life. The reasons for coming to this
resolution were these: My father had recently
died, leaving his estate somewhat in debt; and
I thought it advisable to take the management ot
it myself. Besides, I was getting tired of the
monotony of a law office that had so few visit
ors in the shape of clients; and furthermore, I
still had a desire for countiy life, where I could
ride over the fields, shoot birds, hunt rabbits, and
in my leisure hours stroll through the woods
with my wife, pick blackberries, and read Gold
smith’s “ Citizen of the World,” or Vicar of Wake
field. This was far more agreeable to me than
“Real Rights and Real Remedies.” In due
course of time, the estate was divided, and, after
deducting the indebtedness, but a small portion
fell to my share. This small portion had to be
still farther depleted to answer the demands of
my own creditors, who by this time were getting
rather “ pressing ”■ in their civilities to me, and
thus the small portion finally left for me was so
reduced that I saw very plainly—without the
trouble of any mathematical education—it would
be “root hog or die” with me. Up to this time,
I had never known the value of money, and kept
more horses, servants, dogs and buggeis than the
law ot economy allowed. It is one of the hard
est trials to a man, to come down from that style
of living to which he has been accustomed; and
I still had some dreamy notions of making some
lucky adventure, by which I could replenish my
slender income, and by which I would be ena
bled to realize the otium cum dignitate of life.
Slow, plodding industry, and a reduction of ex
penses, were to me like bitter pills—a medicine
which, if taken then, might have saved me from
many an aching pain which afterwards had to
be endured. This was another great error.—
Stern necessity now drove me to do something,
fill, avoid my
errors; stick to one place Ami'to one business,
and pursue it energetically. - 1 his " ill e j on
wealth, and you will find ntont-y to be a great
steppingstonh to^fenie. ^Hqw oflt^i have I seen
old acquaintances of nviAe advanced to posts ol
honor and profit, because they were in such pe-
cuniary circmpstances as the positions they were
called to fill required. Depend upon it, at the
present day, success in any life must be the work
of days ot toil and nights , .of patient thought—
the one will reward you with gold, the other
with that mental strength, which will most pro
fitably employ your means for-jour. future wel
fare. < ' i ISGKENOOK.
ISMMchuteUf Teaching Sct-t+slon.
General Rousseau, in liis speech in thej llou;e
of Representatives ob'Clfe 11th inst., reminded
the radical Congressmen who are thirsting for
the punishment of-‘urbason a ml I In- blood ot
“traitors,” of their own former asset lion of the
right of secession ; and he di>l itrima xety foroi-
ble manner. \Ve all know that,--up to the time
of the triumph 1 iff the Blaeft- WpnbHoan party,
there were more-threats .'of adissolution of the
Union and expressions of vioathing and contempt
for the Union, from the- public men of Massachu
setts and their sympathizers throughout the
North, than from all parties at the South. Gen.
Rousseau reminded Congress and the country of
this fact |n the following manner -CV»Imhus En
quirer.
We liave heard a great deal said about seces
sion, and about its being a crime. I bold it to -be
as much of a crime as other men do, but did the
doctrine of secession originate, in the South ?
Not at all ; it came from the verj- men who are
now the bitterest and the thost proscriptive in
this tbe time of the nation's- trouble; It comes
from; the State ot Massachusetts—from -Josiah-
Quincy and John Quincy. Adams—wly taught
secession to the men of the South. . .
Now, as long as John Quincy AffAlnS fiVed
I was one of his warmest admirers. When I
was a boy I was an '.‘Adams man,” and I admire
him to this day, although in his latter days-he
insisted upon the right ot secession, as did
Josiah Quincy, and taught it to these people of
the South. Yet I denounced secession and do
now all the same. Let me read what John Quin
cy Adams said in 1843 about secession :
“We hesitate not to say that annexation (of
Texas) effected by any act or proceeding of the
Federal Governhient, or any ot its Departments,
would be identical with dissolution. It would
be a violation of our national compact., its ob
jects, designs, and the great elementary princi
ples which entered into its formation, of a
character so deep and fundamental, and would
be an attempt to eternize an institution and
power of a nature so unjust to themselves, so
injurious to the interest? and abhorrent to the
feelings of the people of the'' free States; as in
our bpinion-not only inevitably to result in a
dissolution of the Union, but fully to justily it.”
That, sir, .is from John Quincy Adams, in a
document published by him and signed by him
and nine other members of Congress at that
time. He insisted upon the right of breaking
up the Government if Texaswas annexed.
Josiah Quincy started the same theory long-
before on a question precisely similar. And I
wish to read what he said on that subject. It is
as follows :
“If this bill passes (for the admission of Loui
siana) it is my deliberate Opinion that it is virtu
ally a dissolution of tbe Union ; that it will free
the States from their moral obligations; and as
it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty
of some, definitely to prepare for a separation,
amicably if they can, violently if they must.”
That is an extract from Gales & Seaton’s
Annals of Congress of 1810 aud 1811 ; and,
strange to say, Mr. Quincy gives the very same
reasons that the secessionists gave when tliej'
began this effort to break up the Government—
that when a contract was broken by one of the
parties to it, of course the other party had a
right to repudiate. He gave this reason :
“Is there,” said lie* “a moral principle of pub
lic law better settled or more conformable to the
plainest suggestions of reason than that the
violation of a contract by one of the parties
may be considered as exempting the others from
its obligations ?”
There, sir, is the beginning of the doctrine of
secession. A portion of the people of the
South attempted to carry out this principle. We
put it down; but let those who taught the doc-
tride not insist upon too much castigation of
others for well learning what they so taught.
Confidence Game Extraordinary—Over
Eight Thousand Stolen—Arrest and Re
lease.—The Peoria National Democrat has the
following account of a swindle which has re
cently become known in that city:
A roving band of gipsies had settled near Can
ton, Fulton county, Illinois, and one of them, an
old woman named Phillis Bosmer, had become
acquainted with a Mr. Emery, who was laboring
under some disease. She speedily won his con
fidence to such an extent that he confided to her
and I scraped together a few boys and girls of I all his business affairs. He even showed her
the neighborhood, and took my seat among them
as schoolmaster—a piney-woods schoolmaster.
I went through the drudgery of teaching, but
took so little interest in it that I believe the
county jail would have been a preferable place.
As a matter of course, the school did not pros
per. At the end of the first month two or three
of the scholars quit—that gave me an excuse to
quit, and so ended the first chapter in school
keeping.
eight thousand six hundred and forty-two dollars,
and believed her statements that by some myste
rious black art conjurations she could double the
sum, and was prevailed upon to give his consent
to the trial. While Mr. Emery, in obedience to
her request, had stepped for a moment from the
room, the gipsey adroitly substituted a package of
white paper for the roll of greenbacks and then
left the house, first promising Mr. Emery to re
turn in three days, when the money would have
had time to double itself. Mr. Emery locked the
package of paper carefully in his desk, not hav-
. „ , , ing noticed the change, and waited patiently for
After several months of idleness, or “ knocking | Wednesday. But Wednesday and Thursday
about,” as some people call it, necessity—that has
always ruled me like a tyrant—placed me back
again in the school room, and told me to “ stay
there.” Many of the brightest days of man
hood have I spent there—some pleasant, some
painful in the retrospect—still it was an error in
my life that I ever taught school, because, the
busiuess was always uncongenial to my taste and
temperament. I need not add that I regard my
self, as a teacher, an unsuccessful man, although
I have been called a good teacher by many who
have patronized me. At all events, I made but
little money in that line of business, and yet was
too poor to quit it.
I once embarked in the steam mill business.
Steam is a dangerous thing to fool with, but *0
make the thing a “ success ” I formed a partner
ship with a man who was a small farmer,‘raising
corn and goats principally, and with another who
was a store keeper, dealing chiefly in eggs and
chickens. Tbe trio were perhaps the “ greenest
steamers ” that the world ever saw. We pur
chased an engine—I forget the horse power of it
—had it shipped to the designated spot, and after
much vexatious delay, it was pronounced ready
for sawing. In order to be at as little expense as
possible, partner No. 3 thought it advisable to
dispense with an engineer, and run the mill him
self. I did not like the proposition, but as he
passed, and no gipsy woman came; and then,
growing somewhat alarmed, he examined the
package, and at once discovered the deception.
The matter was put into the hands of a detec
tive, who soon found the woman, and she was
taken to Fulton county, and, strangely enough,
was put in the watch-house instead of the county
jail. One of the officers of the calaboose, seeing
the woman in the morning, and being informed
by her that she was there for no offense, but
simply as a lodger, he allowed her to leave. Since
that time she has not been seen.
Tbe whole affair is somewhat strange, and
certainly does not reflect the greatest credit upon
tbe care of Fulton county officers, or the discri
mination of some of her citizens.
The Richest Woman in America.—We take
the following from the Hartford Courant, of the
28th ult.:
The fickleness of fortune is well illustrated in
the experience of a worthy family in this city,
who have suddenly found themselves raised from
that condition in society where people are said
to live in “moderate circumstances” to the high
est pinnacle of wealth. The facts are these :
Mrs. Eli Walker, residing at No. 100 Maple ave
nue, is a woman of English birth. Her husband
(who is a machinist by trade) and herself have
resided here for a number of years, and have
several children. It was reported some months
ago that a large property, valued at $35,000,000
had fallen to Mrs. Walker’s father, as a direct
heir, and he being dead, that the whole amount
belonged to her as his only child.
- , „ Steps were at
. _ , onc e taken to ascertain tlie truth of tills report,
said that he had got all the “dots” about its I au< ? ex-Govemor T. II. Seymour was employed
management from the man who put it up, I con- w'l j nVe ^ i ^ U '° D * 3
seated. It so happened that on the first day of fiS?^ItcSvS^ !££&%£%£
his engineering, several persons, among them I * lon that she will come in possession of this
beginning with “mydear President' and calling ! ^ ™^ KoreWffTL .
himself his open and avowed trienci. speaks of j member, that he has shut himself up in the fort-
si- ress of CronsiadL Tlie whole of the present
the wonderful favor that had crowned the Presi
dent’s restoration policy. Of course the Dr. was
wanting something. In this case it was tlie Col-
lectorsliip of New York for a friend ot his.
A letter from St. Petersburg reports that tbe scale. There are no longer any strings worn as
Czar is in sucu tear of his lite since tbe discoverv ... 0 • - , . . '
v formerly; long ribbons are worn haDgmg down
the back, and are called by tbe street boys, “ Fol-
prescnt
system of government is 10 be changed, and all
the men ol the Milutyn party are to lie removed
from the administration. The Czar will, it is
said, soon go to Poland.
low me home, sirs.”
Between seven and eight tons of pickerel
were taken from a pond in Roxbuiy, Maine, the j
; past winter. j
There is no Southerner who will fail to re
cognize the truthful beauty of the following
touching incident. Between the negroes and
their late owners, where the former have not been
corrupted and their instincts perverted by grov
elling association with Bureau agents and Yan
kee school teachers, there exists a genuine and
kindly sympathy, which not unfrequently takes
the form of mutual and enduring friendship.—
Nashville Gazette.
On the day of the celebration in commemora
tion of the Confederate dead, in Charleston, af
ter tbe ceremonies had been performed and the
crowd dispersed, a respectable looking colored
woman was seen to linger behind, sit down up
on a grave, bury her face in her hands and weep
bitterly. A gentleman observing her, became
very much interested With native kindliness of
manner be addressed her and inquired tbe cause
of her grief. Won by his sympathizing tone,
she unburthened her heart to him in- alternate
words and sobs. Tbe grave on which she sat
was that of her former young master, who had
been killed in battle during the late war. He
had been her charge in his infancy and boyhood,
and in his manhood he was her pride and her
delight His deeds of gallant daring had been
her boast, and it was the wish dearest to her heart
to see him return victorious and honored to the
home which he had fought to proteet. Heaven
had decreed otherwise; and now while a con
quered people did honor to the memory of their
defenders, she, poor helpless, faithful woman,
wept over the grave ot him to whom she had
looked for protection and support in the days of
her age and infirmity.
Dalton and Jacksonville Railboad.—
We are gratified to learn, as we do from a pri
vate letter from George Wadsworth, Esq., En
gineer on the Dalton and Jacksonville Railroad,
that he left Rome for Jacksonville on the 21st
ult., to prepare work on the road for contractors.
W e trust before a great while the citizens of
Dalton will hear the welcome sound of the engine
whistle on this important route.—Dalton Geor
gian.
some ladies, had come to see the “ elephant”—
having never seen a steam mill before. No. 3
raised his steam—raised it high. It puffed with
energy. His pumps were started—they worked
gracefully, bobbing up and down, like ducks in
a mill pond. The saw went whizzing, like a
school boy’s whirly-gig—the ladies were delight-
mense property, and she, together with her hus
band and children, will start for England next
week to receive the golden egg.
We congratulate Mrs. Walker and her family-
upon their good fortune. She will be when iu
lull possession of her property, the richest wo
man in the United States. Rut she is said to be a
woman of good sense, and will not place herself
beyond the reach of those who have been her
ed—No. 3 was at his post, looking as dignified friends during the years she has lived Imre ; al
and elated as an old gander when his goose is on read £ w .® learn that it is her purpose to make-
1 ? n ? family at least, in whom she is interested
independent of want; and we shall, probably'
be called upon liearafter to chronicle other char-
liable deeds which her generosity will prompt.
the nest—-the “ niggers ” were standing round
grinning—and the “ biler busted!” The crash
was awful—the women screamed, the “ niggers ”
ran, and the steam took possession of the premi
ses. Nobody was hurt, for the “crevasse” was
on the outside, but No. 3 declared that several
brickbats passed his head, and would have hit
him if he hadn’t dodged. When the chaotic
steam cleared away it was ascertained that a
large hole was in the boiler, the adjoining brick
was knocked down, and several minor breakages.
After an interval of a month or more,
which time we had engaged an engineer,
the null was again made ready for service.
After the lapse of eighteen months or more, we
sold out, the purchaser losing as much by it as
we had lost I returned to the school room, No.
2 took to his goats again, and No. 3 went back
Love Amid Ruins—Excavations at Pom
peii.—Declarations of love are frequently seen
on the walls of Pompeii, and both the style and
then- orthography p»ve that they are written by
all classes ot society. Some of them are satis
fied with celebrating tbeir beloved one with
verses, particularly from Ovid. There are also
passages from poets whose works are lost, and
some of the lover made the verses themselves.
“May I die,” you read on a wall, “if I would be
a God without thee I”
Most of them speak in prose, and some times
in tolerably barbarian prose. Some of the in
scriptions declare love or wrath with great frank
ness. “My dear Sava, love me, I pray thee 1
Nonio greets her friend Pagurus.” “Meta, the
actress, loves Contu with her whole heart. Mav
the Pompeian Venus be propitious to them, anil
to the trade in eggs and chickens—wiser, if not * et them ever live in harmony!’ “Asselia, mavst
— ! I thou wither ! n “Virimlio tn
a richer man.
There are very few men who will succeed at
any kind ot business, without having some
knowledge of the management of it No. 3 did
think that he could manage steam, and to the
last said that the boiler was made of rotten iron.
He, however, never tried engineering again.
And thus, through lite, as to wealth aud tame,
I have been unsuccessful. Still hope cliDgs
around me, as it did in the buoyancy of youth—
“White M a white sail on a dnekv sea."
When half the horizon’s clouded and half free.
Fluttering between the don wave and the-sky-
la Hope’s last gleam tn man’s eternity.”
thou wither! ” “Virgulia to Tenius: Thou art
too ugly for me.” Only in one inscription does
a husband express love for his wife; another re
veals the whole of a little romance. A poor
lover, deserted by his fair o»e s finds her again
after having long searched fox her, and writes on
the house where she lives: “There she is, there
she is, no more doubt as to this.; Romuia lives
here with a rascal.”
A Goon One.—Brooklyu, New York, has a
Mayor who is one of a thousand. Tlie City
Council having passed a resolution to raise liis.
salary from $3,000 to $5,000, the Mayor—the
Hon. Samuel M. Booth—has vetoed it 1