Newspaper Page Text
IDrcKlp Jutfltigcnffr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, August 22, 1866.
The Ailante B*»ly New Era.
The “senile friend’’ of thn" Atlanta Daily
bar Era" would feel gratified if he could im
press upon his juvenile city compeer, what age
ami experience in journalism seldom fails to
teach, to-wit: That it is better to confess, than
,,, ytirt in, error It would, however, he fears, be
time thrown away to labor to such an end, and
he shall not attempt it There are men so con
stituted that good advice is lost upon them ; so
org mired that they can neither be just nor mag
nanimous AVhat the "Era' has said of the “In-
tki.lioexcek," and what it has insinuated of its
Editok, we have jtronouneed “false and scanda
lous,” anJ there we leave it. AVhat we have
said of the "Em"—ot its course on the National
Convention movement—the intelligent commu
nity in which we live will render verdict upon.
What we have said of its course on negro suf-
/rage, we shall maintain. In domg so, we repro
duce the following article from that paper:
'From tlie New Era.]
Men never entertain but one great or leading
idea at a time. This idea, like all others which
monopolize their epoch, is aggressive. All new
ideas are aggressive. There can he no rest, no
pence, no tranquility' until they’ are either ex
ploded, or incorporated into the" social, political,
or religious system of the times. The great idea
of the day is Equality as regards citizenship
under republican institutions. It is peculiarly an
American idea, the outgrowth of our singular
lortn of Government. It has been in progress
lor half a century. It will ultimately prevail,
become a incorporated into our Political System,
and give tone and direction to every department
ot government, if not sooner exploded. Ulti
mately, it must be universally embraced or uni
versally scouted and rejected. There is no mid
dle ground. There can be no compromise.
Little as we relish it, the truth is being pain
fully revealed. We are beginning to realize the
fact that there is little hope of exploding this
dogma until it shall have run its course; until it
shall have been put to the test, and mankind be
come thoroughly surfeited and disgusted with
its practical operation. It will then be antiqua
ted but not before. But for the present, it will
he carried, we verily believe, even should a re
sort to arms become necessary. The present
generation will live to see one of two things:
Either a complete and final overthrow of Re
publicanism on this Continent, a re-settlement
and re habilitation of the States, and a thorough
change in the form as well as spirit of the Gov
ernment, superinduced by the usurpations of the
party now in power ; or we will witness the sin-
gular experiment of universal suflrage, embracing
the negro, the red inan, the Maylay, the Hotten
tot, and in short, everything in the human shape,
be its color or condition whatsoever it may. In
addition to this, we shall not be surprised to see
the day when females of all grades, colors, condi
tions and castes will be enfranchised and admit
ted to the ballot.
The negro will ultimately vote if lie stays here.
Every thoughtful man sees this in the not distant
future. We are powerless to prevent it. We are
without voice in the Government; without polit
ical power; without the means of asserting our
rights under a written Constitution. The scheme
of the Radicals must succeed temporarily. But
t hat very success will prove their ruin as it did
the ruin of their ancestors in the days of Crom
well. It will put a weapon of defense into our
hands. Shall we hesitate to use. it ? Shall we
vote the negro, and through him control radical
ism V or shall radicalism vote the negro, and
through him control our local as well as federal
policy V Shall we use this power in legitimate
self-defense, or shall the Radicals seize it to com
plete our destruction ?
These questions arc not new’. They are in the
mind of every thoughtful man in the Southern
States. They have occurred to every reflective
inind North, lienee the effort on the part of the
radicals to prejudice and inflame the mind of the
negro against his former master. Hence the in
cendiary documents and inflammatory speeches
designed for tiie eye and ear of the freedmen.—
Hence, again the anxiety to foist the ubiquitous
Bureau upon tfg Southern StateiK. How do we
propose mootinfphis issue? Fir£I#Clecteion aud
action cannot be delayed a great while longer.—
The crisis is not distant. It is here now. What
shall be our decision? Pride, or something else,
prevented the skillful use of a defensive weapon
during the war, aud the instrument of destruc
tion was, naturally enough, turned against us.—
Shall this pride, or this something else, induce
similar indiscretion now ? Let us begin to think
earnestly and seriously on this matter. We have
abandoned all hope of a separate nationality.
Shall we likewise abandon all manhood, all hope
of civil and religious liberty ? Should we not,
in common with the Conservative Union men of
all sections, rather change tactics, comedown
from our stilts, waive mere formalities where vi
tal interests arc at stake, und fight the devil with
Are?
What was the intent, what the meaning of the
foregoing essay on negro suffrage ? In a nut
shell, as it were, the intent and meaning are,
that, as the radical party of the North will “ ul
timately vote" the negro, the South should do so
now—that we of the South, in regard to this vi
tal question, should “change tactics, come down
from our stilts, waive mere formalities where vi
tal interests are at stake, aud fight the devil with
fire.” What “ tactics" must he changed ? Those,
of course, which the South had or might adopt
to deny suffrage to the negro! What the “ stilts"
from which we must come down? Those we
had mounted to save ourselves lrom the degra
dation of having the negro placed upon political
equality with the white race of the South. What
“formalities" to waive? Those, of course,
which kept up the political distinction between
the whites and negroes of the South, in remov
ing which, the design of the radicals to establish
political equality between the two races in the
South, would be accomplished. In a word, the
Atlanta New Era, in the foregoing article, re
commended the South to do, ivhat the radicals
propose themselves to do—to give to the negro
the right of suffrage; for, it says, “ the negro
must ultimately vote if he stays here;" ergo, the
South at oucc should recognize his right to do
so, and grant unto him that privilege. Such
was the position ot the Atlanta New Era early
in the month of June, when no “ dog star, ” nor
“ tidal influences of the moon ” had disturbed
its digestion.
In keeping with its character, the “Era” takes
a fling at “Andy Johnson,” and charges him
with being the. advocate of “negro suffrage. ’—
Our reply to this is, that President Johnson
maiutaius upon this question the constitutional
ground—the right of each State to regulate suf
frage for itself. This is all the South can expect
from the Chief Magistrate of the Government.—
But the "Era" would “go the whole hog” upon
this grave question, because the radicals “will ul
timately” vote the negro. It would elevate the
negro to political equality in this respect, because
the radicals “will ultimately”do so! It would im
pose sell-degradation upon the Southern people
because the radicals propose to, and will degrade
them !! There is no "poetry" in this; it is all
stubborn fact.
The "Era," somehow or other, is unfortunate
whin it meddles with the "negro question." Only
a few days ago, it announced the anxiety of “a
large nunilter of the most substantial and use
ful lrecdmen in this city ” to organize a fire
company. Who compose this lakc-e num
ber of substantial and useful freedmen? We
know ot but few such m tins city. Doubtless
there are hundreds of freedmen in Atlanta who
will join any organization—the "Golden lux!, lor
instance, or any other. Perhaps they would not
object to military organizations; anything for a
show. Bui the Era, in its zeal, went further than
the mere suggestion of a “ Freedmen's Fire Com
pany." It told us that “ at every lire they are am
bitious and effective workers;” and that “they
trill venture where a white man dare not." No
wonder the Fire Department ot this city re
sented, as they did, so unprovoked an insult.—
A more gallant or effective body of Firemen no !
city, North or South, can boast of. They dare j
do all th U any similar body of men have ever*
dared; and when it is said of the "coloredper
sons" in this c< mmunity, acting as firemen that
“they will venture wueie a white man dare not,”
a much higher estimate is placed upon the daring
and courage of the “ colored persons," and a much
low’er one upon the Fire Department of this city,
than is warrant'd by either tacts orcircumstauces,
or the history ot the latter since its first organiza
tion. The Era, however, is in its "juvenility" in
tliis city; when it becomes “ senile ” it will per
haps modify its opinions.
Cheering News and Wise Counsel. |
e lay belore our readers this Sabbath morn- 1
ing the following communication addressed to us j
by our friend, a gentleman favorably known to
most of our citizens, and extensively in the State
—the Rev. S. J. Pinkerton—who has recently
returned to this city from a tour in the West, to
which we invite their attention; especiallv, the
attention of those, who, owing to the recent long
drought, and the parched state of the fields in
this, and other sections of our State, are in a de
sponding mood. The letter of the reverend gen
tleman is full of encouragement. Bread and
meat will be abundant and cheap, and our poor
need not, may not, must not perish from famine.
Means will be devised, and measures adopted for
their relief. Let them, therefore, be cheerful in
their afflictions!
The political information embraced, too, in the
communication below, is also of a most encour
aging character. Fanaticism, we trust, has seen
its last day of supremacy in the direction of our
national affairs. “So mote it be!”
To the Editor of tlte Intelligencer: m
My Dear Sib: Having returned on yester
day from over a month's visit to the West, and
especially to the interior of the State of Ken
tucky, it has been suggested to me by several
friends, that, with the view of imparting encour
agement to the suffering people of this and other
portions of Georgia, and the South, I should make
a brief statement with reference to the prospect
for the coming Fall and Winter. In every part
of the country west of the mountains, so far as I
could either see for myself or hear from others,
the growing crops are quite as good as they have
ever been known to be. There is a very large
breadth of land planted in corn throughout Mid
dle and Western Tennessee, as well as all along
the valley of the Ohio. And so far as the Blue
Grass region of Kentucky is concerned, one
might almost say that it was “covered over
with corn.” And such corn as I have rarely
seen growing. The rains have been very timely,
and sufficiently copious to perfect the crop.—
There are also, as I learned from gentlemen
who ought to be well acquainted with the
facts, a very large number of hogs being
made ready lor slaughter this winter. This
may serve to allay our great fears with ref
erence to the scarcity of meat. I rejoice to
believe, from all the signs coming under my
observation in the West, that w T e shall have abun
dance of provisions, and at reasonable prices,
notwithstanding the failure of the provision crop
in portions of the South. Let the disappointed
laborers in the parched fields of upper Georgia,
and other sections, therefore, be comforted by
the assurance that from the teeming West there
will be poured into our exhausted markets every
thing that is necessary, with economy, to cany
us through the present and a portion of the com
ing year.
As another source of gratification and encour
agement to the people of the South, I may say
that the political horizon, which has been so
much obscured by the angry and threatening
clouds of fanaticism aud sectional bigotry, is just
now beginning to open itself in clearness and
hopefuluess to our view. We shall, I trust,
under the good Providence of God, very shortly
see ourselves in possession of that political status
which will enable us to enjoy the sacred rights
of a just and legitimate representation under the
Constitution of the country. We should be
patient still; and while courageously battling
with the obstructions in all paths of life, tempo
ral, social, and political, wc should remember to
put our trust in the infinitely wise Arbiter of
the universe, maintain our moderation, aud con
sequently our self-respect, hv an adherence to
truth, and the principles of honor and justice.
I am, very respectfully, yours,
8. J. Pinkerton.
Atlanta, August 18, 1800.
Georgia Alieud !— 1 Tlio hast of the “ Army
of Northern Virginia.”
The following is decidedly the richest circum
stance connected with the whole w ar. We glean
the particulars from the Petersburg Index, and
they run as follows :
* * * “ The serenity of the office of the
commanding officer of this post was agitated on
yesterday, by the apparation of four Confede
rate soldiers, w ho gave their names aud “descrip
tive lists” as follows:
Anthony Monkas, Co. E, Did Georgia Infantry, 3d
Army Corps, A. N. V.
Thomas Wells, ditto.
James Brinberter, ditto.
Allan Tewksberry, 43d Louisiana, ditto.
A more ragged set of mortals had never ap
peared before the Colonel during all the dealings
he has ever had with the “ ragged rebels ” of
Lee’s army. Tewksberry was a sort of walkiu
illustration of original patchwork. His clothing
had been tied, and sewed, and stuck together
with string and thread, and thorns, until there
did not appear a solitary square inch upon it
which had not been tied up, sewed np, or stuck
up, in some way or other. His companions were
not quite as badly off, one having a pair of blue
Yankee pantaloons, with only a half a dozen
rents in it; another hiding the raggedness ot his
gray pants with a flowing, though ribbony, Yan
kee over-coat, and the other making his decen
cy apparent by concealing the defects of his up
per garments with an old oil-clotli flv, awfully
bedaubed with mud.
Tewksberry stated to the Colonel that he and
his party stopped on the Appomattox, about 7
miles above the city, after the evacuation of
Petersburg, for the purpose, at first, of resting;
that they staid longer than they expected, and
werecutoff. They then made a vow to live on
that spot, and never go home or give up till the
Confederacy was completely annihilated. They
sought out a cave on the banks of the river,
which, at that point, is very rocky, and, after
some little industry, succeeded in erecting for
themselves a most comfortable little home. Here
they lived upon fish and game and occasional
roasting ears during all last summer, and upon
bread made of corn they had gathered from the
corn flelds. an occasional pig they found with
out a mother, in their rambles during the winter.
This spring and summer they lived as they did
last summer, but recently, hearing from an old
negro man that the Confederacy had undoubted
ly “ gone up,” they concluded to quit the barba
rian life and surrender. They marched to the
city yesterday morning, with their muskets and
accoutrements, stacked ;trms in front of head
quarters, sent in word tuat they were the rem
nant of the army of Northern Virginia, and that
they wished to surrender upon the conditions ac
corded to the main body. Colonel Milton cordi
ally assented to their request, gave them trans
portation to their homes, and bade them adieu.
The illustrious four roamed about town for a
short time, had new suits of clothiDg given them,
and, after being made about half drunk, embark
ed on the Southern train for their homes.
Jbe Brunswick Courier.
AVe have received at this odice, the first num
ber of the Brunswick (Ga.) Courier—Orme &
Wattles. Proprietors. This is a weekly jour-
nal,edited by our old friend,Maj. Richard Orme,
late oi this city. We place the Courier upon
oup exchange list with pleasure, and wish it
abundant success. Brunswick is an important
point in Georgia—before it, the finest harbor for
shipping in tire South—wanting only capital to
make it soon a flourishing seaport and a great
city. The location is a most excellent one for a
newspaper—one that will advocate its interests,
and la}’ before the public its superior advantages
as a Southern port of entry. This is labor for
Major Orme, the Editor of the Courier, which,
from his known enterprise, he will doubtless
perform with zeal and ability.
Gracious Revival.
The Christian Index contains the following plause.) With an
item, interesting to many of the readers of this j at my discretion, I
paper:
Brother Titos. S. Allen writes us that he com
menced a meeting at Flat Creek Church, Fayette
count}’, on the first instant, in conjunction with
brethren John Camp, G. B. Davis, and — Dod
son, which continued twelve days. Their labors
were greatly blessed of the Lord. One hundred
aud twenty-eight were added to the church by
expericuceand baptism. Would that seasons of
awakening might become more general!
INTERESTING FROM WASHINGTON.
GREAT SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT.
M ashington, Aug. 17.—There was a great
crowd to-day to hear the President in response to
Reverdy Johnson,who presented the official pro
ceedings of the Convention. He referred with feel
ing to the scene of South Carolina and Massa
chusetts entering the Convention together. He
was overcome, and could not but conclude that
an overruling Providence was directing us
aright Our brave men have performed their
duties in the field, and have won laurels imper
ishable ; but (turning to Gen. Grant.) he contin
ued, but there are greater and more important
duties to perform, and while we have had their
co operation in the field, we now need their
efforts to perpetuate peace. (Applause.) The
Executive Department had tried to pour oil on
the wounds, and to restore the Union, but it had
not entirely suceeded. We have seen, he said,
in one department of the government every
effort to prevent a restoration- of peace and
harmony in the Union. We have seen liaDging
on the verge of the government, as it were, a
hotly called, or which assumed to be, the Con
gress of the United States, while, iu fact, it is a
Congress of only a part of the States. We have
seen this Congress assume and pretend to be for
the Union, when its every step and act tend to
perpetuate disunion, and make disruption of the
States inevitable. Instead of promoting recon
ciliation and harmony, its legislation has parta
ken of the character of penalties, retaliation and
revenge. This has been the course and the policy
of - one portion of your government. The hum
ble individual who is now addressing you stands
the representative of another department of the
government. The manner in which he was
called upon to occupy that position I shall not
allude to on this occasion. He takes his stand
upon that character, as battling for our liberties,
which is the great rampart of civil and religious
freedom. [Prolonged cheers.] Having been
taught in my early life to hold it sacred, and hav
ing preached upon it during my whole public
course, I shall ever continue to reverence
the Constitution of my fathers, and make
it my guide. (Hearty applause.) The President
proceeded and denied the charge that he had ever
been tyrannical or despotic, but said such charges
w’ere simply intended to deceive aud delude the
public mind into the belief'that there is some
one in power who is usurping and trampling up
on right and the Constitution. It is done by
those who make such charges for the purpose of
covering their own acts. (That’s so, and ap
plause.)
I have felt it my duty, in vindication of prin
ciple and the Constitution of my country, to call
the attention of my countrymen to these pro
ceedings. Having placed myself upon that broad
platform, I have not been awed, or dismayed, or
intimidated by either threats or encroachments,
but have stood in conjunction with patriotic
spirits sounding the tocsin of alarm when I
deemed the citadel of liberty in danger. (Great
applause.)
I said on a previous occasion, and repeat it
now, that all that is necessary in this great strug
gle against tyranny and despotism was that the
struggle should be sufficiently audible for the
American people to hear and sufficiently under
stand. They did hear, and looking on to see
who the combatants were, and what the strug
gle was about, determined that they would set
tle tliis question on the side of the Constitution
and of principle.
I proclaim here to-day, as I have on previous
occasions, that my faith is in the great mass ot
the people in the darkest hour of the struggle.—
When the clouds seemed most lowering, my
faith, instead of giving w r ay, loomed up through
the cloud, beyond which 1 saw that all would be
well, niv countrymen. We all know that
despotism, in the language of Thomas Jef
ferson, can be exercised and exerted more effec
tually by the many than by the one. We have
seen a Congress gradually encroach, step by step,
and violate day after day, and month after
month, the Constitutional rights, and the funda
mental principles of the Government. We have
seen a Congress that seemed to forget that there
was a limit to the sphere and scope of legislation.
We have seen a Congress in a minority assume
to exercise power which, if allowed to be carried
out, would result in despotism and monarchy
itself. This is truth, aud because others as well
as myself, have seen proper to appeal to the pat
riotism and republican feelings of the country,
we have been denounced in the severest terms.
Slander upon slander, vituperation upon vitupe
ration ot the most villainous character, have
found their way through the press. What, gen
tlemen, has been the cause of our oflendiug, I
will tell you, is the daring to stand by the Con
stitution of our fathers.
I consider the proceedings of this Convention,
sir, more important than those of any Conven
tion that ever assembled in the United States.—
(Great applause.) When I look, with my mind,
upon that collection of citizens, coming together
voluntarily, and sitting in council with ideas,
with principles, and views commensurate with
all the States, and co-extensive with the whole
people, and contrast them with the coalition of
persons who are trying to destroy the country, I
regard it as more important than any Con
vention that ever sat since 1787. [Renewed ap
plause.] I think that I may also say that the
declarations that were there made are equal to
the Declaration of Independence. (Cries of
glorious! and a most enthusiastic and prolong
ed applause.) Your address and declaration are
nothing more nor less than a re-echo of the Con
stitution of the United States. Yes, I will go
farther and say that the declarations you have
made, that the principles you have enounced in
your address are a second proclamation of eman
cipation to the people of the U. 8., (renewed ap
plause,) for in proclaiming these great truths
you have laid down a constitutional platform
upon which all can make common cause, and
stand united together for the restoration of the
States and the preservation of the government,
without reference to party considerations or
influence; and how many are there in the
United Stale'; that now require to be free?
They have the shackles upon their limbs and are
bound as rigidly as though they were in fact in
slavery. I reoeat, then, that your declaration is
the second proclamation of emancipation to the
people of the United States, and offers a com
mon ground upon which all parties can stand.—
[Applause.] Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let
me in this connection ask what have I to gain
more than the advancement of the public wel
fare? I am as much opposed to the indul
gence of egotism as any, but here in a conven
tional manner, while formally receiving proceed
ings of this Convention, I may be permitted to
ask what have I to gain by consulting human
ambition more than I have gained already. My
race is nearly run. I have been placed in the
high office which I occupy under the Constitu
tion ot the country, and I may say that I have
held, from the highest to the lowest, almost
every position to which a man may
attain in our government; and surely, gen
tlemen, this should be enough to gratify a rea
sonable ambition. If I wanted authority, or if
I wished to perpetuate my own power, how easy
it would have been to hold and wield that which
was placed in my hands by the measures called
the Frecdmen’s Bureau bill. (Laughter and ap-
armv which is placed
could have remaind at
the capital of the nation, and with fifty or
sixty millions of appropriation at my dis
posal, with the machinery to be worked by
my satraps and dependents in eveiy town
and village ; and then with the Civil Rights bill
following as an auxiliary ; [laughter] and in
connection with all the otLer appliances of the
government^ I could have proclaimed myself
And I repeat, that neither the taunts nor the
jeers of Congress, nor of a calumniating press,
can drive me from my purpose. [General ap
plause.]
I acknowledge no superior except roy God, the
author of my existence, and the people of the
United States (prolonged and enthusiastic
cheers.) For the one, I try to obey all His com
mands, as best I can compatibly with my poor
humanity. For the other, in a political and rep
resentative sense, the high behests of the people
have always been respected and obeyed by me.
And now, Mr. Chairman, I have said more
than I intended to say. For the kind allusion
to myself contained in your address, and in the
resolutions adopted by the Convention, let me re
mark that in this crisis, and in the present period
of my public life, I hold above all price; aud
shall ever refer with feelings of profound gratifi
cation to the last resolution containing the en
dorsement of a Convention, emanating spontan
eously from the great mass of the people. I
trust and hope that my future action may be
such that you and the Convention you represent
may not regret the assurance of the confidence
you have expressed.
Before separating, my friends, one and all ac
cept my sincere thanks for the kind manifesta
tion of regard and respect you have exhibited on
this occasion. I repeat that I shall always be
guided by a conscientious conviction of duty,
and that always gives one courage, under the
Constitution’ which I have made my guide.
At the conclusion of the President’s remarks,
three enthusiastic cheers were given lor Andrew
Johnson, and three more for General Grant.—
The President then took a position near the door
opening, near the hall, with General Grant by
his side, w’here, as the gentlemen of the commit
tee, and the-members of the Convention, passed
out, he grasped each one by the hand, and had a
smile or a cheering word for all. After which
they passed on to take General Grant by the
hand.
From the La Grange Reporter.
The Philadelphia Convention.
DECLENSION OF HON. H. V. JOHNSON.
Augusta, Ga., August 10th, 1866.
Dr. R. A. T. Ridley, La Grange, Ga. :
My Dear Sir—I have received, this moment,
yours of the 4th inst., as President of the Con
vention of the Third Congressional District, in
forming me of my unanimous appointment, as a
delegate for the State at large, to the Philadel
phia Convention, to assemble on the 14th instant.
I see, by the newspapers, that I have been ap
pointed by all the other District Conventions, to
the same position. I feel deeply sensible of the
honor conferred upon, and the confidence repos
ed in, me, and I avail myself of this opportunity
to express my sincere thanks. I regret, however,
that the knowledge of my appointment has
come too late for me to make known, in time
for an alternate te supply my place, that it is im
possible for me to attend the proposed conven
tion. I should do so cheerfully, if it were com
patible with surrounding circumstances, in which
the public have no interest.
The Southern States having decided to respond
to the call for such a convention, it should be
with cordiality and full delegations. It is for
this reason, that I regret my inability to attend
and that it is too late for my place to be filled.—
The object sought to be accomplished is so im
portant to the public welfare, that every doubt
of success, by the mode adopted, should he sacri
ficed to an honest and faithful experiment. For
what true hearted patriot does not feel that it is
incumbent upon him to do all that he can to re
store the harmony of the States, upon the basis
of the Constitution ? So far as the convention
shall seek to accomplish this, it will have my
hearty symphathy, and I shall hail its success,
as among the proudest and sublimest achieve
ments of patriotism and statesmanship.
The restoration of harnTony between the North
and South and of repeseDtation to the latter in
Congress, is a work which must be done by the
people of the former. They are the triumphant
party; the government is in their hands; we are
excluded from all participation in its delibera
tions and actions; we cannot be otherwise, until
they consent. The issue is fo^^em to decide ;
the battle lor the Union Constitution
must be won or lost, at the North, without any
practical participation on our part. Moral aid
and comfort are all that we can render. Hence,
I am forcibly impressed with the conviction, that
our strongest and best policy is silent, but digni
fied submission to the necessities of our condi
tion, leaving the responsibility entirely upon the
Northern people to determine our fate and the
future destiny of the government. When, we
complain, we are told, that we are sore-headed
and not sufficiently humbled. When we urge
our rights under the Constitution, we are tokl
that we have none—that we have forfeited them
When we make required concessions, it is but
the pretext for further exactions. We can
neither say nor do anything that is not converted
into a weapon against us. Hence, the policy of
entire quiescence, I have thought, is best. We
can sustain the President; we can sustain the
conservative men ot the North; we can stand
ready to perform our part in tiie government,
whenever we shall be permitted; we can obey
the Constitution and laws; we can be just and
magnanimous to the freedmen. Beyond all tliis,
what can we do? In all this, there is moral
power—the eloquence of submission to wrong,
and injustice which, sooner or later, will reach
the hearts ot good men, in all lauds. For my
self, I cannot but feel apprehension, lest the con
tracting of party alliances, at this juncture, how
ever laudable the purpose, may destroy this
moral power: for to constitute an efficient ele
ment, in such an organization, we shall be com
pelled, most probably, to pay for it, in the form
of concessions of principle and abatement of
self-respect. I fear something of this sort, in
connection with the Philadelphia Convention.—
The platform promulgated by those who called
it, requires a surrender of principle, on our part,
which, if insisted on by the convention and yield
ed by the South, cannot fail to produce great
mischief, without, so far as I can discover, any
corresponding good. But if our delegates shall
be welcomed as peers; if the convention shall
organize a party, whose object shall be to restore
the Union, upon the basis of the Constitution, as
it is, and if fidelity thereto and to the laws passed
in pursuance thereof, shall be the only test ot
loyalty, then immense good will have been ac
complished. It is in this view, that, in my opi
nion, the experiment is worth making. It is for
this, I hope, not sanguinely, but earnestly, in the
trembling faith, that wise and prudent counsels
may guide its deliberations. But why speculate
as to the probable fruits of the convention ? It is
close at hand and we shall soon know its results.
It is every patriot’s prayer, that they may be
most happy and benign—the beginning of a
career of peace and harmony for our distracted
country. I have the jtonor to be^our obedient
servant.
Herschel V. Johnson.
Growth of Conservatism Across the
mountains.
A friend writing us from upper East Ten
nessee says:
The conviction is forcing itself upon the
people of this part of the State, that the great
object of the Radical leaders in Congress and in
the State, is immediate negro suffrage, and, as
far as possible, negro equality, social as well as
political. Many were slow to believe this. But
the speech of Mr. Fletcher, in Nashville, on-the
28th ult.,in which he so intimately associates the
white and black Unionists, has given cause to
believe that the Union which the Radicals de
sire and are laboring for, is not the Constitu
tional Unien of our fathers, hut a violent and
enforced union of the two races. This is repul
sive to this people. The action of the late ne
gro convention at Knoxville, appointing negro
delegates to attend the Southern Loyal Con
vention to assemble at Philadelphia in Septem
ber, there to mingle and deliberate with white
men, excites derision and disgust, and discloses
the true object of radicalism. They find that
the President, their own true aud tried Andy
Johnson, stands the firm opponent of these vio
lent innovations, and is now laboring to protect
and shield them from the abrupt and revolution
ary plans of the Radicals in this matter, which
must essentially change or destroy the Gover
nment, if successful.
“Under these considerations, I feel assured
that the great mass of the voters of East Ten
nessee will array themselves, in all future elec
tions, under the banner of the Conservative
Union party, whose standard is in the hands of
Andrew Johnson, whose colors never yet trailed
in the dust through all the conflicts of the last thir
ty yearn. An eminent member of the Bar, who
enjoys an extensive practice in the large Circuit
of upper East Tennessee, assures me that Con
servatism is rapidly increasing in that entire
section."
Our correspondent is a calm and diligent
observer, and we rely fully on his good judg
ment.
Dictator, hut, gentlemen, my pride and ambition
T 1 ??- Emjieror of Austria sent his S00 horses jias been to occupv that position which retains
and loO carriages to Oten for safety. He could j „ . .. f , F, , T . .
open a first class liverv stable if things go much | a11 P° wer ia tbe hands of tlie ^ ,]c - II 19 U P° D
harder with him. " i that I always rely, and it is upon that I rely now.
Brick Pomeroy has adopted a political plat
form, and spreads it out in the La Crosse Demo
crat. It is brief and pithy:
‘ Equality of States in the Union, or another
war.
White men to govern white men.
Equal taxation—taxation of the United States
bonds, or repudiation.
PHI LADELPHIA.
THE GREAT ""CONVENTION.
LAST RAY’S PROCEEDINGS,
declarationHop principles.
CHEERING NEWS FROM COLORADO.
The Convention Adjourns Sine Die.
Philadelphia, August 16.—The National
Union Convention re-assembled _ at 10 o clock
this morning, Senator Doolittle in the chair.—
The proceedings of the convention were opened
with prayer by Rev. Green S. Snyder, of 3IibSis-
sippi. The President of the convention then
read a dispatch from Colorado, announcing the
election of A. C. Hunt, the administration candi
date for Congress, in Colorado. The announce
ment was greeted with cheers.
Mr. Crowell, of New Jersey, offered a resolu
tion for the appointment of a National Execu
tive Committee from each State and Territory,
which was adopted.
On motion of Hon. Reverdy Johnson, a reso
lution was adopted to appoint a committee to
wait upon the President aDd present him with
an official report of the proceedings of this con
vention.
A Committee of Arrangements was then ap
pointed. . . .
Senator Cowan introduced a resolution, which
was adopted unanimously, thanking Mayor Mc-
Micbael for his excellent police arrangements for
the preservation of peace.
The following is the declaration of principles
adopted by the convention:
Thank God for the return of peace! The war
maintained the authority of the Constitution,
and preserved the equal rights ot the States.
The right of representation in Congress and the
Electoral College cannot be denied by Congress
nor the General Government. It calls upon the
people to elect to Congress only men who will
admit this right; declares that certain powers
are reserved to the States, and among them is
that of prescribing the qualifications for the
elective franchise; that no State can withdraw
from the Union, nor can any be excluded; that
all the States have an equal voice in ratifying
constitutional amendments; that slavery is abol
ished, and the enfranchised slaves should receive
protection in person and property; repudiates
the rebel war debt, and declares sacredly for the
debt of the nation; says it is the duty of the
Government to meet the just claims of its sol
diers, and care for the survivors aud widows and
orphans; recognizes Andrew Johnson as worthy
of the support of the nation, and tenders to him
a cordial and sincere support.
They were adopted unanimously.
An address was read by Mr. Raymond.
The convention adjourned sine die.
[second dispatch.]
Philadelphia, August 16.—The National
Union Convention re-assembled at 10 o’clock this
morning, pursuant to adjournment. Every seat
in the building filled. The assemblage of la
dies was greater than at any time previous. The
proceedings were opened with prayer by Rev. R
M. Snvder, Pennsylvania. The President ot the
Convention, Senator Doolittle, then rose and
said: “ Before we proceed to any further busi
ness the chair begs leave to announce as the first
response of the call of this convention, the result
of the Colorado elections. [Cheers.]
Denver, Colorado Territory, Aug. 16.—Re
turns from all parts of the Territory render cer
tain the election of A. C. Hunt, the administra
tion candidate for Congress, over Chilly, radical
The dispatch was greeted with applause.
Mr. Crowell, New Jersey, offered the following
resolution :
Resolved, That a National Union Executive
Committee be appointed to be composed of two
delegates from each State and Territory and Dis
trict of Columbia.
The resolution was adopted.
Hon. Reverdy Johnson, who on rising was
greeted witli enthusiastic cheers, oflered the fol
lowing resolution:
“Resolved, That a committee, consisting of
two delegates from each State, and one from each
Territory and the District of Columbia, be ap
pointed by the Chair to wait upon the President
of the United States and present him with an
authentic copy of the proceedings of this conven
tion.”
The resolution was unanimously adopted.
Mr. Charles Knapp, of the District of Colum
bia, offered the following resolution:
“ Resolved, That a committee of Finance be
appointed, to consist of delegates from each State
Territory, and the District of Columbia.”
The resolution was adopted.
General Patten, of Pennsylvania, offered
resolution on the subject of representation in the
convention, which under the rules of the conven
tion was referred, without reading or debate.
Mr. Cowan then offered the following resolu
tion:
“ Resolved, That the thanks of this convention
be and are hereby tendered to Morton McMicliael
Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, for the ad
mirable police arrangements lor the preservation
of the peace and good order during the sittiu
of this convention.
The resolution was greeted with applause and
carried unanimously.
Mr. Cowan again arose and said, on behalf ot
the committee who were appointed to prepare
the resolutions and address: I have to state that
after a very careful and elaborate consideration
of the same, lasting all day and a part of the
night, we have agreed on the same. I beg leave
to report the following declaration of principles
adopted unanimously by the committee, which
the Secretary of this Convention will read, and
also an address to the people ot tiie countrv,
which will be made by Hon. II. J. Raymond, of
New York. [Applause.] The Secretary then
proceeded to read the declaration of principles,
each clause of which was loudly applauded, and
the last one, which endorses the President, was
greeted with prolonged cheering, in which the
audience and delegates united.
declaration of principles.
The National Union Convention, now assem
bled in Philadelphia, composed of delegates
from every State and Territory of the Union,
admonished by the solemn lessons which, for the
last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Ruler
of tbe universe to give to the American people,
profoundly grateful for the return of peace, feel
ing that a large majority of their countrymen in
all sincerity desire to forget and forgive the past,
revering the Constitution as it came to us from
our ancestors, regarding the Union restored as
more sacred than ever, and looking with deep
anxiety to the future, hereby proclaims the fbl,
lowing declaration of principles and purposes,
on which they have, with perfect unanimity
agreed :
First. We hail with gratitude to Almighty
God the end of war and the return of peace to
our afflicted and beloved land.
Second. The war just closed has maintained
the authority of the Constitution, with all the
powers which it confers and all the restrictions
which it imposes on the General Government,
unabridged and unaltered ; and it has preserved
the Union, with the rights, dignity and authority
of the States perfect and unimpaired.
Third. Representation in the Congress of the
United States and in the Electoral College is a
right recognized by the Constitution as abiding
in every State, and is a duty imposed on its peo
ple fundamental in its nature and essential to the
exercise of our republican institutions, and
neither Congress nor the General Government
has any authority or power to deny this right to
any, or withhold its enjoyment, under the’Con
stitution, from the people thereof.
Fourth. Calls upon the people of the United
States to elect to Congress members who admit
the fundamental principle of representation, and
who will receive the loyal representatives from
every State in allegiance to the United States;
submit to the constitutionality of each House to
judge of the election returns and qualifications
of its own members.
Fifth. The Constitution of the United States
and the laws thereof are the supreme law of the
land, anything in the constitution or laws of any
State to the contrary notwithstanding. All the
power not conferred in the constitution upon the
General Government, nor prohibited by the
States, are restored to the States, or the people
thereof, and among the rights to prescribe quali
fications for the elective franchise therein, which
right Congress cannot interfere with. No State
or convention of States has the right to withdraw
from the Union, or to exclude, through their ac
tion in Congress or otherwise, any State or
States from the Union. The Union of the States
is perpetual and the amendments to the Consti
tution of the United States may be made by the
people thereof as they may deem expedient, but
only in the mode pointed "out by its resolutions;
and in proposing such amendments, whether by
Congress or by a convention, and in ratifying the
same, all the States have an equal and indisputa
ble right to vote thereon.
Seventh. Slavery is abolished and forever
prohibited, and there is neither desire nor pur
pose on the part of the Southern States that it
should ever be re-established upon their soil or
within its jurisdiction, and the enfranchised
slaves in all States of the Union should be re
ceived in communion with all their inhabitants,
and equal protection in ever}’ right of person and
property.
Eighth. While all regard a3 utterly invalid
and never to be assumed, or made of binding
force any obligation incurred, for making war
against, the L nited States, we hold the debt of
the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we
proclaim our purposes in discharging this as in
performing all other national obligations to main
tain unimpaired and unimpeached the honor and
faith of fhe public.
Ninth. It is the duty of the National Govem-
the services ot the Federal
8 and sailors in lb<i contBt
fJSSS&riiS&fiey bay! lender-
-hose who
C °Tenth rate in a rndrew Johnson, President of the
EHSaBeiiif
Sf The nation and equal to the great crisis and
noon which his lot is cast, and are tendered to
m in e discharge of his high and responsible
Kc“ oar profound respect and our cordial and
S "S S SrSc had been taken oh the adoption
of* the foregoing Declaration ot Principles, t
was ffiscove?ed that the reading of the seventh
one had been omitted by accident, and this tact
was announced by Mr. Doolittle It was then
adopted with great applause and unanimity.
The Declaration of Principles was then adopted
as !V whole with enthusiastic cheers for the adop
U< Three cheers were called for and given in the
most enthusiastic manner tor Senator Cowan, ot
^Senator Cowan acknowledged the compliment,
hut said as he considered himself the host of the
Convention, one of his distinguished guests
would address it bv virtue of authority unani
mously derived from the Committee on Resolu-
tions and address. He then introduced Hon.
Henry J. Raymond, of New York:
Mr" Raymond, therefore, proceeded to read
the address which had been written by himself,
as had also been the declaration of principles.—
He was so frequently interrupted by applause
that the cliairmain a'ppealed to the Convention
to restrain such”manitestations until the reading
of the address should be concluded. Neverthe
less at the close of the sentence declaring that
no people subjected to such treatment as that to
which the South was now subjected, could long
remain loyal, cheer after cheer resounded
through the Wigwam. Senator Johnson asked
that the sentence be repeated. The sentence
was read again as follows : No people has ever
3’et existed whose loyalty and faith, such treat
ment long continued w’ould not alienate and de
spair. The ten millions of Americans who live
iu the South, would be unworthy citizens of a
free country, degenerate sons of a heroic ances
try, unfit ever to become the guardians of the
rights and liberties bequeathed to the United
States by our fathers and founders of this Re
public if they could accept, with uncomplaining
submission, the humiliation thus imposed on
them. This sentence was again cheered with
the greatest enthusiasm, and at the close ot the
reading of the address, ex-Governor Perry, of
South Carolina, rose and moved its adoption.—
The motion was declared carried unanimously.
Mr J. S. Tilden, of New Y’ork, then rose and
proposed in behalf ot the Nework delegation
three cheers for the Hon. H. J. Raymond, who
had prepared the address just read.
Mr. Patton on behalf ot the Pennsylvania
delegation, seconded the call for the cheers,
which were then enthusiastically given.
The address contains about eight thousand
words, and will make not far from four solid col
umns in the New York morning papers. It de
mands the universal acknowledgment of the le
gitimate consequences of the war, which are the
perpetual maintainance of the Union and the
destruction of slavery. It asserts next, that the
Government acquired no new rights or powers by
the war, that it acted only on the defensive. Con
gress had passed resolutions declaring that when
the war closed all the powers and dignity of the
States should remain unimpaired. The power
assumed by the Government in the States since
the war closed was in violation of the Constitu
tion.
The Constitution declares that no State shall,
without its own amendment, be deprived of its
equal representation in the Senate. The action
of Congress denying representation to the South
ern States appears as great an effort to overthrow
the Government as was that by armed rebellion.
If Congress can exclude other States on one pre
text another Congress may exclude other States
on another. There is no movement for this in
the Constitution. Not only cannot representa
tion be excluded from Congress but no State,
without its own consent, can be deprived of equal
representation in the Senate, even by an amend
ment of tiie Constitution. The only pretext for
the action of Congress is that States lately in re
bellion have lost their Tight to representation
which the supreme government only can restore ;
but it is in a principle that no right can be im
paired by rebellion—only its enjoyment of that
privilege can he be constructed.”
The address further asserts that the position
of Congress in the matter is not warranted by
the Constitution, and is not compatible with the
public safety. It is also argued that three-fourths
of the loyal States can change the fundamental
law affecting the others, aud that we have no
right to pass judgment upon the motives of any
of the citizens of the United States when Ills acts
are loyal. The disturbances that have occurred
were due as much to injudicious political move
ments as any purpose hostile to the Government.
If the people of the South show less disposition
than formerly to acquiesce in the uew order of
affairs, it is because Congress lias withheld their
rights from them. If they lelt otherwise, they
would be the degenerated sons of their sires.—
No people ever existed whose loyalty w’ould uot
have been impaired by such treatment. The peo
ple of the South -would not be worthy to he en
trusted in the exercise of their rights if they
were willing to submit to such humiliation.
These men acted as they did rather from a con
viction of compulsion. For this they have suf
fered ten-fold more than those who have remain
ed in allegiance.
The address directs attention to the fact that
a new Congress is now to be elected, aud adds
that if the present policy be pursued, civil war
may be renewed, aud calls upon every Congres
sional district to return oulv members who are
favorable to the policy of restoration.
Eloquent Extract.
The following are the closing remarks of the
Hon. S. S. Cox, of Ohio, in the ’speech recently
delivered by him in tlte city of New York, and
in which lie reviewed the intolerant action of
the Congress that recently adjourned :
Tlte historian of Rome draws something from
his imagination when he pictures the proud
Queen of Palmyra, Zenobla, arrayed in purple,
yet loaded with golden chains; to aggrandize
the procession in honor of the conqueror of Asia.
It needs no imagination to picture the fate of
eleven States, not of foreign origin, but of one
blood, language, and history and religion, follow
ing with downcast eye the triumphant chariot of
Congressional power! States whose area is over
725,000 square miles; larger than England,
France, Spain, Portugal, and all Germany;
having a population ot 10,000,000; whose an
nual product from a little pod is greater than the
wealth which the Roman bore in his stately gal
leys to Rome from the golden and jeweled Orient!
Virginia, too proud, perhaps, but with such a
grandeur of great names on her rolls ; tiie Caro
linians, weary of their waywardness, but still the
home of the Pinckneys, who gave the Constitu
tion to America, and of those who, at Mecklen
burg, anticipated the Declaration which, at King’s
Mountain, consummated our independence; Geor
gia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, whose feet are
kissed by the waters of a thousand rivers, which,
rolling through the valley of the Mississippi,
gather their volumes of wealth from Minnesota
to Louisiana—these are the subject States led in
fetters at the car of this Imperial Congress.—
[Cheers.] Such exhibitions dishonored the great
ness of even Pagan Rome. They would not be
tolerated by ambitious France, which takes Ve-
netia as a gift from the Kaiser only to set it as a
jewel in the crown of a United Italy. [Cheers.]
It might find its counterpart in the great land
animal of the North—Russia—in whose embrace
prostrate Poland groans. [Cheers.] Forgetting
her own grasp of Ireland, England assumes
to be horrified at the spectacle. [Cheers.]—
Even in Turkey, the policy of strangling broth
ers by the Sultan no longer makes the traveler
shudder as he crosses the Bosphorus. But for
this Christian land of America, the people do
not ask such a mockery of triumph and such a
degradation of power". [Cheers.] They will
write the epitaph of the Congress which pro
poses it in letters of fire : “ Here lies the frag
ments of the Thirty-ninth American Congress,
which, starting with a furtive conspiracy against
the President, with oppotunities never before
vouchsafed for blessing, postponed Union ; and
putting the nation in peril of another civil ’war,
it died under the just indignation of an aroused
people, and is damned to an immortality of in
famy • ” [Cheers.]
The Cotton Crop.—According to the esti
mate of intelligent gentlemen in Mississippi,
who compose an association for collecting data
as to the cotton crop of that State, one-fourth
of an ordinary crop would be an extravagant
estimate of the cotton that will lie made in
Mississippi this year. If this estimate be cor
rect, the whole crop ot the L’nited States may
not exceed three-fourths of a million. England,
notwithstanding the iniquitous three cent export
duty, will need nut less than one million bales of
American cotton, and it is not improbable that
New England manufacturers may have to pay
fifty cents per pound for all the next crop they
use.—Nashville Union d American.
Paris Correspondence of the New York Tribune.
Imperial Every-Day Life-How the Empe
ror Napoleon Passes Isis Time.
Passing through various ante-rooms in the
Tuileries we at last find ourselves in a large
drawing-room, hung with red silk damask, the
furniture being covered with the same material.
In the center is a large table, with an arm-cliair
at one end and chairs all around. We are now-
in the council chamber, where, the Emperor
twice a week deliberates with his ministers.—
Leaving this apartment, we penetrate into the
Emperor’s study, or either the official study, as
there is another adjoining office in which lie w'riles
reads reports and examines ihc numerous affairs
submitted to his decision. In the first study he
usually receives the persons to whom audiences
have been granted, signs papers, transacts gene
ral business. In tiie private office we find two
valets engaged in dusting mid putting things in
order, for the Emperor will presently arrive.—
These two valets have special charge of the
study. Their sole business is Jo keep ii iu order,
and no one but they can enter it in the Emperor’s
absence. These two men, with Felix, first usher,
Leon, first valet de chamber, and five or six
other servants, formerly attached, either in per
son or through their families, to tiie household
ot Queen Horleuse, constitute the personal at
tendance of Napoleon III. They are devoted
to their imperial master, and watch over him
with discreet and jealous vigilance. I use the
term “discreet,” because it is well known that
the Emperor has a great dislike of the precau
tionary measures which the several attempts to
assassinate him have rendered necessary, and M.
llyrvoix, Inspector General of Police of the Im
perial residences, is obliged to employ the great
est activity and skill to secure the safety of the
sovereign against whose life so many conspira
cies have been set on foot.
While we have been staring at the rooms
through which we have passed, 7 o’clock has
struck, and the Emperor is now at his desk.—
The first persons admitted to liis presence are
Dr. Conneau, the Emperor’s physician and di
rector of the Sovereign’s bounty, and M. Melin,
Treasurer ot the Cassette, or Privy Purse. These
gentlemen report on the moneys distributed bv
them yesterday, and receive "their instructions
to-day. After leaving the Emperor they make
a similar visit to the Empress and the young
Prince Imperial, for the same purpose." The
next arrivals are M. C’onti, chief of the Cabinet
(which must not be mistaken for the Ministry)
and M. Pietri, Private Secretary to the Empe
ror. They report to his Majesty upon the peti
tions which have been received on the previous
day, and take the Emperor’s orders with regard
to them. As numerous documents of tliis kind
are daily sent to the Tuileries, and as each is
daily examined, this labor usually consumes the
time until ten o’clock. At this hour Felix intro
duces the savans, writers and artists, employed
by the Emperor, and who come to present their
work or receive instructions. Shortly before
noon the officers of the household submit theii
several reports, and at noon the Emperor goes,
up to the apartments of the Empress to "break
fast, herself and the Prince Imperial only partici
pating with him in this meal, which lasts about
halt an hour. After breakfast the Emperor re
mains a short time to converse with his son and
the ladies and gentlemen ofthe palace on duty. He
then returns to his office, and the regular series of
audiences commence. The visitors are the Cab
inet Ministers, Foreign Ambassadors, the Presi
dent of the Senate, Corps Legislatiff, and Coun
cil of State, the high functionaries who have bu
siness to transact, and persons who have been
accorded a special interview. These receptions
are rarely over before 4 o’clock. The Emperor
then goes out to ride, sometimes merely for relax
ation, in which case he drives to the Bois de
Boulogne, or to Vincennes, but frequently avail
ing himself of the opportunity to inspect the
public works and improvements in progress, and
visit charitable establishments. He generally re
turns to the Tuileries about 6 o’clock, and at 7 din
ner is announced. At this meal, in addition to the
Emperor, Empress and Prince Imperial, the
guests are the entire household on duty, that is
to say, the aids-de-camp, orderly officers, ebam-
perlains, equerries and ladies of the palace.—
Contrary to the rule observed on occasions of
ceremony, (when the Empress sits opposite the
Emperor,) on ordinary days Her Majesty’s place
is at the right side of her husband. Gen. Rollin,
Adjutant General of the Tuileries, siis opposite
their Majesties. The first Lady of Honor is
placed at the Emperor’s left, and the Cliief-Aid-
de-Camp at the Empress’ right.
After dinner, the company enter the drawing
room adjoining the dining-room, where about an
hour is passed, the time being spent in conversa
tion or in games of skill and calculation. Card
playing is entirely excluded. Recently, the princi
pal occupation of this leisure hour was the plan
ning of homes for the laboring classes. Tbe Empe
ror and Empress, both of whom take a deep inter
est in this subject, each built a miniature dwelling
with blocks of wood and bits of pasteboard, de
fending their ideas against the objections and
criticism of those around them. At the Univer
sal Exhibition of 1867, Napoleon III. and the
Empress Eugenie will figure as exhibitors of
workingmen’s houses, and may be fortunate
enough to carry off a medal.
Between 9 and 10 o’clock the Emperor again
returns to his study, and labors until the hour
for retiring.
“Do tot know who I am ?” said an officer to
a fellow whom he had by the collar. “Not ex
actly, sir,” the fellow replied “but I think you
must be the malignant collarer.”
From the Cincinnati Gazette.
Tiie Camphor Remedy For Cholera.
Great interest is just now felt in the successful
cure of the cholora by Dr. Rubini, of Naples.
Camphor, as a cure for cholera, has long been
used by both schools of medicine, and Dr. Ru-
bini’s innovation consists in the method of pre
paring the remedy. The essential facts of the
case I will now state as they have been reported
here by an English gentleman.
Dr. Rubini’a preparation consists of equal
parts by weight of camphor and spirits, aud to
the power thus obtained he attributes his success
in the treatment of the disease. And here I
may say that the (quantity of camphor which
water will take up is small. To obtain, there
fore, the “saturated spirits of camphor of Rubini,”
it is necessary to distil spirits of wine, and get
rid of so much of its water as will bring it to
sixty degrees over proof, in which condition it
will dissolve and hold in solution its own weight
of camphor.
[We are informed that our druggists find it
necessary to use alcohol of 98 per cent, above
proof. The composition is simply to put in as
much camphor as the spirit9]will dissolve.—Ed.]
With this “saturated spirits of camphor,” Dr.
Rubini, an eminent Neapolitan physician, has
treated in Naples five hundred and ninety-two
cases of Asiatic cholera without the loss of a
single patient. Of these five hundred and
ninety-two cases, two hundred were cured in
the royal alms house; eleven in the royal poor
house, and one hundred sixty-six in the Swiss
regiment of Wolff. That the three hundred
and seventy-seven cases treated by Dr. Rubini
in the public institutions were all genuine cases:
of Asiatic cholera, and some terribly severe.”'
and that all recovered, the evidence of the fol
lowing distinguished individuals, with their offi
cial seals attatched, sufficiently attests: II Gen
eral Govemators Ricel; 11 Maggiore Com-
madante Nicola Forni; II Capitano Command-
ante Carlo Sodcro; Generate Commandante
Filippo Ruoci; Colonel Eduoro Wolff.
When a man is seized with the cholera he
should at once,” says Rubini, “lie down, be well
wrapped up in blankets, aud take every five
minutes four drops of the saturated tincture ot
camphor. In very severe cases the dose ought
to be increased to from five to twenty drops
every five minutes. In the case of a man in.
advanced age accustomed to take wine ami
spirits, where the drug given in drops has no
effect, give a small coffee spoonful every five
minutes, and iu a verv short time the coveted
reaction will occur. Ordinarily, in two, three
or four hours, abundant perspiration will come
out, and then cure will follow. “The preven
tative method,” writes Dr. Rubini, “is this: Let
those who are in good health, while living in
accordance with their usual habits, take every
day five drops of the saturated spirits of cam
phor upon a small lump of sugar (water must
never be used as a medium, or the camphor will
become solid, and its curative qualities cease,)
and repeat the dose three or four times a day.
Spices, aromatic herbs, coffee, tea and spirituous
liquors should be avoided.”
-An _ Elopement.—There was a great excite
ment in Cannelton, Indiana, last Sunday. Miss
Martha E. Connett and Mr. Pleasant Munroe,
both of Pell City, Indiana, had eloped thither,
but were followed by the indignant father of the
young lady, who sought to prevent the mar
riage. The twain, however, had resolved to be
come one. They wandered about in search of a
clergyman who would tie the knot, followed bv
the father and a large crowd which had been
gathered by the noise of the altercation between
them. Finally, the couple entered a friend’s
house, whence the father was now excluded;
but he still waited without, determined that they
should not emerge without him seeing them.—
Their forlorn hope in this extremity was a ruse,
which succeeded perfectly. A friend sallied forth
in the young lady’s attire, and surrounded by
other friends, ran up the street, followed by the
father and the crowd. Then the young lady
came forth dressed in male attire, and afterwards
came the bridegroom; they reached a place ap
pointed and were soon married.
Fast Trlveling.—Recently, on an English
railroad, a bridge caught fire,"and the superin
tendent of the road, who was in London, was
telegraphed for. He immediately left London,
and traveled on an engine to York, a distance
of 191 miles, in 3 hours and 43 minutes, includ
ing a stoppage of 8 minutes at one of the sta
tions. This was equal to six miles in seven min
utes—a rate of continuous speed rarely made on
any long railroad.