Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XVIII.
ERROR CEASES TO BE DANOEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT." Jefferson.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12,186(1.
NUMBER 36.
WttUtf Jtttflliijnirfr.
PUBLISHEli DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWIN 1 WHITAKER,
Proprietor.
ATLANTA. GEORGIA.
Wednesday, September 12, I86Q.
Lab.tr and Capital United -Andrew Joha-
•on’a Pollrjr.
Perhaps there in no man living whose inllu
once to unite lalior and capital in tiie United
States can at all compare with that ol “ Andy
Johnson.” It is fortunate, indeed, for the whole
country, that this is true; .that, in a crisis like
the present, when evi)-dispos«d persons, usurp
ers and fanatics, are doing all in thrift- power to
prevent a restoration of the Union, in order that
they ina}' revel ii|H)ii Southern spoils, and occu
py high places in the government, there is at its
head a man commanding the confidence as well
of the laboring classes as of its capitalists. This
confidence has recently been demonstrated in a
remarkable degree. In every city which the
President lias visited during his present tour,
demonstrations by these two classes have been
made which can leave no doubL upon the public
mind that they both recognize in him a common
arbiter to settle all differences between them,
each confident that the interests of neither will
he betrayed for tin; advancement ol the other
through any measure lie may propose, policy he
may suggest, or through any measure others
may propose, or policy they may suggest, upon
which he must finally act. Let the reader name
the individual, if he can, within the boundaries
of tin; American Republic, who is more entitled
to he considered the representative of its laboring
classes than “Andy Johnson,” of Tennessee!
Ol and from them, he has ever heen true to
them, and we do not wonder at all when we
read accounts in our Northern exchanges of the
enthusiasm he creates among, and the ovations
paid to him by, those classes in the cities he has
recently visited. An able, consistent, hold ad
vocacy and maintenance of their interests, as
well as privileges and rights, during an eventful
life, have endeared “ Andy Johnson ” to the
laboring classes everywhere, anil we are not at
all surprised to note the welcome they have
given him in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New
York. So, too, it has been with Northern capi
talists. In the passage of the President
through the streets of New York, while he was
being cheered by the laboring classes who oc
cupied the streets, by whom was he supported,
as lie stood up in the barouche bowing to the
excited and enthusiastic crowd ? By the chief
capitalists of that great metropolis ; by men who
possess millions, and who have the wisdom to
understand that capital and labor mast unite in
support of “Andy Johnson” and his measures,
or ail is lost. The Stewarts, the Astors the
merchant princes, the wealthy bankers, all uni
ted in doing honor to him who would maintain
the Constitution and restore the Union. And
why ? At the grand banquet given to their dis
tinguished guest, over which A! ay or Hoffman
presided, the President said ;
“You have about three thousand millions of
dollais in bonds. How arc you going to preserve
the credit of them ? Will you tell me how the
security, how the value, how the ultimate pay
ment of the interest and principal of these bonds
is to be secured ? Is it by continuing this gov
ernment, disrupted as it is, by crippling our ener
gies, and dividing us up into half a dozen
petty States ? Let me tell you, and mark what 1
tell you, that there is no way by which these
bonds can he ultimately paid, interest and princi
pal, than by the consolidation of our nationality,
the perpetuity and completeness of the Union of
the States."
This is wh at brings capital to uuitc with labor
in support of the President’s measure of South
ern restoration. This is what brings capital to
the support ol the Philadelphia Convention
movement. Without a restoration of the Union,
how, asks the President, “arc you going to
preserve the credit ol” the “three thousand mil
lions of dollars in bonds?" "Mar/.-," he says,
"what T tell you"—there is “no way by which
these bonds can be ultimately paid, interest and
principal, than hv the consolidation of our na
tionality, the perpetuity and completeness of the
Union of the States.”
These were bold declarations on tfie part of
the President, and the capitalists at that
banquet board must have been deeply impressed
with them. Plain spoken truths they were, and
they must unite capital with labor, to overthrow
the ltadicals, or there will he no restoration, hut
instead thereof bankruptcy and ruin—confisca
tion for the South, and npudiation in the North.
A few short mouths will solve the grand prob
lem. Here in the South, we have no voice. The
ballot box on the terrible issue is closed to us. Our
fate is that of Andy Johnson. Should he tri
umph in the contest; should his policy prevail;
then shall the South cscapc'the doom to which
she is destined by her infuriated and fanatical
toes. Hut, should he be defeated, the icorst that
has been predicted will he our lot.
Ilrioviilow in Philadelphia.
“ THESE ARK MY SENTIMENTS."
The Hon. W. D. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, in
introducing Pro widow to a Philadelphia Radical
audience recently, pronounced that notorious in
dividual "great and valiant.'' What a burlesque
upon greatness : what a burlesque on rotor ! Per
haps it was lo impress the Philadelphia li.idir.ih.
with his ralor—he could impress no audience
wills an idea ot his greatness—that the old rowdy
pronounced with his foul tongue these as his
“sentiments.’'
“If another war comes, 1 want you to divide
your army into three parties, let the first and
largest come armed with harpoons and do the
killing—let the second come with live torches
and do the burning—let the third come with sur
veyor’s lines and re-mark out and re settle the
country. These are my sentiments.”
Which, now, of these three parties Brownlow
will attach himself to, cannot be a matter ot
doubt with sensible men, either North or South.
There will he no “fiarpoonin his hand when the
time comes, “to do the killing;" no lire torch to
“do the burning;” for these will he attended by
some little risk of life. But when the surveying
party comes “to re-mark out and re-settle the
country,” then this Borer nor I>nnrn ! ow will be
found iu the lead to plunder our people and drive
them from their homes. Iu this will his ralor he
displayed. This is the nature of the beast, and
his “a ntiments" accord with his nature.
Major Campbell Wallace.
Our readers will he pleased to learn that
among the distinguished citizens of Georgia,
who have recently been pardoned by the Presi
dent of the United States, is Major C. Wallace,
the efficient Superintendent of the Western &
Atlantic Railroad. *The pardon was approved
hv the President on the 2d day of October.
1865, and reached Major Wallace on the 28th
ultimo.
The Alabama Rising.—The Montgomery
papers state that the Alabama is rising, and has
attained sufficient height for the largest steamers
lo ascend to that citv.
Creditor and Debtor—Tbe Belief .'Move
ment.
We publish by reqaest in another column, the
proceedings of a “relief meeting” held m .Tones-
horo, Clayton county, on the 4th instanl. Sinii-
lar meetings have heen held iu other eounties of
tlie Suite, and others, we notice, have been called
to assemble. These demonstrations indicate the
existence of no cordial feeling between the cred
itor and debtor classes of our good old common
wealth. We -regret to see this manifestation.—
Forbearance and indulgence on the part f>f the
creditor class to the honest debtor, we admit, afe
demanded by the results of the late war, and
more recently, in large districts of the State, by
the'entire failure of the crops. A simoom, as it
were, lias passed over the cotton and corn fields
of our State, and what With the heat and drought
of the two long summer months, few of them
will return any profitable yield. The prospect is
indeed a gloom}* and to the debtor class an
alarming one. For aH tins, the creditor class, he
it remcinliered, is not responsible. Their legal
rights and remedies, whatever they may be, can
not he set aside. They must lie appealed to, not
threatened. Confidence must exist between the
two classes, and when this does exist, forbear
ance and indulgence will surely follow. Perhaps
we cannot do a greater service to both the debtor
and the creditor classes in our State, than by
transferring lrom the Milledgeville papers to our
columns, the address of Judge Reese to the
Grand Jury of Baldwin, at the late session of the
Superior Court in that county. Under the im
pression that it would, we shall do so, commend
ing it to the serious consideration of our fellow-
citizens of Clayton, and of all other counties in
the State who have held, or propose to hold “re
lief meetings.” The relations that exist in law
and in fact between the debtor and creditor
classes an; clearly set forth in the address; while
the relations that should exist in these trying
times are most forcibly presented:
ADDRESS OK JUDGE REESE TO THE GRAND JURY
OK BALDWIN COUNTY.
Having gone through with my instructions iu
reference to your statutory duties, I beg leave to
call your attention to a subject which, though
not among your prescribed duties, in my judg
ment deeply concerns the morals and prosperity
of our people. I allude to the relation of debtor
aud creditor as it now exists in this State. And
that I may not lie misunderstood, nor misrepre
sented, I give you what I have to say upon this
subject in writing.
It requires no prophetic eye to see that the
feeling now being engendered between the debtor
and creditor class (unless a course ot conduct
different from that now being pursued by both
parties be adopted) will culminate in deadly hos
tility, iu lawlessness, and in serious injury lo the
agricultural interests of the country.
On one hand, the debtor, whose property con
sisted principally in slaves, and who, by reason
of emancipation, is not now' possessed of pro
perty sufficient to discharge his pecuniary liabil
ities, feels that the action of (j.nocrnmnit has re
lieved him from till moral obligation, and is,
therefore, indifferent as to the payment ot his
debts.
On the other hand, the creditor seeing this in
difference, is, iu most cases, proceeding to obtain
judgment, so as to be ready to enforce the col
lection of his debt to the extent of the debtor’s
assets, whenever the law shall allow hint so to
do.
This course of conduct by the respective par
ties brings about mutual charges of dishonesty
and unfair dealing, and must, if persisted in,
eventually lead to a state of things, easily im
agined, hard to he depicted, and greatly lo he
deplored.
1 propose, briefly,to establish the proposition,
that in all cases of debts contracted prior to the
first day ot June, 1S65, where the debtor has not
a sufficiency ot property to discharge all his lia
bilities, without leaving his family comparatively
destitute, it will be to the interest of the debtor,
to the interest of the creditor, and tor the good
of the country, that there should be a compound
ing between the parties at once, they taking for
their guide the rule of conduct prescribed by
Him who spake its never man spoke, viz; “ As
ve would that men should do unto you, do you
also unto them likewise.”
First, then: Will it be to the interest of the
debtor? It is clear to my mind that the planter
who finds himself w ithout a sufficiency of prop
erty at a fair valuation, to pay off his indebted
ness now, cannot reasonably expect, under the
present labor system, and with heavy pecuniary
liabilities hanging over him, to better his condi
tion in the pursuit of his former vocation, and
without capital he cannot embark in any other
business. It is not human nature for man to be
industrious and energetic with judgment liens
against him beyond the value of his property.—
He is constantly watching and expecting the
officer of the law' to take the last luxury, if not
the hist, comfort, from his family. He becomes
unmanned, useless to his family and to society.
It requires no lengthened argument to prove that
a debtor thus circumstanced will have more left
by compounding with his creditor now than lie
will have by waiting for the end of the law; for
l am fully persuaded that there are but tew' cred
itors who, when properly approached by the
honest debtor, will not be w illing to compound
upon liberal terms, taking into consideration, if
you please, the losses ol himself and debtor by
the action of government in abolishing the in
stitution of slavery, and the ratio which the debt
hears to such losses compared \vith the property
lett to each.- You may. among creditors, now
and then, find a “pound ot flesh creature,” who
will be unwilling to compound upon any terms,
but he will be the exception, unless I am much
mistaken in the spirit pervading the creditor
class, as also their intelligence in understanding
their own interest.
2d. Will it he to the interest of the creditor?
Every lien obtained diminishes the assets of the
debtor to the extent of casts, at least, and takes
irorn Ate creditor the collecting commissions.—
Although the State has no bankrupt law, and
may not lia^e the constitutional power to pass
one affecting contracts made prior to its enact
ment, it is almost certain that Congress will rery
soon pass a general bankrupt law, in which they
may, as they have the power to do, in the distri
bution of the assets ot the bankrupt, put all
debts upon the same footing, iu entire disregard
of local liens; but if such law to’be passed should
give priority to liens, the expenses of the proceed
ings iu bankruptcy must necessarily take prece
dence of everything else, and judging lrom the
experience of those who are familiar with the
operation of the bankrupt acts heretofore passed
by Congress,there will be precious little left lor dis
tribution among creditors, leaving the creditor not
bv many degrees as well off as lte wonld have been
by compounding now, without costs and without
judgment. Besides, it the creditor compounds
now and discharges the debt, leaving to the debt
or uot only what is exempt by our insolvent laws,
but a sufficiency, of property to enable him to
live and hope, my word lor it, if he be a man
imbued with proper sensibilities, he will be a
hundred fold more anxious to discharge the mor
al obligation of a debt lrom which he has been,
released by the voluntary action of his creditor,
than he ever will be if released by operation of
the law. In the one ease he will feel that be is
relieved from bis legal obligation merely—in the
The President at New York.
HIS SPEECH At THE BANQUET.
FULL «EPORT,
On the removal of the cloth at the dinner
given bv the vitizensof New York to the Presi-
other case he will feel that he lias been relieved
from his moral as well as legal obligation. Such
is the nature of man. So, that in every aspect
of the subject, it seems to me, it is to t he interest of
the creditor to compound now. Let the debtor
ami creditor alike, remember the proverb, “ A
prudent man forcseeth the evil and hideth him
self, but the simple pass oiymd are punished:’ dent ahd his party, flavor Hoffman proposed
3d. Will it be for the good of the country ? It j the first toast,-which was, “ The health ot Ax
is undeniable that the largest number of persons I , - N - President ot the L nited States.
, . . . . „ . , ’ . .. J tie President arqsef&midst immense cheering,
w ho have not a sufficiency of property lett to dis- ail j spoke .f s follow*
charge their indebtedness, belong to tfle agricul- j Gentlemen : Tlid toast which lias just been
tural class of our citizens, and have been brought j drank, and tlie kind sentiments which preceded it
to their present condition by the action of gov- ! j? die remarks ot j tor distinguished representa-
..... , . . , - i tive, the Mayor or tflis city, is peculiarly, under
era men t in abolishing the institution ot slavery; | existing eircumstanCls, gratifying to me; and in
and, unless these persons can, in sjpme way, he i saving it is gratifying to me, I wish not to in-
relieved from the incubus <ff indebtedness in- j dulgo.in. any vanity. If I were to sav less I
curved prior to the 1st ot June, 1S65, the coun- f Uoukl ,u>t s P eak ^rutli and to give utterance
, , _ ’ ’ . i to our sincere emotions. In beipg so kindly at-
trv must lose the benefit ot-a large portion of its j tended fo, and received as I have been received
agricultural talent and enterprise. The last Leg
islature of the State, seeing the difficulties in the
i ou
: for
premises, attempted a remedy in the passage of
what is called “The Stay Law;” hut with the
meagre erops of this year, amounting in many
districts of the State, almost to a failure, taken in
connection with the construction put upon said
act by the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee
who reported the bill, that a failure to pay one-
fourth of a debt by the first day of January of
any year, makes the whole collectable, it is now
reasonably certain that said act will not a fiord
the relief intended.
What then is to be done in fhe premises? I
can think of no better plan than the one sug
gested in these remarks. It is worse than idle
to look for energy, industry ora high standard of
morality in a citizen, without a future. To make
him a good citizen, a blessing to his family and
society, man must be able in his devotions,
truthfully to say in reference to temporal as well
is spiritual matters, “We thank thee, O ! Lord,
that we are still prisoners of hope.” Without
this he sinks below the rank of a drone in the
hive of society—with it he may become wealthy
and useful.
Having thus, as we think, shown that it will
be to the interest of the debtor, to the interest of
the creditor, and for the good of the country,
that all debts contracted before the 1st day of
June, 1865, iu case the debtor had not a suffici
ency ot property to discharge liis liabilities with
out leaving his family comparatively destitute,
should be compounded at once upon liberal
terms without incurring costs, the inquiry arises,
why may it not be done ?
When a merchant fails in business from error
in judgment in conducting it, or from reckless
speculation outside of his regular business, if
there be no charge of fraud uleut conduct on his
part, the general rule between merchant and mer
chant is, to compound immediately, the creditors
allowing the debtor to retain, not only such pro
perty as is exempt under the insolvent law, but
also, a sufficiency of property besides to put him
on his feet again and make him a prisoner of
hope. Why, I earnestly ask, should not the like
rule of conduct obtain toward and among those
who have been engaged in agricultural pursuits,
aud who owe tlieir present circumstances to the
action of government and not to any fault of
their’s ?
Is it true that the vocation of a merchant is
more important to the country than that ot the
farmer or planter? or is it true that there is any
thing in the vocation of a merchant better calcu
lated to liberalize its follower than there is in the
noble and independent business of studying aud
developing the productiveness of mother earth ?
I trow not.
In what I have s-*id to you I do not mean to
be understood as having intimated, in the remo
test degree, any opinion as to what extent, if at
all, contracts based in whole or in part, upon
slave property, have been affected in law by the
action of Government in abolishing the institu
tion. Nor do I mean to be understood as inti
mating that there are not many debts, where the
debtor is amply able to respond, looking to the
origin of the credit given, which may not he
compounded upon principles of “natural equity,”
without dishonor to the debtor or creditor. I
do, however, desire it to be understood that, in
my judgment, “a universal repudiation of debts,”
even if allowable under the Constitution of tlie
United States and the Constitution of the State
of Georgia, would be both unwise and unjust.—
Repudiation is one thing—the compounding of
a debt upon fair and equitable principles by the
parties, upon the data given you in the foregoing
remarks, is another, and a very different thing.
My sole object, gentlemen, in presenting these
views to you, I say to you in all sincerity, lias
been, that they may go to your people with your
endorsement, (if you accord,) and be adopted by
them as their rule of conduct in this perilous
crisis. If your body can suggest any better plan
of relief you will have put the country under a
lasting debt of gratitude.
The Speech of the President at the New
York Banquet.
Tlie telegraph lias already furnished the read
ers ot the Intelligencer with a portion of the
details of the New York banquet, and an im
perfect report of the speech of President John
son on that interesting occasion. This morning
we have the pleasure of spreading before tlie
public a fulUand complete report of tlie speech.
It will be readily accorded by every candid
mind, that it is a model paper; that it covers all
the issues before the country, and that it com
mends itself to the profound consideration of tl k e
entire people, not only by the good sense which
characterizes it throughout, but by the evident
spirit of earnestness and devotion to justice and
popular liberty.
The President does not hesitate to express the
utmost confidence in the honesty, bravery and
faithfulness of the Southern people, aud is clear
and emphatic in the enunciation fhat the only
hope and faith for the future—for the credit aud
integrity of the Government—is in the complete
restoration and union of the States upon the
original and indestructible principle of equal,
and exact rights to each and all.
But we did not intend to write a laudatory re
view of the speech. We only desire to call at
tention to ft, and to impress upon every one, be
neath whose eye it may pass, the importance of
giving it a careful perusal.
“Now York Soeaks with no Yncertaln
Sound.”
The New York correspondent of the Charles
ton Courier writes as follows : There is no
mistaking the meaning of the demonstration
of yesterday. As the Mayor said, “New York
speaks with no uncertain sound.” Andrew
Johnson and his policy have the endorsement
of three-fourths of the people of tlie commer
cial metropolis of the country. Yesterday’s
work will clinch the chances for six conservative
Congressmen from New York city, and will
assure the Conservative State ticket sixty thou
sand majority South of the Harlem River.
May our noble Chief Magistrate go on his way
to the great West conquering the hearts of the
people as he has done here.”
on this occasion—h«je to-night and iu your city
to-day by such a demonstration—I am free to
confess that this oveijtvhelnis me. But the mind
would be exceedin'®} dull, and the heart almost
without an impulse} that could not give utter
ance to sometbingjSsponsive to what has been
said and done. #|YA;rs. ] Aud believe me, on
this occasion, war^fis the heart that feels, and
M illing is the tongue that speaks, and I would to
God it w ere in my tower to reduce to sentences
and to language the feelings and emotions that
this day and this nijtlit, have produced. [Cheers.]
I shall not attempt, in reference to what has
been said, and the manifestations that have been
made, to go into any speech, or to make any ar
gument before youpn this occasion, but merely
to give utterance to the sincere sentiments ot my
heart. I M ould that I could utter what I do feel
in response to this outpouring of the popular
heart which has gofre forth on this occasion, and
which will, as a legend, spread itself and com
municate with evtry heart throughout the Con
federacy. [Cheers] All that is wanting in the
great struggle In v£hicli»we are now engaged, is
simply to develop J be popular heart of the na
tion. It is like latent fire. All that is necessary
is a sufficient amount of friction to develop the
the popular sentiment of the popular feeling of
the American people. [Cheers.] I know, as
you know, that we have just passed through a
bloody, perilous conflict; that we have gentle
men M ho are associated with us on tliis occasion,
who have shared tlieir part aud participated in
these struggles for the preservation of the Union.
[Great appluuse.] Here is the army, (pointing
to the right, where sat General Grant,) and here
the navy, (pointing to the left, in the direction of
Admiral Farragot.) They have performed their
part in restoring the Government to its present
condition of safety aud security; and will it be
considered improper in me, ou this occasion, to
say that the Secretary of State has done his part ?
[Cheers.]
As for the humble individual M’ho noM' stands
before you, and to whom you have so kindly anp
pleasantly alluded, as to what part he has per
formed in this great drama, in this struggle for
the restoration ofithe Government, and tlie sup
pression of rebellion ? I will say that I feel,
though I may lie included in the summing up,
that the Government has done its duty. [Cheers.]
But though llie Government lias done its duty,
the work is not yet complete. Though we have
passed through fields of battle, and at times have
almost been constrained aud forced to the con
clusion that M’e should be compelled to witness
tlie Goddess of Liberty, as it M’cre, go scourged’
through fields of carnage and of blood, and make
her exit, and that our Government would lie a
failure; yet we are brought to a period and to a
time in which the Government has been snccess-
ful. While the enemy have been put down in
the field there is still a greater and more impor
tant task for you and others to perform. [Cheers.]
I must be permitted—and I shall not trespass on
you a inomcjA -1 must be permitted to remark
in this conn.^}A«n, that the Government com
menced the suppression of this rebellion for the
express purpose of preserving the union of these
States. [Cheers.] That was the declaration that
it made, and under that declaration M r e went into
the war and continued it until w r e suppressed the
rebellion. Tlie rebellion has been suppressed,
and iu the suppression ol the rebellion it lias de
clared and announced and established the great
fact that these States had not the poM'er, and it
denied their right by forcible or by peaceable
means to separate themselves from the Union.—
[Cheers—“Good.”] That having been determin
ed and settled by the Government, of the United
States in the field and in one of the departments
of the Government—the Executive department
of the Government—there is an open issue; there
is another department of your Government which
has declared by its official acts, and by the posi
tion of the Government, notwithstanding tire re
bellion M’as suppressed, for the purpose of pre
serving the Union of the States aud establishing
the doctrine that the States could not secede, yet
they have practically assumed and declared, and
carried up to the present point, that the Govern
ment was dissolved and the States were out of
the Union. [Cheers.] We who contend for the
opposite doctrine, years ago contended that even
the States had not tlie right to peaceably to secede,
and one of the means and modes of possible se
cession was that the States of the Union might
withdraw their representatives from the Congress
of tlie United States, and that would be practi
cal dissolution. We denied that they had any
such right. [Cheers.] 'And now when the doc
trine is established that they have no right to
withdraw, and the rebellion is at an end, and the
States again assume their position and renew
their relations, as tar as in them lies, with the
Federal Government, We find that when they
present representatives to the Congress of the
United States, in violation of the sacred charter
of liberty M’hicli declares that you cannot, even
by amendment of the Constitution of the United
Slates, deprive any one of their representation,
M'e find that in violation of the Constitution, in
express terms as M’ell as in spirit, that these States
of the Union have been and still are denied their
representation in the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives. Will we then, in the. struggle
which is novv before us, submit—will the Ameri
can people submit to this practical dissolution, a
doctrine that we have.repudiated, a doctrine that
we have declared as having ho justice or right?
The issue is before you aud before the country.
Will these States'be permitted to continue and
remain as they are, in practical dissolution and
destruction, so far as representation is concerned?
It is giving the lie direct—it is subverting every
single argument aud position M’e have made and
taken since the rebellion commenced. Are M’e
prepared now, after having passed through this
rebellion; are M'e prepared, after the immense
amount of blood that has been shed ; are we
prepared, after having accumulated a debt of
over three thousand millions of dollars; are we
prepared, afier all the ini’, ry that has been in
flicted on the people North’and South, of this
confederacy, now to continue this disrupted coa
lition of llie country? Cries, “No!” “no!”
‘Never!" [Cheers.] ' Let me ask this intelligent
audience here to-night, in the spirit of Christian
ity aud of sound philosophy, are we prepared to
renew the scenes through which M’e have pass
ed? [“No!” “no!” “no!”] Are Me prepared
again to see one portion of this government ar
rayed in deadly conflict against another ? Are
we prepared to see the North arrayed against the
South, and the South against the North? Are
M e prepared, in this fair and h^gpy government
ot freedom and liberty, Jo see man again set upon
man, and in the name of God lift his Land
against his telloM’ ? Are we again prepared to
see these fair fields of burs, this land that gave a
brother birth, again drenched in a brother’s
blood? [“Never!” never!" Cheers.] Are we
not rather prepared to bring from Gilead the
balm that has relief in its character and pour it
into the wound ? [Loud cheering.] Have not
M'e seen enough to talk practically of this mat
ter? Has not this array of the intelligence, the
integrity, the patriotism, and the wealth a right
to talk practically ? Let us talk about this thing.*
We have known feuds among families of the
United States in the past they ask to live under
it iu the future. May I be permitted to indulge
in a single thought here ? I will not detain Vou
a moment. f“Go on;” “Go on.” Cheers.] Y
(turning to Mayor ITofiman) are responsible
having invoked it. [Laughter.]
What is now said, gentlemen, after tlie Phila
delphia Convention has met Lo pronounce upon
the condition of the country ? What is now
said? Why, that these men who met in that
Convention M'ere insincere; that their utterances
were worthless,; that it is aill pretense, and thee
are not to lie believed. When you talk about it,
and talk about red-handed rebels, and all that,
M ho has fought these traitors and rebels with
more constancy and determination than the. in
dividual now before you—who has sacrificed
^nd suffered more ? (Cheers.) But because my
sacrifices and sufferings have been great, and as
an-incident growing out of a great civil war,
should I become dead or insensible to truth or
principle? (“No, no.” Cheers.) But these men,
notM'ithstanding they may protess now loyalty
aud devotion to the union ot the States, are* said
to be pretenders—not to be believed. Wliat
better evidence can you have of devotion to the
Government than profession and action? Who
dare, at this day of religious and political free
dom, to set up an inquisition, anil come into the
human bosom to inquire what are the senti
ments there? (Cheers.) How many men have
lived in this Government from its origin tq the
present time that have been loyal—that have
paid its taxes, and sustained the Government in
the hour of peace, yet iu sentiment would have
preferred a change, or M ould have preferred to
live under some other form of government ? But
the best evidence you can have is tlieir practical
loyalty, their professions, and tlieir actions.—
(“ Good, good,” and applause.) Then, if these
gentlemen, in convention from the North and
South, come forward and profess devotion to the
Union, and the Constitution of these States, M’lten
their actions and professions are loyalty, who
dare assume the contrary? (Cheers.) If we
have reached that point in our country’s history,
all confidence is lost in man. If M’e have reached
that point that M’e are not to trust each other,
and our confidence is gone, I tell you your gov
ernment is not as strong as a rope of sand. It
has no M’eight; it will crumble to pieces. This
Government has no tie—this Government lias
no binding and adhesive power beyond the con
fidence and trust in the people. (“ Hear, hear.”
Loud applause.) But these men Mho sit in a
convention, who sit in a city M’hose professions
have been, that they were a peace-loving anti,
war-hating people; they said there, and their
professions should not he doubted, and they have
reached a point at which they say peace must
be made; they have come to a point at which
they M’ant peace on earth and good will to men.
(Loud Cheers.) And noM’, what is the argu
ment in excuse ? We M'on’t believe you, and
therefore this dissolution. This practical disso
lution must be continued to exist. Your atten
tion to a single point. Why is a Southern man
not to be believed ? And I do not speak here
to-niglit because 1 atn a Southern man, and be
cause my infant view first saw the light ol Heav
en in a Southern State. (“They are to be be
lieved.”) Thank God! though I say it myself,
I feel that I have attained opinions and notions
that are co-extensive with all these States, with
all ilie people of them. (Great applause. The
whole audience rose and waved their handker
chiefs at this sentiment. Voice—“That’s the
best thing to-night.”)
While I am a Southern man, I am a Northern
man—that is to say, 1 am a citizen ot the Uni
ted States—[cheers,] and am willing to concede
to all other citizens what I cTaim for myself.—
[Sound.] But I was going to bring to your at
tention, as I am'tip,-and you must uot encourage
me too much, [good, good,] for some of those
men who have been engaged in this thing, and
prgtty M’ell broke down, require sometimes a
little effort to get them warmed. [Laughter.]
I M’ift going to call your attention to a point.
The Southern,.States, or their leaders, proposed
a separation. Now, what was the reason that
they offered for that separation ? Your atten
tion. Tlie time lias come to think—the time has
come to consult our brain, aud not the impulses
and passions of the heart. The time has come
when reason should bear sway, and feeling and
impulse should be subdued. [Cheers.] What
was the reason, or one of the reasons, at least,
that the South gave for separation? It was that
the Constitution was encroached upon, and that
they were not secured in their rights under it.
That M’as one of the reasons, whether it M’as
true or false—that was the reason assumed. We
M ill separate lrom the Government, they said,
because we cannot have the Constitution execu
ted, and, therefore, M’e will separate aud set up
the same Constitution, and enforce it under a
Government of our own. But it M’as separa
tion. I fought then against those who proposed
this. I took my position in the Senate of the
United States, and assumed then, as I have since,
that this Union was perpetual—that it was a
great magic circle never to he broken. [Cheers.]
But the reason the South gave was that the Con
stitution could not be enforced in the present
condition of the country, aud hence they would
separate. They attempted to separate, but they
failed. But while the question M’as pending,
they established a form of government; and
M’hat form of government was it? What kind
of constitution did they adopt? Was it not the
same, with a feM’ variations, as the Constitution
of the United States? [Cheers, and “that’s so.”]
—tlie Constitution of the United States, under
which they had lived from the origin of the
Government up to the time of their attempt at.
separation. They made the experiment of an
attempted separation under the plea that they
desired to live under that Constitution in a gov
ernment. where it M ould be enforced. We said,
you shall not separate; you shall remain with
us, and the Constitution shall be preserved and
enforced. [Cheers.] The rebellion has ceased.
And when their arms were put down by the
army and navy, of the United States, they ac
cepted the terms of the Government. We saitl
to them, before the termination of the rebellion,
“ Disband your armies, return to your original
position in tlie Government, and we will receive
you M'itli open arms. ” The time came w’lien
their armies were disbanded under the leader
ship of my distinguised friend on tny right, Gen
eral Grant. [Three cheers for General Grant.]
Tlie army and the navy dispersed tlieir forces.
What were the terms of capitulation? They
accepted the proposition of the Government and
said, “ M'e have been -mistaken ; we selected the
arbitrament of the sword, and that arbiter lias
decide'd against us ; and that being so, as honor
able and manly men M’e accept Fhe terms you
offer us.”
The query comes up, will they be accepted ?
Do we want to humiliate them, and degrade them
and tread them in tlie dust ? [“ No, no,” cheers.]
I say this, and I repeat it here to-night—I d© not
M’ant them to come back into this Union a de
graded and debased people. [Louchcheers.]—
They are not fit to be a part of this great Ameri
can family if they a red eg radedti ml treated with,
ignominy and contempt. I want them when
they come back to become a part of this great
country, an honored portion of the American
people. I M’ant them to come hack with all their
manhood—then they are fit, and not without that,,
to be a part of these United States. [Cheers—
three cheers lor AndreM’ Johnson.] I have sot,
however, -approached the point that I intended
to mention, and I know I am talking too long.
[“ Go on, go on, go on.”] Why should we dis
trust the Southern people, and say they are not
to be believed ? I have just called your atten
tion to the Constitution under M’hich they were
desirous to live, and that was the Constitution of.
their fathers, yet they wanted it in a separate
condition. Having been defeated in bringing
about that separation, and having lost the insti
tution of slavery, tlie great apple of discord,-they,
now, in returning, take up that Constitution un
der which they always lived, and M’hioh they es
tablished for themselves, even in a separate gov
ernment. Where, tlien, is the cause for the want
of confidence ? Is there an/? [“ No, no.”]
I do not come here to-night to apologise for
persons who have tried to destroy the Govern
ment; and if every act of my life, either in
lion broke out one extreme was- carrying it out
and noM- that is suppressed, the other class arc
still trying to give it life and etjtict. 1 fought
those in the South who commenced the rebel
lion, and iron* l oppose those in the North who
are trying to break up the Union. [Cheers.]
am for the Union. 1 am against all those udio
are opposed to the Union. [Great applause.]
am Sir the Union, the whole Union, and nothing
but the Union. [Renewed applause.] I have
helped my distinguished friend. General Grant,
to.tight tlie rebels South, ami I must not forget
a peculiar phrase, that he m’os going to fie;!it it
out on that line. [Applause and laughter.] I was
M'ith him, and did all that I conld; and when M’e
whipped them at one end of the line, I want to
say to you that I am for M'hipping them at the
other end ot the line. [Great laughter and ap
plause.] I thank God that if he is not in the
field, military speaking, thank God he is civilly
in the field on the other side. [Cheers for Grant.’]
»This is a contest and struggle, for the Union,
for the union of these States. [Applause.] The
North can’t get along without the South, and the
South can’t get along M’ithoilt the North. [“That's
so," nnd applause.] I have heard the idea ad
vanced that if M’e let the Southern members of
Congress in they will control the Government.—
Do vou want to be governed by rebels ? [Cries
of “Lever,” “no, no.”] We M’ant to let loyal men
in—[“hear, hear,”]—and none but loyal men.—
[.“Good, good.”] But I ask here to-night, in the
face of this intelligent audience, upon what does
the face of the observation rest, that men coming
in from the South Mill control tlie country *> its
destruction? Taking tlie entire delegation of
the South, fifty-eight members, M’hat is it com
pared with the tM’p hundred and forty-tM’o mem
bers of the rest of the Union ? [“Good boy.”]
nroustration here to-day is the result of some of
these demagogical ideas; that the great mass of
the people when called to take care of the peo
ple will do so.
A Voice—-Sure as you are born. [Laughter.]
Mr. Johnson—I tell you you have commenced
the grand process uom\ I tell you those present
M ho are croaking and talking about individual
aggrandizement, and 'perpetuation of party, I
tell them that they had better stand from under
— [laughter aud cheers]—they had better get out
of the way, [cheers,] for the Government is com
ing together, and they cannot resist it. Some
times, when my confidence gives out, when my
reason fails me, my faith comes to my rescue,
and tells me that this Government will be perpet
uated, and this Union preserved. [Cheers.] I
tell you here to-night, aud I have not turned
philanthropist and fanatic, that men sometimes
err, and can again do right; that sometimes tlie
fact that men have erred, is the cause ot making
them better men. [Applause.] I am not for
destroying all men, or condemning to total de
struction all men who have erred once in tlieir
lives. I believe in the memorable example of
Him who came with peace and healing on Ilis
wings; and M’hen He descended and louud men
condemned unto the law, instead of executing it,
instead of shedding the blood of the world, He
placed Himself upon the cross, and died that
man might be saved.
It I liave pardoned many, I trust in God that
I.have erred on the right side. It I liav? par
doned many, 1 believe it is all for the best
interests of the country; aud so believing, con
vinced that our Southern bretheren M ere giving
evidence by their practice and profession that
they M’ere repentant, iu imitation of Him of old
M’ho died for the preservation of men. I ex-
Is it complimentary to the North to say we are I ercised that mercy M’hicli I believe to be my
Cheering Prospects in Illinois.—The Chi
cago Times thinks Illinois will send eight, and
perhaps nine, representatives to the next Con
gress who supports the President’s policy. The
Radicals likely to be displaced are Baker, Kuy
kendall, Hording, Bromwell and Cullum.
most respectable character, which would sepa
rate, and the contest would be angry and se- j speeches or in practice, does not disprove the
vere, yet when the parties would come- together • charge that I want to apologize for them, then
and talk it all over, and the chfi'erences were un- | there is no use in a man’s having a public record
derstood, they let their quarrels pass to oblivion: i [Cheers.] But I am one of those M’lto take the
and we have seen them approach each other I Southern people M’ith all tlieir heresies and er-
with affection and kindness, and felt gratified ! rors, admitting that in rebellion they did M’rong.
that the feud^existed, because they could feel j The leaders coerced thousands and thousands ot
better afterwards. [Laughter and applause.]— j honest men into the rebellion, who saw the old
They are our brethren. [Cheers.] They -are a ! flag flap in the breeze for the last time M'ith un-
a part of ourselves. [Hear, hear.] They are i feigned sorroM’, and welcomed it again with joy
bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. [Cheers.] | aud thanksgiving. The leaders betrayed and
Thev have lived with us and been part of us ! led the Southern people astray upon this great
from the establishment of the government to the i doctrine of secession. We have in the West a
commencement of the rebellion. They are iden
tiffed with its history, M'ith all its prosperity, in
every sense of the word. We have been a hiatus,
as it*were, hut that has passed by and we have
come together again, and now, after having un
derstood what the feud was, and the great apple
of discord is removed; having lived under the
game called hammer and anvil, and anvil and
hammer, and while Davis and others were talk
ing about separation in the South, there was an
other class, Phillips, Garrison, and men of that
kind, who were talking about dissolution in the
North; and of these extremes one was the ham
mer and the other the anvii, and when the rebel-
afraid of them ? Would the free States let in
fifty-eight members from the South that we doubt,
that M’e distrust that we have ho confideuce in ?
If we bring them into the Government, these
fifty-eight representatives, are they to control the
tM’o hundred and foBty-two ? There is no argil
ment that the influence and talent and the prin
ciples they can bring to bear against us, placing
them in the worst possible light— [A voice—“tlie
Sumner argument.”]—can he a cause for alarm.
We are represented as afraid of these fifty eight
men, afraid that they y. ill repudiate our’public
debt ; that they can go into the Congress.erf" the
United States under the most favorable condi
tions they could require, the most offensive con
ditions to us, and could overwhelm a majority of
a hundred and fifty to a hundred and eighty—[a
voice—“ridiculous”]—that these men are going
to take charge of the country. Why it is croak
ing ; it is to excite your tears, to appeal to your
prejudice.
Consider the immense sums of money that
have been expended, the great number of lives
that have been lost, and the blood that lias been
shed ; that our bleeding arteries have been stay
ed and tied up ; that commerce, and mechanical
industry, and agriculture, and the pursuits of
peace are restored, aud we are represented as
cowards enough to clamor that if these fifty-
eight meu are admitted as representatives of the
South the government is lost. We are told that
our people are afraid of the South; that M’e are
cowards. [Cries of “We are not.”] Did they
control you before the rebellion commenced ?—
Have they any more power now than they had
then ? Let me say lo this intelligent audience
here to-night, I atn no prophet, but I predicted
at different times, in the beginning of the late re
bellion, what has been literally fulfilled. [Cries
of “Tluit’s so.”] I told the Southern people years
ago, that whenever they attempted to break up
this Union ; whenever they attempted tQ-ckrthat,
even if they succeeded, that yiq institution of
slavery would he gone. [GooS, good.] Yes,
sir, (turning to Mr. Seward) you knoM’ that I
made that argument to Jefferson Davis. You
will bear witness to tlie position I then occupied.
Mr. SeM’ard,—I guess so. [Applause.]
Mr. Johnson.—Yes, and you were among tlie
few that gave me encouragement. [Applause.]
I told them that the institution of slavery could
not survive an attempt to break up the Union.—
They thought differently. They put up a stake;
what was it? It was four millions of slaves, in
which they had invested their capital. Their in
vestment in the institution of slavery amounted
to three thousand millions ot dollars. This they
put up at stake and said they could maintain it
hv separating these States. That M’as the ex
periment; what are the facts of the result ? The
Constitution still exists. [Great cheering.] The
Union is still preserved. [Cheers.] They have
not succeeded in going out, and the institution
of slavery is gone. [Hear, hear.] Since it lias
been gone they have come up manfully and ac-
kuowlged the fact in tlieir State Conventions and
organizations, and they ratify its fall now and
forever. [Cheers.]
I have got one other idea right alongside of
this. [Applause and laughter,] You have got
about $3,000,000,000. [That’s so.” How are
you going to preserve the credit of that? Will
you tell me? [Voices—“You tell us,”] How
are you going to preserve the credit of this $3,-
000,000,000 ? Yes, perhaps, when the account is
made up your debt M ill he found $3,000,000,000
or $4,000’000,000. Will you tell me how you
are "to secure it, liow the ultimate payment of the
principal and interest of this sum is to he secur
ed? Is it by having the Government disrupted ?
[Mr. Stewart ancl others—“No, no.”] Is it by
the division of these States ? [“No.”] Is it by
separating this Union into petty States? [“No.”]
Let me tell you here to-night, my New York
friends, I tell you that there is no way by which
these bonds can be ultimately paid, by which
the interest he paid, by which the national debt
can he sustained but by the continuity and per
petuity and by the complete union of these States.
[Applause.] Let me tell you who fall into this
tallucy, and into this great heresy, you M’iil reap
a more hitter reward than the Southern brethren
liave reaped in putting their capital into slavery.
Mr. SeM’ard—[sotto voce]—Tlie argumentum ad
hominem. Good.
Mr. Johnson—Pardon me, I do not exagger
ate. I understand this question. You who play
a false part, now the great issue is past, you who
play into the hands of those who wish to dis
solve the government, to continue the disreputa
ble conditions to impair and destroy tlie public
credit. Let us unite the government, and you
will have more credit that you need. [Applause.]
Let the South come back with its great mineral
resources; give them a chance to come back and
bear a part, and I say they will increase the na
tional resources and the national capacity for
meeting these national obligations. 1 am proud
to say, on this occasion, not by way of flattery,
to the people of New York, hut I am -proud to
find a liberal, and comprehensive, and patriotic
vieM’ of this whole question, on the part of the
people of New York. I am proud to find, too,
that here you don’t believe that your existence
depends upon aggrffisitni and destruction; that
while! yofi art! willing'to live, you arc willing to
let others live. [Applause.] You don’t desire
to live by tlie destruction of others. Same have
grown fat, some have grown rich by llie aggres
sion and destruction of others. It is for you to
make the application, and not me.
These then talk about this thing, and ask what
fa Before you > What is’before you ? New York,
this great State,, this great commercial emporium
—I was asking your Mayor to-day the amount
ot your taxation, and lie informs me it is eigh
teen millions of dollars! W lie re did your Gov
ernment start from hut the other day ? Do you
remember that when Gen. Washington M as in
augurated President that your annual bill M’as
$2,500,000 for fhe entire'General Government ?
Yet to-day I an?-toldthat my distinguished friend
on tny hdt controls the desiinies ot a city whose
taxes amount to. $18,000)000, and M’liose popula
tion numbers four millions—double Mliat tlie
entire nation Racl aT the time when it commenced
its existence.
General Standford—Our taxation by the Gene
ral Government is fifty nyllions.
Mr. Johnson—I am simply trying to get at the
‘amount collected to sustain your municipal estab
lishment. Thus may we^tdvjfnce, entertaining
the principles which are co-extensive with the
States of this Union,-feeling like you that onr
system of Government comprehends the M’liole
people, not merely a part. [Applause.] New
_ York lias ji great M ork to perform in the restorer
^tion of this great Union. As I have told you,
they tffho talk about destroying the great elements
that bind tliis Government together, deny the
power, the inherent power of the Goveument,
whicl) will, M’hfn its eppaqities arc put to the
test, re-establish and re-adjust its position, and
the Government he restored. [Applause.] I tell
you that we shall he sustained in tliis effort to
preserve the Union. It would be just about as
futile to attempt the resistance of the ocean M ave,
or to check the wind, as to prevent the result I
predict. You might as M’ell attempt to turn the
Mississippi back upon its source as to resist this
great law of gravitation that is bringing these
States hack and he united with us as strong as
ever. I have been called a demagogue, and
M'ould to God tliat there^m ere more demagogues
iu the land to saye it. [Applause.] The de
duty. I have never made a prepared speech
1 in my life, and only treat these topics as they
occur to me. The ’ country, gentleman, is in
your hands. The issue is before you. I stand
here to-night, not in' the first sense in the
character of Chief Magistrate ot tlie nation,
but citizen, defending the restoration of the
Union and the perpetuation of the Constitution
of my country. Since becoming the Chief Mag
istrate I have tried to fulfill my duty, to bring
about reconciliation and harmony. My record
is before you. You knoM’ politicians will talk ;
aud if your people will get right, don’t trouble
yourselves about the politicians, for when the
people get right politicians are very accomodat
ing. (Uheers.) But let me ask this audience
here to-night what am I to gain by taking the
course I am taking if it was not patriotic and
for my country ? Pardon me, I talk to you
in plain parlance. I have filled every office in
this Government. You may talk to me as you
will, and slander—that foul whelp ot sin—
may subsidize; a mercenary press may traduce
and villify ; mendacious and unprincipled writers
may write and talk, hut all of them cannot
drive me from my purpose. [Bravo and cheers.]
What have I to gain, I repeat? From the posi
tion of the lowest alderman in your city to
President of the United States, I have tilled
every office to the country. Who can do more?
Ought not men of reasonable ambition to be
satisfied with this? And ought not I to be
willing to quit right here, so lar as I am con
cerned? I tell this audience here to-night,
that the cup of my ambition has been filled to
overflowing, with tlie exception of one thing.
Will you hear what that is? [Cries of “yes,
and “M’hat is it ?”] At this particular crisis
and period of our country’s history, I find the
Union of these States in peril. It I can now
be instrumental in keeping the possession of it
in your hands, in the hands ot the people ; in
restoring prosperity and advancement in all that
makes a nation great, I will be willing to ex-
claim, as Simeon did of old—[three cheers]—as
Simeon did of old, of him W’ho had been born
in a manger: “That 1 have seen the glory of
thy salvation, let thy servant depart in peace.”
[Applause.] That being done, my ambition is
complete.
I would rather live in history, in the affec
tions of my countrymen as having consum
mated this great end than to be President of
the United States forty times. [Gen. Sandford
called for “Three cliers for Andrew Johnson,
the restorer of the Union.” The cheers were
given ] In conclusion, gentlemen, let me tender
to you my sincere thanks on this occasion. So
long as reason continues to occupy her empire,
so long as my heart shall beat with one kind
emotion, so long as my memory shall contain
or be capable of recurring to one event, so long
will I remember the kindnesses, so long will I
feel the good that lias been ou tliis occasion,
and so long will I cherish in my heart the kind
ness which has been manifested toward me
by the citizens of New York. [Immense ap
plause.]
Tlie band played “The Star-Spangled Ban
ner,” the audience enthusiastically joining in
tlie chorus. President Johnson, haviDg seated
himself, again arose, and said: “Gentlemen,
in conclusion, after having consumed more of
your time titan I intended, I fear unprofitably,
let me propose, in sincerity, ‘The Union, the
perpetual Union of these States.’ ” Tlie toast
was drank with cheers.
>
Charleston—Cotton.
The Charleston News of the 4th instant con
tains some interesting statements in regard to llie
business of that city and the cotton prospect.—
We have room for hut a portion ot it;
Our tables of exports show that during the
year ending August 31,1860, 53,807 bales of cot
ton (valued at $8,797,072) were exported to for
eign ports, and 54,147 bales (valued at $7,625,388)
were shipped coastwise, making an aggregate of
107,954 bales, valued at $16,423,080.
The probable estimate of the growing crop of
cotton are as vague aud indefinite as are the va
rious opinions expressed by the prophetic (?) sta
tists North and South. These embrace a range
of figures running from 750,000 bales to 3,000,-
000 bales. We shall probably take another op
portunity to give our opinion on the subject.—
Reports from all sections are contradictory, and
a late or an early frost, favorable or unfavorable
weather, will change the present aspect and
materially aftect the result. We shall be pleased
to chronicle a crop of one million bales, ar.d still
more happy to swell it to two millions.
The prospect of the growing crop in our own
State is not very encouraging. Many planta
tions are uncultivated from the want of capital
—complaints come from many quarters ol poor
stands and unfavorable weather—while in some
districts we understand that the lrcedtnen are not
working with their wonted steadiness and ac
tivity. This is disheartening intelligence, but we
art, nevertheless, hopeful, as m c have an abiding
faith in “a Special Providence,” and look for
ward to a late frost and more auspicious weather
to bless the toil of the planter.
Louisiana.—The Empire Parish says of the
rice crop in that section:
Rice-making, as far as we know', is progress
ing in a satisfactory manner, our fields being
everywhere dotted with rice-stacks. So lar,
nearly all the rice has been secured with little or
no injury from rain. Tlie new rice has large
heads, with full, plump berries. With genial
weather, the harvest would be expedited, or
nearly so, by the 20tli of next month, provided
the crops be not destroyed by hurricanes, as was
the ease iu the years 1812,1819, 1831,1856 and
1860.
We are not bragging when M’e say that farm
ers in this section of the State are certainly in a
more prosperous condition than those of any
other portion of the Southern country.
Ohio.—The Cincinnati Enquirer says:
From every part of the country m - c hear of
important desertions from the Radical camp.—-
Thev have lost in a few weeks thousands of
prominent Republ cans, who, since they have
soon Jacobinism developed, are taking position
nobly by the side of the President. This pesti
lent Radical faction will have arrayed against it
this fall, not only the Democracy, hut a large
fragment of the Republican party, and it will be
beaten by a large majority. It will go down be
fore the united onset. ^
Tax on Cotton.—The Augusta Constitution
alist says; Hereafter the Internal Revenue Tax
on cotton will he included in the price when sold.
For instance, good middling, which was quoted
last week at 28 cents, will henceforth be quoted,
with the tax of 3 cents per pound added, viz:
31 cents if the price should not vary. Of course,
the producer, or owner of the cotton will pay
the tax, &c. In future our reports of tlie market
will lte in accordance with this state of affairs,
M’hicli is the present custom in Savannah and
Charleston.
The ne f, ro arrested tor tlie murder of Mr. *
Carter, ofUlinton, Miss., has been released, as
the evidence proved him to be justified in the
homicide. “This is one case, at least, where a s
freedmau has received justice before a rebel tribu- «
nal.” The Bureau’s occupation is going rapidly, j
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