Newspaper Page Text
lUcrhlu ^utdligcarrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, September 12, 1846.
letter from Ei*CoTernor H. V. Joknon.
The attention of our readers is directed to a
letter, addressed by the distinguished Georgian
whose name heads this article, to the editors of
the Augusta Chronicle rf- Sentinel, which we
publish to-day. Like the Chronicle & Sentinel,
from which we quote, “ we offer no apology for
the space occupied in our columns to-day by the
very able and patriotic letter of Governor John
son. Like everything else which emanates from
his cultivated intellect, it is sound, cogent and
eloquent. We fet:l assured that the patriotic
counsels contained in this masterly production
will not full unheeded upon the public ear of the
State. We are rejoiced to know that the Gov
ernor will lend the utmost of his powerful sup-
]K>rt to tlie movement recently inaugurated in
Philadelphia. We believe that there is not a
single fair-minded man in the State who will not
heartily endorse all that is said in this manly
aud vigorous letter. We earnestly commend its
caieful perusal to those who have been disposed
to harsh criticisms of the Philadelphia Plat
form und the Southern members of the conven
tion. The duty of the true men of the South is
so graphically and truthfully pointed out, that
we feel assured that the great body of the people
will cheerfully accept the advice thus given, and
throw the whole weight of their approval and
support in favor of the party recently' organized
for the overthrow of the Radical Disunionists.”
“ Tlic Ladle*’ Home. ”
We notice in most of our exchanges North, as
well *is South, flattering notices of this most ex
cellent literary journal. Indeed it receives higher
commendations from the press of every section
of the United Stales, than we have ever known
bestowed upon any- literary journal published in
this country that had only reached its fifteenth
issue. Of it, one of our State exchanges, the
Southern Georgian, says: “We have repeatedly
called attention to the surpassing excellence of
this weekly Southern publication, but cannot do
so oftener than the paper merits by its lofty as
piration to be the leading literary paper of the
American comment.” Like the Georgian, we
cannot notice the “Home” oilener than it merits.
Its every department, editorial and otherwise,
evidences that talent of a high order as well as
taste and industry, are engaged upon its columns.
It is already a success—a literary institution of
our "Gate City" of which every considerate citi
zen should be proud. We might fill columns of
this journal with flattering press notices of the
“Ladies' Home' that have come under our obser
vation, but prefer seeing them in the columns ol
that journal itself, that its early friends maybe
gratified at the commendations bestowed upon it.
We incline to the opinion, how'ever, that its ac
complished Editress and Editors are over-
modest, and have refrained re-publishing the
many flattering compliments paid them and the
enterprise. They should remember, that the
early patrons and friends of the “Home” would
be grateful to know how it has been received,
and how it is estimated by the press ol the
country.
iUiftiiourl Radicals.
Yesterday we published a paragraph illustra
tive of the spirit of Radicalism in Indiana. Below
will be found a short article, showing the prac
tical workings of that element in Missouri. It
appears under the head of a special dispatch
from St. Louis to the Cincinnati Enquirer, from
which paper we copy it:
During a Radical meeting at Independence last
Thursday, some one in the court-room hurrahed
for the President of the United States. There
was su immediate cry to put him out. He re
peated his indorsement of the President of the
United States, when a Radical rush for him,
with revolvers drawn, was made. At this junc
ture a Lieuiennut in command of a company of
the Third United States Infantry, who was in
dividually present at the meeting to prevent
bloodshed, stepped rapidly in front of the ad
vancing party, demanded of the armed men to
stand back, for if violence was persisted in he
would hang the aggressors.
The Rev. Mr. Alexandria, at Fehlen, in this
county, was warned by an anonymous letter last
Saturday, that if he attempted to preach with
out taking the oath he would be driven from the
pulpit. In spite of this he did preach, and the
next day his congregation assembled in large
force, with guns and weapons to protect him.—
This demonstration frightened his persecutors,
and he was not disturbed.
New York.
The Herald gives an encouraging view of the
political situation in New Y'ork. It says: The
developments in every part of the country fur
nish unmistakable proof that the Conservative
movement now in progress has really taken the
character of a general uprising of the people. A
revolution in the politics of the country will un
questionably follow. This fact has become so
apparent that Secretary Seward has predicted
that this State will give forty thousand majority
against the Radical party. We do not expect so
large a majority as that, for the reason that the
canvass is too short; but we do not think that
the Empire State will give less than twenty' thou
sand for t he Conservative party'. We shall be
satisfied with that figure in the State, with two-
thirds of the members of Congress. This much
can be secured if the nominations for Congress
on the Conservative side are judiciously selected.
The Hath.
From an article in De Bote's Review for Sep
tember, 1866, we make the following extract,
which we trust will be read and pondered over by
that portion of ow people who are “ given to
despondency ” in regard to the future of the
South. The idea that the white man cannot
cultivate Qur soil, or that ha cultivation depends
on negro labor, is a most erroneous one. With
slave labor the South is done, and it will not be
long ere It "win be done also with negro labor.—
The inferior will give place to the superior race
in all industrial pursuits, whenever or wherever
there is competition between the two, and when
The Radical Convention.
Our Northern exchanges are filled with ac
counts of the proceedings in the Mulatto Con
vention. Like all bodies where fanaticism is the
predominating element, the action of the con
vention has been characterized throughout by a
want of harmony and agreement of opinion. In
other words, it baa proved a complete failure,
and we now believe that its assembling was the
best thing that could have happened at this par
ticular janctore.
Below will be found some extracts from the
correspondence of the New York World, which
will give the reader a better idea of the real
this competition fully developea itself in thp jjgan* ot th>» pnnf^m of the temper and spirit by
South, as it surely will, the negro will as surely
disappear. But wo did not set out to present
other than the views of the writer, on the South,
to which we have referred. Time will establish
the truth, so far as the labor question is concern
ed, as history does what is said of the white man
under the burning suns of other climes. The
w'riter says:
“The liabits of the Southern people have been
inimical to their true interest for many years pre
ceding the war, and they are so now. The negro
has never had anything to do with it, and never
will have.”
“We thought before the termination of the
war, that Southern prosperity depended on negro
slave labor. We are satisfied now that it does
not, and speaking in reference to a series of
years, we are equally satisfied that the wealth of
the South does not depend on the negro at all.—
We regret to say that the time is not far distant
in the history of the nation, when the negro will
have passed away under the heavy pressure of
white population, and our regret is for the negro,
not for the white man. The latter can take care
of himself; the negro has no friend but his for
mer master, who politically can do him no good,
nor can he long protect him by affording liim
social comfort, the best of which is employ
ment.”
“History proves that two distinct races have
never harmonized under an equal participancy
of political privileges; and the same question is
being again solved. The negro will disappear.
It would be to his interest if the Government
which has destroyed his earthly hopes in the
South, could colonize him somewhere. If that
is not done, it will be seen in the future, that the
white man will occupy the land, and the poor
negro will have to give way under pressing want
as well as the stronger muscle and greater skill
of a superior race.”
“That the white man can work successfully in
the open fields, beneath a burning sun, and ac
complish feats of industry surpassing anything
in the history of negro slavery, it seems to us no
well-read man will deny. We will not fatigue
the intelligent reader by historic detail, for edu
cated men are supposed to be acquainted with
history. But we will ask, for the purpose of
turning the mind to this subject, where were the
seats of ancient civilization ? were they not un
der a tropical, or semi-tropical climate? were
not the great works of art and labor which dis
tinguished the old civilization of warm climates
worked out by white labor ? ”
“The Hebrews, the Persians, the Assyrians
the Greeks, the Romans, were all located in
warm climates. The proud cities of Babylon
and Balbec, and Palmyra, were erected by white
men, under burning suns. The rich fields of
Egypt were cultivated by stalwart white limbs,
and the mighty pillars of the Pyramids piled
under a tropical climate, by white people.”
“The Southern States will be worked by whites.
Ig the cotton, and rice, and sugar plantations, the
white man will stand as much work as the negro
can stand. Did not God put the white man un
der the tropics ? Did he not say that he should
earn his bread by the sweat of his brow ? Aud
is it now left to our infidel philosophy to say, that
he cannot do what his Maker has eommanded ?”
“Ancient history proves, what is now equally
substantiated by the history of modern Europe,
that Southern nations have always been in ad
vance of those of the North, in every element of
civilization, physical, moral, and intellectual.”
“The people of the South, now living as citi
zens under the laws and government of the
United States, are destined to be the most power
ful and intelligent on this continent.”
Whether in the United States, or out of it,
that section of territory extending from the Po
tomac to the Rio Grande, will be in all respects
far ahead of any other. It has a soil and a cli
mate that oan raise all the products that grow in
the world, or their substitutes, with perhaps the
exception of a few' spices; while beneath Us sur
face lie nearly every mineral. Every section is
watered by streams that give facilities for work
ing every kind of machinery that man can in
vent or desire; and besides all this, like all
warm climates, it is very healthful. If it is not
true that warm climates are the most healthful,
why has it always been found, with the excep
tion of the Southern States, that it has been be
yond comparison the most densely populated ? ”
“Southern wealth must not halt, nor can it de
pend on agriculture alone, it must have manufac
tures and commerce.”
The Secretary of the Interior.—The
National Intelligencer, announcing the installa
tion of the new Secretary of the Interior, says:
Having, some weeks ago, given a sketch of this
able, honest and enlightened statesman, we have
only to add that lie was the life and soul of that
great and patriotic gathering of t he men of mark
from every part of our country, the Philadelphia
Convention of the Kith of August*whose action
lias tilled the hearts of the American people
with confident hope of a restored aud perpetual
Union. Mr. Browning brings to the administra
tion talents of the first order in counsel and for
business—a character of fidelity and integrity
tried and irreproachable, and a disposition most
generous and conciliating.
Treasury Regulations.
Ou and after the first day of July, 1S6G, when
a voucher of any kind is sworn to before a Jus
tice of the Peace, a certificate of the Clerk of
the Court is required to sliow that such officer is
a Justice of the Peace aud duly authorized to
administer oaths. When a voucher is sworn to
liefore a Judge or Clerk ol Uie Court, the official
seal of the Clerk of the Court is required. If
sworn to before a Notary Public, his official seal
must be affixed, or his official character be cer
tified by the Clerk of the Court. All revenue
officers are authorized to administer oaths.
Life of General X. R. Forrest.
We are requested to state that a gentleman of
distinguished literary ability is now engaged in
writing a history of General Forrest's cavalry
command. The general desires that those who
contributed to his promotion, should share what
ever of fame or distinction may be accorded to
him. Any officer or private, who was in his
command, and who can recall any anecdotes, in
cidents, or items of any kind, ctf interest to the
historian, will please carefully prepare such man
uscript and forward to Captain G. W. Adair, at
Atlanta, who will give it the proper direction.—
There were two Georgia regiments at the cap
ture of Murlreesboro. whose members could con
tribute items ol grer:t interest.
The Georgia press, we are also requested to
state, by copying or referring to the foregoing
notice, will confer a favor on the gentleman who
proposes to write the history of “Forrest and
his Command”—a history, when written, that
will soon be in the Lauds of every tamilv and
school boy in the South.
named delegates to the Great I
Em( TenaeiMe.
It would seem that in portions of East Ten
nessee hostilities are still kept up, and “ free
fights ” between Radicals and Conservatives are
of almost every day occurrence: Occasionally,
even preachers get mixed up in affairs of the
kind. The following somewhat classic account
of a muss appears in the columus of the Knox
ville Commercial of the 6th:
Difficulties of a personal nature seem to be of
frequent occurrence throughout East Tennessee.
At the recent term of the Circuit Court, lately
held at Elizabethton, a controversy occurrred be
tween two parties, which, before its termination,
assumed the most prodigious proportions. At
one time, we learn, that about fort}' persons were
engaged in the melee, when brick-bats and lime
stone rocks, like the arrows of Xerxes’ hosts,
were exchanged last and freely, and darkened
the light of the sun. Casualties—several broken
heads, together with other serious injuries.
At the same place we understand that the
Rev. W. B. Carter, the Ajax Telamon of East
Tennessee Conservatism, got hold of an insig
nificant little Radical, named Albert Tipton, and
when the parson finished with him, the demol
ished little Radical looked as if be could have
crept into a rat-hole.
Vermont—Coals In New Castle.
The Radicals in this little bit of a State, hid
den away, up in the mountains, where the news
travels slowly, have elected two of the members
of Congress—not three, as heretofore—(no choice
having been effected in one district,) and they
have, as usual, carried the Legislature, and they
claim, by increased majorities, over a compara
tively small vote in 1965. The Radical press is
jubilant thereon, and rejoices over it. We ex
pect soon to hear of their being happy over a
new marble quarry discovered in Vermont, or
over a new clip of wool, or more maple sugar.
The Suite is, has been for thirty years, and will
be for thirty years to come, ignorant jind fanatic
upon the negro, because there are no negroes
there, and great on “protection” for Vermont
marble, Vermont wool, and for having no inter
nal revenue tax on maple sugar.
Vermont, says the New York Express, votes
as she has voted for two generations, and as she
will vote for two generations more, if paid for it,
as she is now.
The following
Union”
istered their:
House in Philadelphia; they hail from Ge rgia: j
J. E. Bryant, G. W. Ashburn, N. S. Morse.
Washington City.—We learn from our ex
changes that the work ol church building is be
ing rapidly pushed forward at this Time by vari
ous denominations in Washington. The Luther
ans are in the act of erecting & church that will
cost $75,000; the Baptists have nearly completed
one costing $100,000; and one man has paid it
all. The Wesley Chapel Society is making ef
forts to secure $200,000, in order to erect a “Me
tropolitan Church.” The Episcopalians and So
man Catholics are also moving in the same di.
rection.
The “one man” alluded to is Hon. Amos Ken
dall.
which it was controlled, than that furnished by
our meagre telegraphic reports. The correspon
dence is dated on the 4th, and reads:
To^lay one has had a better opportunity to
judge of the character of the convention of-so-
called (Southern loyalists. They were not sur
rounded by enthusiastic Philadelphia Radicals,
nor other admiring crowds, as yesterday, but al
most Malone iu National Hall, deliberating upon
the business before them. Of brains, intelligence,
wisdom, or political experience, but little was to
be seen. Jack Hamilton, of Texas, a broad-
sbouldereil, red-faced man, who has nothing either
attractive or agreeable about him, was there, a
leader among boon companions. Parson Brown-
low, cadaverous and weak, was also present—a
fit associate ot his friend from Texas. These
men rnn the entire machine. What there is of
ability in the convention is entirely overshadow
ed by these two miserable tricksters. The great
majority shout when they command; nearly the
whole convention bend when they nod. They
are in lact, the very life and spirit of the gather
ing, and to-night the committees are preparing
resolutions and address as they dictate.
There are a few men ot note here, as I tele
graphed last night, but they amount to nothing
in the presence of the two managers from Ten
nessee and Texas. Botts is silent, because the
convention would not hear in patience his pro
posed attack upon negro suffrage. Cresswell and
bis colleagues from Maryland will certainly bolt
to-morrow, if tin: majority' insist upon universal
ballot. Fletcher, of Missouri, and others are ex
pected to follow suit in this contingency. The
fact is, and they admit it, that the programme
laid down by Hamilton and Brownlow will, if
adopted, result iu the overwhelming defeat of
the Radicals this fall. The Maryland represent
atives say that tlieir present fight is hard enough,
but to remain in the Convention after negro suf
frage is iudorsed, would be to court certain de
feat id the State, and cause the probable loss of
every Congressman. As a matter of policy they
oppose the colored man’s ring, while those in it
demand a free ballot, not because they love the
darkey any more than their brethren, but for the
other reason, that through him, aud through him
alone, they can maintain themselves at the polls.
The negro must be handled as a citizen only for
party purposes; elevated motives aud a spirit of
pure philantlirophy have nothing to do with the
matter at all. In ail my experience at political
conventions I never saw hypocricy more thor
oughly marked than in this particular.
Of course, the President is particularly abused.
All side are unanimous upon the point. The
walls of the National Hall are heavy with in
scriptions calculated to excite contempt for the
Executive. Every mouth seems’anxious to utter
Radical billingsgate and abuse of'Johnson. There
is not a word ot sympathy for his heroic efforts
in behalf of the Union, when many of these very
Southern “loyalists” were deep in treason ; but,
as if by preconcerted arrangement, all unite in
condemnation of liis policy, as well as of the
man. It is often disgusting to hear them, and
more so in private conversation than in public
speeches. Those who have not the manliness or
the ability to speak what they feel in the conven
tion, make up for it in the bar rooms and hall
ways of the hotels. At home there, they talk
without restraint, and in so disgraceful a manner
that if their utterances were made in the time of
the late administration, and of it, court martials
would have consigned them to Fort Lafayette or
the Dry Tortugas. Their conduct now is ac
counted for by the fact that most of them became
loyalists in expectation of getting fat offices.—
Disappointed in this, and too late to retrace their
steps, they have only to enjoy the satisfaction of
vituperating a man who thinks more of his
country than of these brainless hypocrites.
Referring to the question on which the con
vention finally split, the correspondence con
tinues :
When a delegate offered resolutions in favor of
negro suffrage, the yell that went up was terrific,
being joined in by the assembled crowd in the
lobbies and galleries. The applause was again
and again renewed. By request the resolution
was referred to the committee having the matter
charge. Then some gentlemen, alarmed,
sought to get it back and open the question for
argument; but every effort was in vain. Angry
feelings began to be displayed, and the excite
ment ran high, as several delegates arose and de
clared that their respective delegations sustained
the principles set forth. Maryland tried the
compromise dodge of an agreement upon the
basis of the constitutional amendment. Cress-
well and Thomas urged it. But it was received
with comparative coldness, aud the previons en
thusiasm was only renewed when some fiery
Radical offered another resolution indorsing
“equal rights,” “impartial manhood suffrage,” and
similar principles. It was quite evident that the
extreme party had undisputed control of the Con
vention.
The Cotton Question.
The following we take from the London cor
respondence of the New York Times, dated 18th
August:
The Government of India sent one Dr. Forbes
to the cotton States of America to spy out the
prospects of that ex-king of Dixie. His report
is verv favorable—tor India. He says the crops
will be very small—two-tliirds of the plantations
are unworked, and the free laborers do a third
less than when slaves. England has nothing to
fear from America until the country is thoroughly
reorganized. There is, therefore, a British in
terest opposed to such reorganization. In fact,
it wa9 not in human selfishness not to rejoice
over the calamities of a country which is the
most powerful-rival to British industry—which
protects itself by high tariffs against British com
petition, whose resources are only iu the begin
ning of tbeir development, while those of Eng
land are beginning to be exhausted. Iu England
labor is rising in price, from emigration to Ame
rica. Coal and iron are dearer. The Cornwall
tin and copper mines are becoming unworkable,
and the people are in great distress. The de
mands for increase of wages will bankrupt man
ufacturers. Food is dear, because two-thirds is
imported. Fresh meat is now to be brought in
galvanized iron tanks, filled with a gas that will
exclude oxygen, from South America, but it is
an up-hill fight. There are many who think
that free trade was a mistake and is a failure, and
the working men of England, though they in
sisted on free trade in food, will not allow free
trade in wages. Last week they mobbed some
hundreds ot French and Belgian “navvies”—rail
road laborers—who were “taking the bread out
of their mouths.”
I see that a movement ; s making to induce
emigrants to go to Louisiana and other parts of
the Sot.th. The poor people ot Com waH should
be very glad of the chance. With a proper or
ganization, a vast industrial artnv coaid be re
cruited in Europe; but such a work needs large
means and extraordinary ability.
PaWle Hecttaf la Claytoa Conner.
Pursuant to previons notice, a large and re
spectable number of the citizens of Clayton coun
ty assembled on the 4th instant, at Jonedboro,
for the purpose of devising some means for the
relief of the people.
The meeting was organized by calling Rev. J.
T. Smith tothe chair, and appointing Capt C. A,
Dollar to act as Secretary.
On motion, the chairman appointed the fol
lowing gentlemen a committee TO'prepare busi
ness for the action of the meeting: AbnerCamp,
Rev. D. L. Duffey, Hon. Elijah Glass, Judge R.
K. Holliday, and J. C. Ellington
lions * well as individuals-” a tide in the affairs
action, I take this method of respondm because { which, taken in the flood, leads on to
it gives me less labor and a more general dissem- fortuneWe ’ are now in the mk i s t of such a
“ SIX**®!* W n.n.M -Th.mnm.n Mint Uota
The committee retired a short time, returned ■► eery timidly iu favor oC senriigg delegates, fear
“ Black and Tan” Convention have reg-
their names at the National Union Club
Gold for Duties.—The amount of gold re
ceived at the Boston Custom House for duties,
for the month ending with the 31st of August,
was $1,743,000.
Catherine: Catton—Suggestions to Plant
ers.
A planter of Limestone county, (Ala.) commu
nicates tl»e following to the Huntsville Indepen
dent :
Now, Mr. Editor, that the cotton crop is cut
short, it would be well for the planter to consider
how to turn it to the most profit The first thing
is to gather it with great care aud expedition, for
the rains, dews and atmosphere injure it every
moment after it opens—it bleaclvss and washes
away the oils which gloss and strengthen it, and
gives it the rich cream color and designates a
good article. From the time it opens waste and
deterioration begins. Owing to drouth the plant
is stunted and tlie bolls so near the ground that
when it rains the clay and dirt is pattered upon
and stains it. And again, it should be ginned
early, and with great care. We should get the
beat machinery to separate the lint from tlm seed,
trash and dirt, without breaking it. It is more
important to do it carefully than rapidly; better
to use gins that will do k well, picking two bales
per diem rather than four. For as small crop as
this year, there is abundant labor to save it, if k
can be made available. Another question—is it
best to gather while the weather is good and
house it, and delay ginning, which may be done
m bad weather? This is owing to the amount of
crop produced as a general rule; but undoubt
edly if it can be ginned as it is gathered, it is
most economical lor several reasons: its quality
is better; it deteriorates less; it will sell for
more; is out ot the way ; debts are paid, interest
saved. Tlte planter can sum up profit and loss,
and decide whether to continue the business, and
if so, has more time to prepare for the next crop.
Now, while every planter knows all this, and is
preparing for it, yet it may be well to stimulate
by timely notice, therefore let even- resource be
brought into requisition to secure labor to gathe ■
and save all the cotton made. The new system
will require all our energies and ingenuity to !
make available the only material we have.
Planter.
and reported the following preamble ancf resoln
tions which were adopted:
Whereas, by the ravages, devastations, and fate
of the late war between the United States and
the so-called Confederate States, our slaves have
been emancipated, farms destroyed, and farm
ing interests paralyzed,so that it is impossible for
the people to settle their old liabilities. All of
our effects and resources upon which debts con
tracted before the war were based, have been
swept away. This is the case, throughout the
State in every section, lo a great or less extent,
which, with the drouth and short crops, has put
it out of the power of the people to pay any part
of their debts. And whereas a few men who
have old claims and a taoney capital, by being
fortunate in the late war, can now, should the
law be turned loose for lire, collection of debts, or
any part thereof, buy up the property of the
country for a mere trifle. We do most earnestly
protest against such adyantages being allowed,
thereby placing a few men in power and in pos
session of the majority *pf the property in our
country, from the simple fact that fortune has
smiled on them, while ijre^wned on their neigh
bors. N ’
It will take the entire property of the debtor
class of the citizens to pay one-fourth of their
indebtedness as is now required after the first of
January next. Stay laws will not do, we need
immediate and permanent relief, so that our peo
ple can recuperate their energies, go to work, and
ere long be an easy indepeudant people once
more. Our motto is, to do the greatest good to
the greatest number of persons; therefore
Resolved 1. That we, the citizens ot Clayton
county, deem it to be a duty we owe to our com
mon country, to humanity, ourselves, society and
posterity, to pray to the"authorities that be to
grant us the relief we so much need.
2. That the Governor is hereby requested to
lay the matter before the next session of the Le
gislature, and request immediate action, and in
case the Legislature fails to take action for want
of constitutional jurisdiction, or any other cause,
the Governor and the Legislature arc respectfully
requested to memorialize the President of the
United States and Congress to take the matter
in hand, and grant ns relief, or the means to the
States of relieving themselves.
3. That we earnestly request the citizens of
all the other counties in the State to co-operate
with us in the great and important movement. •
4. The Editors and newspaper correspondents
favorable to the cause throughout the State a re
requested to discuss this matter and lay it befo re
the people through their respective journals.
o. That a copy of these proceedings be sent
to the Atlanta Intelligencer for publication,
and all papers in the State friendly to the cause
requested to copy.
J. T. Smith, Chainnan.
C. A. Dollar, Secretary.
From the Louisville Sunday Democrat.
Waif* from the YVInilow-Sill.
BY SINE CUBA.
In the twilight of life, when the stars of Hea
ven look out from behind their soft gray cur
tains, how softly in tlieir noiseless rapidity steal
upon us the associations of by-gone days. Like
white-winged messengers from the spirit-land
they come to whisper of friemls that have van
ished, of joys that have flow^ and, ever upon
the sands of to-day', they trace their record in.
gorgeous hues. Be the present e’er so happy,
the past e’er so cheerless, yet down deep in the
same sacred chamber, where memory guards
the portals, the light of other days is shining
with rays so reflected that the bright spots in
the checkered past drown in their refulgence
the sober shades that may have been woven in
the web of late ; and, ever under the mysterious
influence of our nature, a sigh goes out from
the heart to pay its tribute at the shrine of by
gone hours. On rainbow pinions they come,
bringing to us severed ties and forgotten asso
ciations. A word, a look, will sometimes bear
us back to other scenes and other friends, when
we find that affections which had long since
burned out to dead gray ashes, have only been
smothered into embers which need but chance
breath to fan them into former flame. Down
the winding way of days gone by we stroll and
sip the sweets from flowers that blossom from
the way-side. Into the distant chambers we
wander and live again with the guests who
have gathered there. We jest, we laugh, we
revel in our poetic dream, but ere long the spell
is broken and we awake to the prosy present
to long
“For the touch of a vanished hand,
And the sound of a voice that is still.”
The past, though gone forever, leaves its
memory and its associations to delude the while
our vision like the streaks of loveliness which
flush the horizon long atter the dazzling orb,,
whose reflections they are, lias descended from
our view, or to play their charms upon, our
willing ear, like the low lingering echoes of
mournful music wlieu the deeper tones have
died away.
Louisville, August 30th, 18G6. .
. From the Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel.
Letter from Ex«Gov. H. T. Johnaei
HE ENDORSES THE PHILADELPHIA £QNYE*TION.
Augusta, Bept 1st, 166ti
Messrs. Editors:—Having receivedAmuty in
quiries for my views of the proceedings pf the
Philadelphia Convention, and -as to the iBourse
bringing the conservative men of the North and
the people ol the South into co-operation, yet I
doubted the expediency of the call for the Phila
delphia Convention. After it wa3 called I was
Sledge-Hammer Preaching.
The most popular of English preachers fe the
celebrated Dr. Spurgeon—celebrated because ot
the homely and forcible way he has of approach
ing the understanding of his congregation. The
following passage occured in one of his recent
discourses:
A certain tyrant sent for one of his subjects,
and said to him: “ Wliat is your employment ? ”
He said : “ I am a blacksmith.” “ Go home and
make me a chain of such a length.” He went
home; it occupied him several months, and lie
had no wages all the time he was making it.
Then he brought it to the monarch, and he said:
“ Go and make it twice as long.” He brought it
up again, and tlie monarch said : “ Go make it
longer still.” Each time lie brought it, there was
nothing but the command to make it longerstall.
And when be brought it up at lavt, the monarch
said: “ Take it, and hind him hand and foot
with it, and cast him into a furnace of fire.”
These are the wages for makiDg the chain.—
Here is a meditation for you to-night, ye servants
of the devil. Your master, the devil, is tellin
you to make a chain. Some have been fifty
years welding the links of the chain; and lie
says; “ Go and make it still longer.” Next Sab
bath morning you will open that shop of yours,
and put another link; next Sabbath you will be
drunk, and put another link ; next Monday you
will do a dishonest action ; and so yoq will keep
on making fresh links to this chain ; and when
you have lived twenty years more, the devil will
say: “ More links on still.” And then, at last,
it will be: “Take him, and bind him hand and
foot, and cast him into a furnace of fire.” “For
the wages of sin is death.” There is a subject for
your meditation. I do not think it will be
sweet; bat if God makes it profitable, it wiH do
you good. You most have strong medicine
sometimes, when the disease is bad. God apply
it to your hearts.
Me Mr hi sand Charleston Railroad.—This
road was surrendered to the company by
military authorities, on the 11th of September,
1865, and the trains commenced running through
on the 6th of November. The following state
ment from the report of. the Superintendent,
shows very gratifying results:
RECEIPTS.
The receipts of the road have been :
Fran Paencngers - $562,157 61
From Freight : 569,916 62
From Mail 20,506 43
From Express 51,092 50
From Rents and Privileges 30.633 91
EXPENSES ORDINARY.
$1,274,307 10
Conducting Transportation $252,895 7S
Maintenance of Wav 254,939 27
Maintenance of Cars 63,223 30
Maintenance of Machinery 312,464 63
$SS3.507 9S
Less Road Material 233.343 05 $650,164 93
Net Earnings $624,142 17
A gentleman in New Hampshire, agitl SO
years, has been sued for $10,000 for brea;Ji oj(
promise
Short Seryioxs.—Some one with more point
than reverence, says: I always advise short ser
mons, especially on a hot Sunday. If a minister
“kau’t strike ile” in forty minutes boring, he has
either got a poor gimbjet, or he is boring the
: wroug^place.
ing that the passions engendered by the war had
not sufficiently subsided to admit of harmony, in
council, and wisdom in action. I am glad that
my misgivings have been disappointed, and I be
Here that much good has been done and progress
made towards restoring harmony, npon the basis
of the Constitution. Though not all which
could wish, yet more than I expected, was done.
With the spirit, tone, and in the main, the seuti
men(s of the resolutions adopted, I am satisfied.
Both in language and in principle, I would make
slight modifications. But take them as a whole,
considered in the light of surrounding circum
stances, they furnish less ground for complaint
thanM would have auticipated. They were evi
dently dictated under the inspiration of patriot
ism and phrased in language intended not to
w.ound tlie sensibilities of au overpowered, but
proud and gallant people. Viewing them in this
light,-1 am willing to accept them in tlie spirit
that gave them form and utterance, and ignore
whatsoever is distasteful, a3 a tribute to the gen
erous enthusiasm of the patriotic body • from
whom they emanated.
The question is frequently asked, by those
who honestly opposed the representation ot the
State in the convention, and who now withhold
their approval ot its action, what good has it
accomplished ? I reply, it has, in my judgment,
effected two very important things—important
to the whole country, and especially to those
States which are denied representation in Con
gress. In the first place, it inaugurated the be
ginning of good feeling and understanding be
tween the two sections. Tlie war has engender
ed bitterness and hatred. There can be no real
political fraternity, between the North aud the
South, until such feelings shall have been soothed
and confidence re-establislied between the two
sections. We at the South, looking to tlie treat
ment we have received from Congress, since the
surrender of our arms, are apt to forget that we
have frieuds at the North and to class its whole
people as enemies to the restoration of the Union
and to our welfare. The people of the North,
attaching undue importance to the falsehoods ol
hired letter writers, who distort and magnify ev
ery act of rashness or imprudence that occurs in
our midst, or mistaking the honest, but injudi
cious comments of a portion of our press for the
true exposition of the general sentiment, imagine
that a spirit of insubordination to the constitu
tion and law pervades the South. The result has
been the perpetuation of mutual bad feelings—
crimination and recrimination. Doubtless many
of the intelligent, of both sections, knew the
error, but they could not expose it to the masses,
for the lack of some practical demonstration that
would arrest general attention. Tlie Philadel
phia Convention furnished that demonstration.
It was signalized by scenes of enthusiasm, un
paralleled, in the history of conventions, in this
country. The better feelings of the heart—
charity, magnanimity, generosity, love of justice,
patriotism—were started from their icy repose
and thawed into happy fusion. It was a meet
ing of the North and the South, not on tlie bat
tle field, but on the field of reconciliation; aud
the representatives from each section returned
home, prepared to testify truthfully of the temper
and spirit ot the people of each, that, while hon
estly differing on some questions, they agree to
co-operate with each other, in the great work of
restoration.
In the second place, tlie convention lias organ
ized a party, pledged to the restoration of the
Union, upon the basis of the constitution and of
representation to the Southern States, without
any other test ot loyalty besides the oath to sup
port the Constitution ot the United States. This
is deeply interesting to us. It is the overshad
owing question, paramount to all others. It is
vital. I surrender none of the cherished politi
cal opinions of my life, so far as they are appli
cable to the situation in which we are left by tlie
war, nor do I endorse such as I believe to be
erroneous in the Philadelphia platform and ad
dress. But wliat avails the discussion of these
now? What can we gain by argument? We
have no audience; we are practically out of the
Union; we have no ; voice in the action of the
government. Shall we waste our powers in vain
debate and refuse to co-operate with the Conser
vative men of the North because they differ with
us upon some questions ? Shall we throw obsta
cles in tlieir way by jealous criticisms of the
proceedings of tlie convention at the very time
when they are fighting our battle? Shall we
uot rather aid, sustain and encourage them by
earnest co-operation ? For one, I am prepared
to do it with iffy whole heart; for the issue is
vital. It involves, in my judgment, not only the
destiny of the South, but that of constitutional
liberty.
Some such movement as that of the Philadel
phia Convention was necessary, in order to af
ford the conservative element oi the country a
defined basis of action, on which it could organ
ize aud concentrate its forces against the destruc
tive policy of the dominant party. It canuot
fail to produce a powerful eflect. The people
have but to open their eyes to see that liberty is
in peril, and that the constitution is sought to be
substituted by the will of an irresponsible ma
jority. The people everywhere love liberty;
they love the constitution; they are honest; they
are to be trusted. Show them the right and
they will pursue it; make them sensible of the
danger and they will unite to avert it; expose to
them the bad ambition of power, drunk with the
love of dominion, and they will rise to over
throw it. Tlie campaign iu the Northern and
Northwestern States is just now opening. The
Philadelphia Convention boldly and clearly pre
sents tlie issue between the conservative and de
structive elements, of restoration of all the
States to representation, on the basis of the con
stitution on the one hand, and on the other, the
perpetuation of strife and discord, by the wicked
outlawry and disfranchisement Of nearly one-
third of the States of the Union. The appeal is
made to the calm, sober patriotism of the North
ern people. With them the battle is to be won
or lost. Liberty and the promise of good gov
ernment is the prize on one side, against misrule
and despotism on the other. May we not, since
the late demonstration in Philadelphia, and the
patriotic response of the President to the resolu
tions of the convention, indulge a hope of final'
triumph for truth, justice aud State equality?
Prior to the action of tlie Philadelphia Con
vention, the President had no party to sustaiu
him He stood alone, so far as organized co
operation was concerned, against the assaults of
the Radical Congress and press. He has exhib
ited courage worthy of Jackson, and a determi
nation to restore the Southern States to rightful
representation in Congress which cannot fail to
challenge our support and commendation. The
convention was confessedly a movement of his
conception. lie desired it: First, to inaugurate
good feeling and understanding between the
friends of the Union, under tlie constitution;
Secondly, to organize them into a party, to sus
tain his policy of restoration; and, Thirdly, to
present fairly to the people of the whole coun
try the distinct issue of reinstating the ten exclu
ded States to their constitutional relation to the
other States, without unconstitutional tests ot
loyalty. The whole programme is deeply, vi
tally interesting to tlie South. Shall we not
hold up liis hands ? Shall we not give him our
earnest support ? Shall we not do all in our
power to crown the action of-the convention
with the most triumphant success ?
Whilst this great battle is to be fought at tiie
North and Northwest, in which the South can
not practically participate, still, we have an im
portant part to act. Tliat is—what I have just
above intimated—uphold, encourage and sustain
the efforts of those who are rallying under tlie
banner which the convention unfurled to the
breeze. The inscriptions upon it may not be all
that we wish ; hut, prominent among them is
the recognition of the equality of the States, and
their right to representation without the odious
test oath. We, therefpre, cannot but view the
contest with an intense desire to see that banner
planted in triumph upon the dome of the Capi
tol. Let our press and people abstain from cap
tious and ill-natured criticism of the action of
the convention. Forgetting or ignoring what
soever is distasteful, in phraseology or erroneous
in principle, let us look rather to its patriotic
spirit. Reciprocating that spirit, let us practice
forbearance, a manly resignation to the necessi
ties of our condition and respect for the Consti
tution and constitutional laws of the United
States. The wires will be busy in flashing from
North to South, and from South to North, every
thing calculated to irritate the people, provoke
them to rash and intemperate expressions, and
widen the chasm that divides them. The peo
ple, and particularly the press of the South,
should not forget this; and iu view of it, they
should take special jiains to afford as little capi
tal for the destructives, and as much, for the
Conservatives, as possible.
The Radicals are evidently greatly chagrined
and astounded by the success of the convention,
and painfully exercised because there was so lit
tle speaking, especially by Southern delegates.
They failed to realize their expected feast of dis
cord and wrangling; they gathered but little
pabulum for the greedy maw of slander and vi
tuperation. So, by a similar course, let the peo
ple of the South disappoint their morbid and
insatiable apatites. Let us feel and realize that
all that we can ever expect of constitutional
rights is involved in the pending campaign, and
that our fate depends upon tlie filial triumph of ■ the despotism of a single ruler, who might be
■*- - 1 ---• —>- — J humane and just, but-the despotism ol an irre
sponsible majority. But to realize these aiitici-
41ie ■Conservative party. When we speak and
• act? it s^oiffd be in tbeir interest and with a view
, to tlieirsuccess; for in tlieir success is our hope
for tlie future.
There are turning points in the history of na-
niinous, relentless, desperate, devilish—will
"become irresistible unless*ts progress be arrested.
It can be arrested only by the uprising ot the
people in their majesty. I indulge a hope that
the action of the convention will awaken them
to the perils of the Crisis. I trust tTTe'ftre that tforu-srid wow wit Hi told "their approval- of its
, . » i i ...J nniLin rltunll unnn renil 4»YIMV»Q« m flip nt
liberty can be roaintained.only by a recognition
of the rights and equality of the States. Their
abrogation or disregard means despotism—not
patioua, we must tirst.be admitted to our repre
sentation in Congress. Tint is the great ques
tion—the essential vital condition precedent to
any hope of better days tor the South. And
this depends upon the final success of tlie Phila
delphia movement. Let us encourage that suc
cess. _
We owe it to frankness and candor; we owe
it to the conservative men of the North ; we
owe it to ourselves, to do justice to the Philadel
phia Convention—its resolutions and address. I
regret to see that some who opposed theconven-
warmed the hearts of that body will be diffused
in expanding circles until it shall begirt the
whole laud and dispel the darkness that now
haugs, like a funeral pall, over our distracted
country. Now is the time and the opportunity
for the masses of tlie North to rally. The gov
ernment is in their hands; we are excluded ; if
the Temple of Liberty totter to its fall, the re
sponsibility is.theirs. Do they uot begin to see
it? The grouudswell begins to heave; the re
action has commenced ; let- the people, North
and South—those who desire constitutional union
and government—be true to themselves and their
posterity, and rise to the bight of the great occa
sion. Then woe, woe awaits those who now
pollute the altars of liberty and lord it over the
heritage of her children.
The world knows the people of the South do
not approve of all that was done by the Phila
delphia Convention; nor is it pretended that our
delegates did. Protest against what ie objec
tionable, by our prels or our people, is totally
unnecessary, even as a matter of justice to our
selves. There is no need to define our position
upon controverted questions of principle or
policy; it is known and read of all men. When
restored to representation, we can argiie and de
bate if occasion require it. We shall then have
an audience; we shall even coustilute a part ot
the tribunal to decide tlie questions discussed.—
If we never get restored to representation, then
argument is useless. We can therefore afford to
be silent as to what wc cannot endorse, for tlie
sake of the prize that is staked upon the issue.—
Our government, tlie constitution, the whole
frame-work of our political institutions, were, in
tlie beginning, the result of mutual concessions
and compromises. They will never be restored,
aud when restored they cannot be preserved
without the exercise of the same spirit.
True, as a section, the South will be in a mi
nority aud powerless, of herself, to arrest unjust
and unconstitutional legislation. But that great
change in popular sentiment iu the North, which
slialfsecure to us representation, will also bring
into Congress friends who, united with the
Southern members, will constitute a majority of
the House, or, if not a majority, a sufficient num
ber to sustain presidential vetoes of unconstitu
tional enactments. Extravagance ot expendi
ture can be checked, the burden of taxation
equalized, corruption exposed, and the annoy
ance of the present dominant party tamed and
chastised. When we can be heard, there will
be hope, at least, by appeal to reason and justice,
that tlie ship of State may be again put upon
the course which its builders intended it to nav
igate.
If this can be accomplished, there is a hope of
regaining good government, and finally ma
terial prosperity. Long before the war I bad
come to the conviction that the best hope for this
country was in a close alliance with the great ag
ricultural States of the Northwest. They, like
us, are interested in low taxation and economy.
United with them, and such friends as could al
ways be elected from a lew districts of tlie North
ern States, I believed on the day of secession,
that the South was stronger in, than out of the
Union. This conviction, so deeply fixed, explains
the true motive of my adhesion to the noble and
lamented Douglas, in I860. I knew he wasjust-
ly the idol of the Northwest; I knew his great
ability, his firmness, his courage and tried friend
ship for the South. I knew that we could trust
him, however we might differ from him upon
some points of theoretic politics. I believed that,
through him, if the Union should stand, the alli
ance, to which I have referred could he consolida
ted. Hence, I consented to share his fortune,
knowing at the time, as well as I knew after the
event, that his election was impossible. Thus
looking for a defeat, I still hoped that a fragment
of the National Democracy, North and South,
might be preserved in a state of organization,
around which that glorious old party might again
rally, and preserve the Union and the rights of
the South in the Union. Nothing, however,
could stay the tendency to secession, after Mr.
Lincoln’s election by a strictly sectional vote.—
We have passed through the conflict and been
overpowered. We came out of it with slavery
abolished, our labor deranged aud prostrated, our
fields desolated, and our homes draped in mourn
ing for our noble gallant and dead. We have
accepted these results in good faith. We are
ready to resume our place in tlie Union, endeav
or to recover from our reverses, and promote the
harmony and welfare of our common country.—
And now that slavery is abolished, and conse
quently must cease to be an apple of discord,
my mind returns with strengthened conviction of
the policy of renewing the ties which, in other
days, bound us to the agricultural States of the
Northwest. Once restored to representation in
Congress nothing can prevent such an alliance.
Whilst all our revenue was raised by a tariff
upon imports, the agricultural class did not ap
preciate tlie amount of tlieir taxes, nor the ine
quality with which they were imposed. It is
quite different now. The tax gatherer goes to
every man’s door and levies tribute upon the
products of liis labor. Let existing passions sub
side; let harmony be restored; "let fanaticism
starve to death, because the carcase ot slavery,
on which it fed, has been forever removed, and
we shall soon see and hear the masses, who till
the soil, inquiring into the operations of the tax-
laws, and tlie expenditure of revenue, and hold
ing tlieir representatives to a strict accountability.
Labor will assert its right to just and equal treat
ment at the bauds ot tlie government with asso
ciated and incorporated capital. Heretofore the
country has been liarrassed about slavery: fanat
ics using tlie question as tlie means of obtaining
power—obtaining power in order that they might
levy tribute upon agriculture to pamper and pro
tect manufacturers. The issue will be a naked
one—shall agricultural labor be taxed to uphold
and sustain incorporated capital ? The result is
not to be feared. Agriculture does uot shrink
from a just share of tlie burden, which the ini
niense national debt must impose upon every in
terest. But it will demand economy, the lowest
taxation that will meet the emergency', and
equality in its imposition. This is all the'South
asks, and in demanding it, she must and will re
ceive tlie co-operation of agriculturists in all sec
tions, but especially of the Northwestern States.
This is my hope for the future of the country.—
It is founded upon the potent affinities of inter
est, which, when left free to act, will as certainly
bind together the tillers of the soil as gravitation
does the works of the universe.
Nor will the alliance, to which I refer, be im
potent, in asserting the principles of constilu
tional interpretation, essential to the healthful
working of our governmental machinery. The
doctrines of ’98 and ’99 may vet he re-asserted
by the Congress ot the United States. They are
as valuable now as ever they were—as true and
sound as ey-er. They survive tlis yvar, however
ignored and forgotten, amidst the thunder and
smoke of battle, because they are endued with
the immortality of truth. Our rights under the
constitution, slavery excepted, are precisely the
same that they were before the war; and what
soever else may be objectionable in tjie Address
of the Philadelphia Convention to the people of
the United States, it is both gratifying and'en-
couraging that, this truth is billy recognized in
that document. It declares :
“ The Government of the United States main
tained by force of arms tlie supreme authority
over all the territory an<f over all the States and
people within its jurisdiction which the consti
tution confers upon it, but it acquired thereby no
neyy power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights,
either of territorial possession or of civil author
ity, which it did not possess befyre the rebellion
broke out. All the rightful power it can ever
possess is that which is conferred upon it in ex
press terms, or by fair and necessary implication,
by the Constitution of the United States.”
* * * * *
“ Neither war nor the victory by which it was
ended changed in any way the Constitution of
the United states.”
Jr -jf
“ And to-day, also, precisely as before the war,
all the powers not conferred by tlie constitution
upon the General Government, nor prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to tlie several
States or to the people thereof.”
These are announcements of that “ Address.”
They are significant. They are the principles
which underlie the doctrines of 1798 and 1799.
They show liow truth will crop out. The South
ern States, by tlie act of secession, put in issue
two questions: first, the right to secede; and,
secondly, the perpetuation of slavery. Both
have been decided against us; and we have ac
cepted, in good faith, the award of the sword.
With this exception, our constitutional rights are
just what they were before flie war; for it is cer
tain that if, iu the language of that “ Address,”
the “government acquired no new power by tlie
war,” the Southern States lost none. It were i
bootless to discuss these princinles now. It is a !
great point gained that, amid 'the fiery play of Irequentiv coin
the passions, a party has been organized that an- 1 1 - y -
nounces them. We can discuss, when the right
of representation shall be accorded to us, with
hope ot success.. For the ordeal through which
the government is now passing, will satisfy right
minded men, in all sections, that constitutional
action, dwell upon, and express, in tlie light ot
severe critic is pi, all that is distasteful in language
and objectionable in pffoc'qiTe, without, aflso hold
ing up for commendation and support what is
eminently acceptable to the Southern people.
This is wrong. It*enn do no good.at the South;
it is calculated to weaken those at the North who
are engaged in tlie struggle to restore the Union
upon the plan of the administration. But while
I thus comitrent. ou this cdtfrsc of the opponents
of the proceedings ot the convention, it affords
me pleasure to award lo them holiest and patri
otic purposes. They-are not more wrong than
those who would assign them the position ot al
liance with the Radicals. We must tolerate
among ourselves honest differences of opinion.
Sharing common calamities, we all have a com
mon desire to be relieved from an unfortunate
condition. Our differences of opinion upon
these topics, do not destroy the unanimity
with which the entire people of the South ear
nestly wish tlie triumph of the Conservative party.
Whatsoever may be objectionable in them, both
the resolutions and the address contain much
that is true and encouraging, but little in sub
stance to condemn. They are sound upon the
vital, practical, living issues of the crisis. They
assert the equality of tlie States, the right of all
to representation in Congress, their right to “pre
scribe qualification for the elective franchise.”—
They deny the right of the States now repre
sented to propose and ratify amendments to tlie
Federal Constitution. All these we can endorse,
and they are all that belong strictly to the issue
that more deeply than all others concerns us.—
They are boldly announced, both in tlie resolu
tions and address, and discussed in the latter
with clearness and ability. I have already
quoted a few sentences from the address. I will
quote a few more, in order to bring them promi
nently before the reader, as worthy his approval.
See liow forcibly it puts tlie pretensions and
schemes of the Radicals:
“It has been proclaimed by Congress that in
addition lo the powers conferred upon it by tlie
constitution, the Federal Government may now
proclaim over the States and the territory, and
the people involved in the insurrection, the rights
of war—right of conquest aud of confiscation,
the right, to abrogate all existing governments,
institutions, and law s, and to subject the territory
conquered and its inhabitants to such terms anil
regulations as the legislative department of the
government may see lit to impose, under the
broad and sweeping claim that the clause of the
constitution which provides that no State shall,
without its consent, be deprived of its equal sui-
trage in the Senate of tlie United States has been
annulled ; and States have been refused, and are
still refused representation altogether, in both
brandies of tlie Federal Congress ; and the Con
gress in which only a part of the States aud of
the people of the Union are represented has as
serted tlie right to exclude others Irom represen
tation and from all share in making tlieir own
laws and choosing tlieir own rulers, unless they
shall comply with such conditions and perform
such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may
itself prescribe. That right Las not only been
asserted but it has been exercised, and is prac
tically enforced at the present time.”
What a graphic and vivid picture of the de
signs of the Radicals, is here drawn ! And now
remember, that tlie “Address” combats all these
positions, with ability and eloquence. It argues
that they are subversive of the government and
fatal to the Union, for the preservation ot which
the war was waged. It brands them as despotism
and usurpation. And after pressing the argu
ment with irresistable power, it concludes, that
whilst it is the unquestionable right of the peo
ple of the United States, to change tlie constitu
tion, yet it must he done, in the mode which tlie
constitution itself points out. Says tlie Address:
“We deny the right of Congress to make these
changes in the fundamental law without tlie
concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, in
cluding especially those to be most seriously
affected by them, or impose them upon States or
people as conditions of representation or of ad
mission to any of the rights, duties or obligations
which belong, under the constitution, to all the
States alike; and w'th still greater emphasis do
we deny the right of any portion of tlie States,
excluding the rest of the States from any share
in their councils, to propose or sanction changes
in the constitution which are to affect perma
nently their political relations, and control or
coerce the legitimate action of the several mem
bers ot tlie common Union. Such an exercise
of power is simply a usurpation, just as unwar
rantable when exercised by Northern States as
it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to
be fortified or palliated by anything in tlie past
history either of those by whom it is attempted
or of those upon whose rights and liberties it it
to » ke effect. It finds no warrant in the consti-
tu n. It is at war with the fundamental prin
ciples of our form of government. If tolerated in
one instance it becomes the precedent for future
invasions of liberty and constitutional right, de
pendent solely upon tlie will of the party in pos
session of power, and thus leads by direct and
necessary sequence to the most fatal and intoler
able of all tyrannies, the tyranny of shifting and
irresponsible political factions. It is against this,
the most formidable of all the dangers which
menace the stability of free government, that the
Constitution of tlie United States was intended
most carefully to provide. We demand a strict
and steadfast adherence to its provisions. In
this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of
permanent union and peace.”
Extracts similar, in spirit and sentiment might
be multiplied. But these are enough to show,
that we may well afford to acquiesce in silence
to whatsoever may be objectionable, when the
principles so essential and vital to us in the
present crisis, are distinctly recognized. More
than this : when sucli announcements are made
and a great party organized, who are now-
engaged in the struggle to make them good at
tlie ballot box, does it become the Southern
people to damp their zeal and weaken tlieir
moral power by fastidious criticism ? I cannot
do it. Wherein I differ from tlie Platfom and
Address, I will differ in peace as friends, and
lock shields with them against tlie common
enemy. 1 say, God speed to the work which
was begun in Philadelphia. Every considera
tion^ of interest and patriotism calls upon us to
aid in the work of restoration. We can never
successfully organize our agricultural labor;
capital will not flow to us for the development
of our unbounded natural resources ; population
will not increase rapidly, nor prosperity return
to us, so long as the present political derange
ment continues. We shall be the lielpiess vic
tims of misrule and despotism. The domina
tion of tlie Radicals must he broken down
or constitutional liberty is lost and the South
doomed- to the saddest fale that ever be
fell a civilized people. Our duty is plain. It.
involves no dishonor. It requires us to prac
tice patience, forbearance, conciliation, and re
signation to present evils for the sake of greater
future good. We cannot expect to have things
all our own way. If.we could, our situation
were quite different. We would wish that we
were free from debt, and that no stay law were
necessary to save the people from utter ruin.
But tlie war brought the one, and a sense of
self-preservation, among the people, demands
the other. If we could have things all our own
way, the war had resulted differently, we would
have taken our position as an independent pow
er, among tlie family of nations. • But Provi
dence ordained otherwise, and wc must obey
the irrevocable decree. It is tlie part of wise
aid libera] statesmanship lo tolerate what it
cannot prevent, and seek, by appeal to reason
and patriotism, to mitigate wliat it cannot con
trol. To learn this, is one of the most valuable
lessons for individual life. It is equally so for
States. It brings comparative happiness to
both, whilst the heart frets and chafes, under
the friction of vain resistance. Respectfully,
Ac., IIerschel V. Johnson.
Opposed to the County Court.
The Rome Courier of a recent date contains
this paragraph:
We hear of considerable opposition to the
County Court in this section of the State. The
people think it makes suing too easy. There is
now about ten times as much suing as there was
before the existence of this law, and the people,
in their present straightened circumstances, can't
stand it. The desire for its repeal seems to be
rapidly on tlie increase.
The Walker county Grand Jury, at tlie recent
session of that court, made a presentment upon
the subject, urging its repeal.
It is expected that the Chattooga county Grand -
Jury will do^the same thing this week ; and we
hear that a 'meeting has been called at Cave
Spring for the consideration of this subject.
This court has taken nearly all the collecting
business out of the Justice Courts, and subjects
jurors and defendants to the inconvenience of
to tlie county site to attend
petty law suits.
Mrs. Grant, of Montgomery Aalabama, the
mother of five children, committed suicide Sun
day evening by taking laudanum. Cause, jeal
ousy.