Newspaper Page Text
Werhlij JntflligfDffr
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday. October IQ, I860.
TIip Hadlral Orator#—A Break la the
Banka.
Even the New York Herald does not conceal
that there is a “ break in the ranks” of the Rud-
iral Parly as to whether the ratification of the
proposed Constitutional Amendment, by three-
fourths of the States, is all that will be required
to effect Southern restoration, or whether, the
amendment being ratified, more shall be required
of the South. In an article headed as above,
that paper says : “ The recent speeches of Thad.
Stevens and Bethel Fisher Butler, for instance,
foreshadow a new crusade against the South.—
They intimate that the adoption of the constitu
tional amendment by the Southern States will
not be sufficient, but that still further concessions
must be made by that people and other guaran
tees secured. On the other hand, such represen
tative men as Senator "Wilson and Representative
(joukling, in their speeches on the stump, repu
diate this idea of Stevens, Butler & Company,
and declare that the faith of Congress is pledged
to admit the Southern representatives upon their
States ratifying the constitutional amendment.—
Upon this point there is as wide a difference be
tween the party leaders as that which exists be
tween the two political parties of the day. The
success of the republican party in this contest
will be the signal tor a bitter controversy between
these two elements on the assembling of Con
gress. Stevens will then unquestionably lead off
in hLs efforts to compel the adoption of his theo
ries, which he was unable to incorporate in the
amendment at the last session, while those who
secured the adoption of this amendment by the
last Congress stand pledged before the country to
insist that that, and that alone, shall be the con
dition of admitting the Southern representatives.
On this point the issue will be made, on this rock
the party must sooner or later split”
With all this, the Herald urges the South to
abandon the President and accept the proposed
amendment. We beg to decline its acceptance.
We prefer to let the “ split ” come ; to hold off
and let the Radicals fight it out among them
selves ; trusting and believing that every blow
bestowed by one upon the other; every assault
made upon Stevens, Butler, & Company, by Sen
ator Wilson, Representative Conkling, and Com
pany, will give strength to the Conservative
party, North, and end in the attainment of its
supremacy, over both the Radical factions. The
South has nothing to expect, nothing to hope
for, iu giving aid and comfort to either of the
Radical factions. It certainly cannot accept the
proposed amendment. She must pass it by in
silence, taking no action at all upon it, or reject
it hy a vote of her State Legislatures. In a few
more weeks the Legislature of our own State
will Ire in session, when if any action at all be
taken upon the amendment, it will be such, we
predict, as will convince the Herald that its per
suasions have no effect upon Georgia.
President Johnson.
A mong the many little spiteful things that rad
icalism is publishing just now in regard to Pres
ident Johnson, is the following, which comes
lrom the direction of Chicago:
Hon. W. H. Harndon, President Lincoln’s old
law partner, in a speech at Springfield last eve
ning, produced data proving that Andrew John
son was a personal and political enemy of Mr.
Lincoln during his entire administration.
It is somewhat remarkable that this huge fact
was not j >laced iu possession of an interested
public at an earlier day. Another rather singu
lar thing is, that the ve;y men who but a few
months past were iu the habit of slobbering Mr.
Johnson all over with gratuitous and fulsome
eulogies are uow his bitterest and vilest traduc-
ers, some even going far enough to charge him
with complicity in the assassination of Mr. Lin
coln. It is not necessary to repeat at this day
that up to the hour of Mr. Lincoln’s death, the
personal relations between the first and second
officers of the government were of the kindliest
character, and that their views upon all leading
questions growing out of the war were in perfect
accord.
Men who have dabbled for years in the dirty
waters of political strife are not apt to be over-
scrupulous in the employment of instrumentali
ties to effect their ends, but the course of the rad
icals in their “present emergency” is certainly
without prccodent or parallel in the history of
this country. It will do no good of course to say
so, but there are no words in the English lan
guage sufficiently adequate to express the con
tempt and utter detestation which every candid
mind must feel for the leaders of a party who
thus act while claiming to absorb all the moral
ity, decency and patriotism of the land. Their
system of abuse and misrepresentation in regard
to the President dwarfs all previous efforts in that
line, and should secure for them an “immortality
of infamy,” if nothing more.
The New York Independent.
The Independent is the organ of the extreme
radicals, and its editor is Theodore Tilton, the
white mau who armed Fred Douglass through
the streets of Philadelphia and into the Black
and Tan Convention. We are not simple enough
to suppose that the readers of the Intelligen
cer, or very many of the people of any section,
care anything about either the Independent or its
editor, Mr. Tilton; but the following is such a
correct and perfect photograph of a real repre
sentative man of the religious wing of the radi
cal party, so-called, that wc cannot refrain from
giving it a place in our columns. We copy from
the New York nerald. Premising that Mr. Til-,
ton is the editor of the Independent, the Herald
says:
The Rev. Twaddling Tilton is a young man
who lives by his notoriety and gains his notorie
ty by his extravagance. His aim in life is to
make a sensation, and he lias not enough sense
to care how the sensation is made, lie began
his public career by lettiug his hair grow until it
was as long as the tail of Baruum’s wooly horse.
As this long hair attracted considerable atten
tion, especially among the barbers, the Rev. Tod
dling Tilton imagined that it exalted him above
his fellow men, forgetting that any woman could
excel him in his capillary display. Then he set
himself upas a second Henry Ward Beecher,and
tried hard to imitate Litis divine in his speeches
and writings, but lacked tlie brains to succeed.
Through Mr. Bteclier's patronage he was intro
duced into colored society, and soon eclipsed his
great original in the violence of hia views. By
and by, presuming upon his popularity with the
more ignorant blacks, he undertook to instruct
Mr. Beecher as to his duty ; but he received a
public quietus in the lecture room at Plymouth
Church, and subsided for a considerable period.
Mr. Beecher’s withdrawal lrom the Independent
opened the way for the Rev. Rattling Tiltou to
secure the editorship, and since then he lias been
tooling more outrageously than ever, lie was
as full of fight during the war as an egg is full
of meat until he was drafted, and then he deci
ded to stay at home and wear “the white
feather.” Now that the war is over he tlursts
for slaughter again aud is ready to shed any
ainount of other people's blood to annihilate the
South. He is the person who walked arm-in
arm with Fred. Douglass at the Philadelphia
black and white convention, thus getting his
name in all llic papers. Fred. Douglass re ward
ed him by declaring that he was the finest young
fellow that had lived since Jesus Christ, which
is precisely the sort ot compliment that the Rev.
Twiddling Tilton is silly enough to accept.
The Bay (be Legislature is to Meet.
The Macon Telegraph of yesterday contains
the following communication:
Macon, Oct. 5, 1866.
Messrs. Editors: By reason of the diversity of
opinion which prevails in relation to the time of
meeting ot the next General Assembly of the
State, I have been requested to call altcutiou of
all concerned to the tollowing provision of the
new Constitution:
The first meeting ot the General Assembly
under this Constitution shall be on the first Mon
day in December next, after which it shall meet
annually on the first Thursday in November, or
on such other day as the General Assembly may
prescribe.”
No other day having been prescribed, the first
Thursday in November is the day of meeting.
Very respectfully, Jno. B. Weems,'’
Secretary of Senate.
Spirit or tke New York Press.
TIIE PENALTIES OF REBELLION.
The World, in referring to an argument of the
Tribune, says that it is manifest, then, that the
method adopted by the Republican party for
“determining the penalties of rebellion,” is in
plain violation of every established principle of
criminal justice. The law decreeing .he penal
ty is ex post facto ; the chief prosecutor is made
the judge; and the accused, being excluded from
Congress, arc not permitted to be heard in their
own defense. To be tried under an ex post facto
law, judged by the accusers, and denied a liear-
in defense, is a combination of all the tyranny
which it is possible to practice under the forms
ot penal justice. Congress, the 1 ribune main
tains, is to be regarded in the light of a j ury engag
ed in trying the South for the crime of rebellion.
But when before did a jury ever assume to di
rect a change in the law, and dictate a penalty
which the law had not established ? This “jury”
insolently presumes to judge the law, and con
demn the law, aud to domineer over the law as
it does over the accused. Or if we consider Con
gress in its proper light ot a legislature, instead
of a jury, it is itself in daring rebellion against
the Constitution. The Constitution, in positive
terms, forbids Congress to pass any ex post facto
law, that is, any law prescribing a different or
greater punishment for any crime than was in
force at the time it was committed. But the
present Congress not only defies and violates
this prohibition, but insist on a penalty which is
so extremely ex post facto that the Constitution
itself must be altered before it can be inflicted.
WALL STREET.
In its financial article the World states that fall
speculation for a rise in the stock market which
has been so long expected, fairly set in this week,
with a strength and vigor which has taken even
the bulls by surprise. For some weeks the num
ber of outside buyers Las been increasing, and at
no time since the spring of 1864 have stock ope
rations been more widely scattered throughout
the community in this and neighboring cities, as
well as the country, than at the present time. A
variety of causes have tended to drive capital
from legitimate trading and productive enterpri
ses by rendering their profits small aud uncer
tain ever since the advent of peace, aud most
notably within the last six months. Manufactu
rers, merchants, and dealers everywhere com
plain of small profits; and, in many cases, con
tinuous losses. The result is a heavy accumula
tion of unemployed funds in the great money
centre of New York, where the idle capital can
be employed in speculative operations which
promise and, hitherto, have realized those speed}’
and large profits not obtainable in legitimate
trading under the present unsettled condition of
affairs. Hence the number of business men,
bank presidents, cashiers and directors, all over
the country, who are more or less interested in
Wall street stock speculations. Hence the steady
advancing tendency of prices in all the leading
stocks dealt in on the New York Stock Ex
change, and the rapidity with which one stock
after another jumps upwards under the stimulus
of an increased demand. The quantity of the
leading railway shares floating in Wall street is
much less than it used to be before the rebellion,
and prices are not yet high enough to induce
holders for investment to sell, while the leading
rates for money range from 3 to 5 per cent.
THE NATIONAL DEBT.
The Times, referring to its statement of the
actual and approximate figures of the income and
expenditures of the government for the first
quarter of the current fiscal year, which ended
on Saturday last, says that the main fact, that
more than one-lialf the enormous income of the
quarter—amounting to one hundred and sixty
millions—has been devoted to the reduction of
the principal of the public debt, is emphatically
the subject of rejoicing. At this rate, say one
per cent, per month or 12 per cent, a year of the
entire public indebtedness, including the Treas
ury circulation free of interest, the problem ol
final extinguishment in eight or ten years will
soon afford its own solution. And we feel quite
sure that the popular sentiment in lavor of the
rapid reduction of the total, especially so far as
it is made to bear a heavy interest charge per
annum, is a growing one at the North, as we be
lieve it will be a universal one in the Southern
States as their representation is gradually re
stored to Congress.
The limes adds that the administration of the
finances by Mr. Secretary McCulloch is best
measured by its success, and its success best il
lustrated by the practical figures before us. He is
paying off the principal of the public debt at the
rate of twenty-five millions per month, and fund
ing, in a consolidated gold-bearing shape, from
thirty to fifty millions per month additional.—
The rate of interest in the later operation is not
as cheap as he could have desired, nor as low as
the credit and resources of the government should
make it, but the fault is not his own, nor has he
suffered the mischief of six in place of five per
cent to be permanently fastened upon the coun
try. By the year 1870 four-fifths ol the funded
debt, or so much thereof as may not then be ex
tinguished, will be within the control of the
Treasury, to be paid off in gold (or the interest
reduced by consent of the holder) by the negotia
tion of new loans at a cheaper rate. While the
interest-bearing debt is being thus rapidly paid
off and funded, tlic circulation of the Treasury
and its legal-tender credit, upon which the cir
culation of the National Banks will have to re
ly, on the final resumption of payments in gold,
has been gradually reduced, and its integrity for
tified. The gold itself, it is now certain, will not
be wanting whenever it is deemed proper and
timely to restore the old standard. The present
gold interest charge on the public debt is less
than $80,000,000 a year. The present revenues
in gold are at the rate of $180,000,000 a year.—
Before the former reaches its maximum by the
funding process, say of one hundred and twenty
millions, the later will have gone up to two hun
dred and twenty millions, so that the Treasury
can command the annual surplus of oue hundred
millions in gold or its equivalent iu its own legal-
tenders, for the work of resumption, whenever
that and higher considerations than the mere
pride of discussing and anticipating the event,
shall seem to render it reasonable.
THE FRENCH MANIFESTO,
The Express considers this paper, though sign
ed “ Lavalette,” as beariug upon its face un
doubted evidence of Imperial authorship. In
the course of its article, the Express says that it
may be taken for granted that while the “ man
of destiny ” deems it good policy to talk peace,
he deems it equally sound policy, to be prepared,
if need be, to act war. He accepts the situation,
but he stands by his guns, ready so take advan
tage of whatever new complications may from
time to time grow out of the new combinations,
new alliances and new treaties, resulting from
the recent conflict in Germany. We do not
mean to be understood as implying that the Em
peror is occupying this position, is unwise, as re
gards France, or is going to betray Europe into
another Avar; we but desire to place in bold re
lief the call of the nation to arms, which consti
tutes his peroration as it were, with the paeans
he siugs to peace, all through his prologue. He
must be an adept iu the mysteries of moral and
political economy, who would venture to recon
cile these curious but very characteristic antithe
ses, and the rationale of the whole matter, in our
judgment is just this—that while it is for the in
terest of Louis Napoleon and France to keep on
terms of friendship with their neighbors at pre
sent, there is no telling how soon the time may
come when that interest, whatever it is, may be
best served by a different line ol policy; in other
words, keep the peace until \v t are t etter pre
pared for war. Prussia at this moment, it is pro
bable, could bring into the field, at short notice
more fighting men than France. Her artillery
also embodies more of the modem improve
ments, and hence, until France has more needle
guns aud a better army organization, the Conti
nent may calculate upon peace—but just as soon
as these wants are supplied, the chances are ten
Prospects Brlsfcfcnloc.
The great Radical groundswell that for a few
weeks past, according to some of the Northern
journals, threatened to overrun the whole coun
try, appears recently to have ceased swelling, and
our friehds North, whoyielded to its pressure for
A tim^ begin again to entertain hopes, and will
bravely contend for success at the elections
which will come off to-day. God speed them
in their efforts! Says a correspondent of the
Augusta Constitutionalist:
“ The firmness of President Johnson iu resist
ing the efforts to turn him from the pursuit of
his policy, has had a reassuring effect upon the
Democracy; and in this State they enter upon
the canvass with renewed energy and zeal. Un
trammeled by the timid counsels of those Con
servative Republicans with whom the}’ have
been endeavoring to co-operate, they assert cor
rect principles with more freedom, and are call
ing around them men of principle to whom the
word “fusion,” as applied to party tactics, is
hateful. And while the Democracy have thus
been consolidated and strengthened the Radicals
are already in great trouble from the return ol
Mr. Weed and his friends to them. In this city
there are already two “general committees,” and
a division is threatened on Congress and all their
local candidates. In Kings count}’ (Brooklyn)
the Conservative Republicans went in and car
ried all the party conventions—nominated two
Conservatives for Congress; and the Radicals
threaten to bolt How soon are made good the
temporary misfortunes that follow an assertion
of principle ? The occurrences I have narrated
promise to save New York State from the Radi
cals.”
The elections in Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsyl
vania, take place to-day. The Radicals claim
that they will carry these States by an immense
majority. We not only doubt this assertion, but
entertain hopes of partial success iu each. It is
idle, however, to speculate upon results so near
at hand. To-morrow’s telegraphic dispatches
will tell the tale. Be it for Aveal or for woe, let
the South stand firm by the President and
trust in his wisdom and patriotism ! Above all,
let it maintain its honor!
The Patent Question.
The following letter from the Secretary of the
Interior to the Commissioner of Patents settles
the question as to whether Southern people are
entitled to patents, and shows that the Depart
ment of the Interior is presided over by a spirit
of* true nationality which looks only to the pub
lic welfare and narional advancement and pros
perity :
Department of the Interior, I
Washinoton, D. C., September 28, 1866. )
Sir—Your letter of the 24th instant in regard
to applications for patents by persons residing
Avithin the States lately in insurrection lias been
duly considered.
The duty of this Department is to execute, not
make laws. The legislative power of the Gov-
ernment designates the persons to whom, and
prescribes the conditions under which, patents
shall be issued.
I can neither add to nor dispense Avith the
rules prescribed by Congress, by which the grant
ing of patents is to be governed. It is of public
interest that as few restraints as possible shall be
imposed upon the inventive genius and produc
tive capacity of the people.
The public is not so much interested in who
shall invent and produce as that invention and
production shall continue. In whatever portion
of our common country an inventor may reside,
the community will be equally benefited by his
discovery. His local habitation can have no in
ttuince upon the value of his contribution to the
industrial arts.
I am not aware that any portion of the coun
try or the people are now in insurrection against
the authority ol the General Government. You
will, therefore, in all cases of applications lor
patents, be governed by the law. Every appli
cant who brings himself Avithin the provisions
of the law, and complies with its requirements
is entitled to have his application granted.
In ail cases you will follow the law, neither
adding to its requirements nor relaxing its re
strictions aud limitations. I am, sir, very re
spectfully, your obedient servant,
O. H. Broavning, Secretary.
Hon. Thos. C. Theaker, Commissioner ot Patents
Carrington A Co’s Express and Purchas
ing Agency, New York.
The tide ot events has drifted to the Coinmcr
cial Emporium of the United States, many old
citizens of Georgia, who have gone thither to em
bark in various enterprises, mostly commercial,
to better their fortuues, and from that point, to
do a Southern trade. Among them, we notice
one long connected with the Georgia press, who
for veiy many years, exercised with his pen a
powerful influence over the minds of the people
of this State, and Avbose fame, as a political
writer, was not confined to its limits, but was na
tional. We allude to our old and able confrere
James Gardner, Esq., late of the Augusta Con
stitutionalist. This gentleman, we notice, has re
cently connected himself with “Carrington &
Co’s Express and Purchasing Agency,” New
York. The Company will purchase to order
any article wanted, singly or in quantity, from
New York or lrom Europe, for consumers or
dealers, for use or wear, comfort or luxury, and
at prices guaranteed as low as could be obtained
by the customer in person. Mr. Gardner’s
connection with it will be satisfactorily received
in Georgia, as an endorsement of its entire relia.
bility and promptness iu the execution of all
orders transmitted to it. The press of Georgia,
with which Mr. G. has been connected for over
twenty years, as Publisher and Editor of one of
its most influential and popular journals, Avhile
regretting the loss to it ot so able an adjunct, we
fed satisfied, will not hesitate to lend its influ
ence in furthering the enterprise of its late dis
tinguished compeer—a gentleman with unblem
ished record and highest reliability. Especially
AVili. it not overlook the fact, that connected with
the other business of Carrington & Co., Mr.
Gardner will have filled, at half commissions,
by his firm, all orders of Southern Publishers for
Presses and other Machinery, Type, Stationery,
&c., that may be addressed to him, or the com
pany with which be has formed this business
connection.
Letters and orders on business should be ad
dressed to Carrington & Co., 30 Broadway, New
York.
Caution Them,
We have been requested to caution our coun
try friends who visit the city for trade purposes,
against any faith in political tracts and pam
phlets, which, it is said, are being freely distri
buted among them by an individual in this city.
We hardly think the caution necessary. The most
illiterate Southern man in the vicinity of Atlanta,
we feel satisfied, cannot be deceived by the party
who distributes the radical documents referred
to; and besides, the documents themselves so
plainly indicate their origin and design; so
plainly demonstrate that they are prepared by
the negro suffrage party, and circulated in this
vicinity by one who affiliates with that party,—
that they cannot but fail to exercise the desired
influence, or any influence, save indignation, on
the part of Southern men. But as it is request
ed, we caution our country friends againsFthe
reception of any such documents, or if received,
against placing any faith in the representations
embraced therein.
The Last Alternative.—As a last resort
for intimidating the Southern people into an ac-
ceptatimi of the constitutional amendment, a
Avriter in a Northern paper suggests the follow
ing, under the head of “ Danger to the South. ”
He is speaking of the schemes of the radicals:
We already see that their candidate for the
succession is Ben. Butler, who has been digDified
by Southerners with the soubriquet of “The
Beast.” Should the South neglect its present
opportunity, and reject the terms now offered,
it is not probable that they will re-gain their
proper position in the government until after
the next Presidential election. They will then
find Butler or Chase in the field as the radical
candidate, with McClellan, or come other demo
crat, in opposition, withobt a chance of success.
What then would be their hopes for the luture ?
Radical Fal#e Pretense*.
Under the foregoing heading, the Washington
City national Intelligencer of the 6th instant,
says:.
“One fact ought to be kept prominently before
the people. It is this: that there is no assu
rance that if the pending constitutional amend
ment is adopted the Southern States will be
admitted. On the contrarv, we have assurances
from the most influential quarters that this will
not be sufficient.”
“The New York Tribune urges universal suf
frage.”
“The Independent says, plainly, that some
thing more must be done besides' the constitu
tional amendment.”
“Mr. Stevens, the leader of the dominant
party in the House of Representatives, the mas
ter branch of the Government, does not hesitate
to proclaim that the constitutional amendment
docs not go far enough.
In the famous Pittsburg Convention, over
which General Butler towered as the inspiring
genius, this point is left untouched in the plat
form adopted, and General Butler, in his speech
to the convention, says, that until every man
can walk in peace, conveying the flag of the
United States, if he pleases, with devotion to
the Union on his Ups, and not be molested, in
every revolted State, for one I do not Avant to see
that State in the Union.”
“So that it is a misnomer to call the constitu
tional amendment a plan to restore the Southern
States to the Union. It should rather be called
a plan to tie over the shoals of the fall elections.
It it accomplishes this purpose, it will have dis
charged its mission.”
“When the constitutional amendment is made
a part of the Constitution, it it is so made, the
matter of reconstruction will still be an open
question in the hands of the controlling party
in Congress. Doubtless, Avhen they can see a
chance of gaining an accession to their political
power by admitting a slate which, like Ten
nessee, is in the bands of their politicians, they
will do it; otherwise their action will depend
on circumstances. The Radical leaders are,
therefore, guilty of false pretenses when they
insist that the question before the people is,
whether the Union shall be restored under the
President’s plan, or under the plan of the con
stitutional amendment.”
“This should be brought home to the miuds
of the American people. Without doubt the
great mass of the peopleJdesire an early restor
ation of the Union, aud the end of the present
anomalous and unrepublican state of things. It
will be their own fault if they are deceived by
tlic pretense that the constitutional amendment
being adopted, the gates of the Capitol are to
fly open to admit the loyal representatives from
the Southern State. That question, if the Rad
icals triumph in the approaching elections, is
destined to be kept open for party purpose.”
“The Radical leaders concern themselves very
little about restoration ot the seceded States.
Their anxiety, first and last, and all the time, is
how to preserve their hold on office and the
spoils.”
The foregoing is every word true. Especially
should it be brought home to the minds of the
Southern people, upon Avhom the effort lias recent
ly been made, by the New York Herald and other
Northern papers, to persuade an acceptance or
ratification of the proposed constitutional ained-
ment. As the "Washington Intelligencer says, “it
will be their own fault if they are deceived by
the pretense that the constitutional amendment
being adopted, the gates of the Capitol are to
fly open to admit the loyal representatives from
the Southern States.”
Wiiat Boos It mean ?
The New Orleans Times, of the 2d, says: We
have some rather startling intelligence from the
seat of government, aud from a source which
leaves not a doubt of its authenticity. When
the First United States Colored Iufantry were
mustered out ot service, a large number of them
remained in and around Washington. These
ex-soldiers have kept up their organization un
der tlie name of “Lincoln Reserve Corps,” of
which one Capt. Daniel K. Jenkins is comman
der of the 1st battalion. On the evening of Sep
tember 4tli, a secret meeting w’as held, at which
about one hundred of these men signed a resolu
tion offering their services to Governor Wells, of
Louisiana, to aid in his struggle for liberty and
justice.” Capt. Jenkins was instructed to Avrite
Governor Wells to this effect, stating that the
“Lincoln Reserves” Avere “well armed aud dis
ciplined, and would serdlfcvithout remuneration”
—excepting, we suppose, what they could confis
cate, a la Butler.
What does this proposition indicate? Do the
Radical politicians intend getting up another riot
iu New Orleans ? Are the “loyal Louisianians”
and Northern political leaders not satisfied Avith
the blood they have caused to be spilled in our
streets ? Do they wish to add to the unfortunate
calamity they brought upon our people by fur
ther tumult and disorder ? Certainly this looks
as if there was some foul plot hatching.
The New York. Tribune.
The following is from a Washington corres
pondent of the New York Tribune. As a speci
men of tall lying it is hard to beat:
Some important disclosures will soon be of
ficially made public in reference to secret rebel
societies, which permeate the entire South. These
organizations have branch circles in New York
city and the West. That in New York issaid to
number 50,000, pricipally composed of men who
served in the rebel army. Each circle has a differ
ent name. Some are known as the “ True Sons
of the South,” others as “The Knights of Ara
bia,” and all are well armed with the most im
proved weapons, ready at a moment’s notice,
should a favorable opportunity arise, to reneiv
ths struggle for the lost cause. One of the chief
members of this organization, now in prison, is
said to have made important disclosures. Gen.
Sheridan is concentrating troops in this city (N.
O.) for important purposes, which will soon be
made apparent.
Nine cases ot whipping negroes have been re
cently officially reported in the parish of Bien
ville. One old woman, seventy years of age, re
ceived four hundred lashes.
Shakespeare describes a good many kind of lies
and liars—but this is original. By all means send
him the bat.
South Carolina.
In the Charleston News of the Gth instant ap
pears a military order from Gen. Sickles, which
is noticed by the editor as follows:
Our readers will notice in another column, an
important ordei just issued by Major-General
Sickles, commanding this department. This or
der remits all cases cognizable in the United
States and State courts to those courts respect
ively, and orders the discontinuance of the pro
vost courts as soon as the District Courts shall lie
erganizized, except at Hilton Head and on the
Sea Islands, and also commands the restoration
of tlie jails to the civil authorities. Notwith
standing all this appearance, in the first four
paragraphs of the order of transfer of power
from the military to the civil authorities, the con
tinued supremacy of tlie former is boldly asserted
in the remaining' paragraphs—which forbid the
infliction of corporal punishment, limit the ap-
lication of the vagrant laws, prevent suits against
soldiers and loyal citizens for certain offenses,
and give a kind of general supervision to the
subordinate military officials over the civil.au-
thorities.
This order will be welcomed as a loosening of
the rein of military control, bnt cannot be re
garded as fnlfilling either the letter or the spirit
of President Johnson’s late proclamation.
A Confederate General** Address to a
Grand Jury.
We do not believe we can do a better thing
this morning than present the readers of the In
telligencer with the remarks below, made by
Judge D. H. Clayton, in his charge to the
grand jury of Pike county, Alabama, at the Sep
tember term of the court. They are not only
replete Avith sound sense and patriotic sentiment,
but breathe the true spirit of charity and Chris
tianity :
There is a class of population clothed Avith
certain civil rights and privileges, which they
did not possess until recently; and in dealing
with which you may experience some embarrass
ment. I, of course, allude to the negroes.
Among Llie terms upon which the Confederate
States terminated their heroic struggle for an
independent nationality, Avas one which guaran
teed freedom to this race. Although we deplore
the result as alike injurious to the country, and
fatal to the negroes, the law has been placed
upou our statute books in solemn form by us,
through our delegates. The laws for their gov
ernment have been repealed, and others substi
tuted adapted to their new condition. We are
in honor bound to observe these laws. For my
self, I do not hesitate tosay,iu public and in pri
vate, officially and unofficially, that after having
done all I could to avert it, Avlien I took off my
sword in surrender, I determined to observe tbe
terms of that surrender with the same earnest
ness and fidelity ivith Avhich I first shouldered
my musket. True manhood requires no decep
tion, bnt that as we say with our lips, Ave shall
feel in our heart, and do with our hands.
There is nothing in the history of the past of
which Ave need be ashamed. W hilst we cherish
its glorious memories, and that ot our martyred
dead, Ave pause here and there to drop a tear over
their consecrated ashes, but remember there is
still Avork for tlie living, and set ourselves about
the task of re-establisliing society and rebuilding
our ruined homes. Others, unwilling to submit
to this condition of things, may seek their homes
abroad ; you and I are bound to this soil for
life, for better or for worse, aud it must, at last,
cover our remains. What then, is our duty ?-—
To pine at our lot ? To sit down night and day,
cursing and gnawing our chains ? That is not
the part of manliness; but to rise up and go for
ward performing our high mission as men. “He
that does the best his circumstances allow, does
Avell, acts nobly—angels could n o more.” Is it
not enough that the blood of the best and bravest
has been shed in every valley throughout the
land ? Is it not enough that the bones of our
fathers and brothers aud sons lie whitening on
every hill top ? Is it not enough that tlie voice
ot lamentation has been heard at every fireside ?
Is it not enough that the Availings of the widow
aud the orphan still sound in our ears ? Have
Ave not suffered enough ? Have we not done all
that was iu the power of human nature ? In our
oAvn bosoms let us wear this consciousness as a
jeAvel above price!
Now let us deal with the facts before us as
they are. The ne^ro has been made free. It is
no work of his. He did not seek freedom, and
nominally free as he is, he is helpless beyond
expression—helpless by his want of habits of
self-reliance; and doubly helpless by his want of
comprehension to understand and appreciate his
condition. From the very nature of his sur
roundings, so far as promoting his welfare, and
adapting him to his new relation to society is
concerned, all agencies from abroad must prove
inadequate. They may restrain in individual in
stances, hut we are the only people ip the w’orld
who understand his character, and hence tlie
only people in the world capable of managing
him.
To remedy the evils growing out of tlie aboli
tion of slavery, it seems two things are necessary,
First, a recognition of the freedom of the race,
as a fact, and the willing enforcement of them.
Secondly, by treating them with perfect fairness,
and justice in our contracts, and in every way in
which we may be brought in contact Avith them.
By the first, we convince the world of our good
faith, and get rid of this system ot espionage, by
removing the pretext of its necessity; and by
the second we secure the services of the negroes,
learn them their places and how to keep them,
and convince them, at last, that we are their best
friends. When we do this let us hope that our
society will revive lrom its present shock, and
our lands be crowned with abundant harvests.—
W e need the labor of the negro all over the
country, aud it is worth the effort to secure it.—
If it would not be extendending this charge be
yond what I conceive to be a proper limit of
time for its delivery, I might enlarge upon this
subject by showing the depressing efiect upon
the country which would be produced by the
sudden removal of so much of its productive la
bor. Its first efiect Avould be the decreasing
value of the lands—decreased agricultural pro
ducts—decreased revenue to the State and coun
try, arising from these sources Avith their thou
sand abundant results.
Besides all this, which appeals to our interests,
gentlemen, do Ave owe the negro any grudge?
What has he, himself, done to provoke our hos
tility? Shall we be angry with him because
freedom has been forced upon him ? Shall it ex
cite our animosity, that he has been suddenly,
and Avithout any effort on his part, torn loose
from the protection of his master ? Yon may
have been that master. He is proud to call you
master yet. In the name of humanity, let them
do so. He may be older than you, and perhaps
carried you iu his arms when' you were an in
fant. He may have been tlie companion of your
boyhood. You may be bound to him by a thou
sand ties Avliicli only a Southern man knows,
and which he alone can feel, in all its force. It
may be that when only a few years ago, you
girded on your cartridge box and seized your
trusty rifle to go forth to meet the invaders of
your country, yon committed to his care your
homes and your loved ones; and when you were
far away upon the weary march, upon the dread
ful battlefield, in the trenches and on the picket
line, many and many a time you thought of that
faithful old negro, ‘and your heart warmed to
wards him. Did lie not raise the coni and meat
that fed your wife and children ? And ivhen
you returned home, did he not welcome you
Avith tears of joy? Was he not faithful to the
last ? I believe there was scarcely ever such a
picture of fidelity in the world, as was exhibited
by the negroes towards us during the war. Then
let us not cherish any animosity toward them
for that which we and they were unable to pre
vent, and which is a deplorable catastrophe to
them, more than to us.
And now, gentlemen, let us lift up our heads,
and press forward in the discharge of our duties
If there is that buried in the past, for which it
Avould have been glorious to have died, there is
still enough left for which we may dare to live.
When the ghost of our ruined fortunes rise i p
before us, let us lay our hands upon our hearts
and say:
“ Thou caust not say I did it; never shake
Thy gory locks at me,”
and we need have no self-reproaches. But o ir
duty to ourselves and our country is none the
less. The foolish man who hid his talent in a
napkin, was none the less to blame because he
had but one. Let us each in our sphere, you in
yours and I in mine, do our duty—now in a pa
tient and faithful observance and enforcement of
the law. May God help us!
Death of an Old Citizen.—The Charles
ton Courier of Saturday announces the death of
Andreav McDowall, an old citizen, who died
in that city on the night of the preceding Thurs
day. The Cov rier says:
He was bom in Scotland in 1790, and came to
Charleston when only seventeen years old. He
has ever since been identified with the business
interests of our city, being connected successive
ly with the firms of McDowall & Black, Mc
Dowall, Hayne & Co., and Andrew McDowall &
Co. Previous to the great fire of 1838, he was
President of tlie Marine and Fire Insurance Com
pany. For tAvelve years he was President of the
St. Andrew’s Society. He was also a director in
the People’s Bank) and a recent appointment i
had given him the position ot District Sub-Treas- , ™ ™ uu '* Vlruu , 1 . 1 ^ Ulx J usl
ur ,. r “ 1 terminated at Homersvilie, the question came up
as to whether the statute of limitation had vital
An Interesting Law Cue.
The New Orleans Times contains a report ol
an interesting law case, tried last week in the
Parish of St. Mrtain.
Jean Baptiste AIHsod, a freedmen, was indict
ed for committing a murder on the loth of July
1865. The defense moved to quash the indict
ment, on the ground that, at the time the de
fondant is charged to have committed the mur
der, he was a slave, subject to the laws ot Louisi
ana relative to slaves, and amenable to a special
tribunal created for their trial; that the effect of
the amendment of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States was to set him free and abrogate all
laws enacted for the punishment of crimes com
mitted by slaves.
The prosecution held that, under the Louisi
ana Constitution of 1864, the defendant had be
come a freedm-an, and was therefore amenable
to the laws for freedmen.
Judge Fred Gates held that the Constitution
of 1864 was illegal, and that slavery was not
abolished in the Parish of St Martin until De
cember 6th, 1865, when the General Assembly
of the State ratified the Constitutional Amend
ment prohibiting slavery; that the defendant
was therefore a slave at the time he is alleged
to have committed tlie murder, and that the
motion to qush must prevail.
The validity of Presiden Lincoln’s proclama
tion was not decided upon, as St. Martin was
one of the parishes excepted from its operation.
Mississippi.—the Homersvilie Independent
contains the following:
At the term of Pike county Circuit Court just
He Takes the Papers.—“ Sonny, does your
father take a paper?” “ Yes, sir, two of them.
One of them belongs to Mr. Smith, and the other
to one, some convenient pretext for re-opening I to Mr. Thompson. I hook them both off the
the temple of Janus will be discovered.
t steps as regular as cap be. ’
Death of a Printer.—The Richmond En
quirer notices the death of Mr. H. Lee Wells,
a compositor in that office. He died on the eve
ning of the 4th. The Enquirer speaks ot him as
an exemplary man in all the relations of life, and
says he was a member of the Fifteenth Virginia
Regiment, and served till the close of the war.—
It adds: “ His death has left a void here, around
Avhich hover the clouds of sorrow, but hope il
luminates their darkness with the light which
beams from above and in which lie now basks,
and is blessed by the smiles of his Maker. With
him ‘ Life’s fitful fever is over,’ and ‘ he sleeps
well.’”
existence in that State from 1862, when it was
suspended by the Legislature, (after session,) un
til the meeting of the Convention under the Fed
eral provisional government in 1865. The ques
tion was argued by those able jurists, Hon. Hi
ram Cassidy and John T. Lampkin, in a manner,
: as the court remarked, “not excelled in any court
in the district,” and Judge McNair held that the
statute was so suspended during that period.
Judge Smiley and Watts, of the other two South
Mississippi Circuits have also held tlie same doc
trine.
Terrible.—Phillips threatens the block and
axe; Brownlow, the torch and turpentine; For
ney, impeachment; Sherwood, murder; Stevens,
the penitentiary ot hell.
[COMMtntICATBO.]
Dr. Gaston’s Lecture on Brazil*
As I had the pleasure on last Saturday even
ing of hearing this gentleman deliver his lecture
on Brazil, I will endeavor briefly to review it, as
an account may be interesting to some of your
readers who were not able to attend.
Dr. Gaston commenced with a description of
the Government of the country, Avhich, he re
marked, corresponded very much with that of
Great Britain—though iu Brazil the Senators are
elected for life. The empire is divided into Pro
vinces, and is governed very much like our f'tatct<_
His next topic Avas a description of the inhabi
tants. The upper class lie described as being
very similar to our Southern ladies and gentle
men before the Avar—well educated and gener
ally wealthy. Then came the middle class who
are entirely Avithout culture, but for the most
part living comfortably. And lastly the lower
class, Avho live in filth and idleness. This class,
however, is small. Into these three parts he di
vides the Avliite population of the country.
The free negro there holds about the same po
sition that lie did in the South before the war
he is officially and socially ignored. The negro
troops in the army generally had white officers
commanding them. The slave population occu
pies the same position it formerly held in the
South.
The Brazilian mules the Doctor represented as
being superior to those of America, while on tlie
other hand the horses are decidedly inferior. The
coffee tree yields from five to thirty pounds an
nually, the Brazilians drink coffee on all occa
sions. He remarked that tlie American mer
chants did not purchase tlie best coffee on ac
count of its higher price.
The boaconstrictors, anacondas, and other
venomous reptiles which an American is likely
to expect in a Brazilian forest, are only to be
found upon the banks ot the Amazon. In the in
terior snakes do not abound.
Good forest land may be purchased at twenty-
two cents per acre. For tlie benefit of the ladies
the Doctor mentioned that there were no bed
bugs in Brazil.
The Doctor makes no pretentions to oratory,
delivering liis lectures in a colloquial tone.
* * *
Tlie Bally Newspaper—The Stereotyping
Process—The Bullock Printing Press.
We are indebted to tlie Nashville Union &
American for the interesting and instructive ar
ticle below, to which the attention of readers
regular and transient is invited:
The most wonderful of all modern institutions
is the daily newspaper. It is a photograph of
the shifting scenes of tlie world taken fresh every
day. It is the grand reservoir into which are
poured the events, great and small, which go to
make up the sum of the Avorld’s history. It is
the cheapest of all saleable articles. The man
who flings it down Avitli “Pooh! there’s nothing
in it,” if he does not find the record of a par
ticularly startling event, is guilty of a piece of
absurdity that cannot be surpassed. Let him re
flect for a moment upon the enormous amount
of labor necessary to prepare one single issue of
the paper he so contemptuously casts aside—of
the outlay of money requisite to lay those bits of
informatoin before him—more, perhaps, than he
will expend in purchasing papers in all his life.
Let him reflect that all the appliances of art and
science—the telegraph, the steam engine, and the
the printing press—are brought into play to give
him information; that editors, reporters and cor
respondents, all cudgel their brains for his bene
fit ; that forty or fifty men have worked long and
hard in order to give him his ten cents worth,
and if he be not convinced, lie deserves to be
deprived of the sight of a newspaper during the
period of his natural existence.
A great many of the Northern and Eastern
dailies, require from one hundred to two hundred
persons, in the various departments.
The circulation ot a number of them has be
come so large as to necessitate the stereotyping
of the forms, and bringing into requisition presses
that print 20,000 in an hour, and turn out six
papers at a time. The forms are stereotyped for
the purpose of saving the type, and in order to
curve the plate to fit the revolving cylinder of
tlie press.
The process of stereotyping is simply this:
The forms are laid upon a table aud covered
Avith a thick sheet of papier muche, which is
beaten and pressed upon the type until a full and
correct impression of it is left upon the mould.
This is then baked until the heat of the type
hardens the paper pulp, when it is removed.—
This is called the matrix, and is placed in a con
cave mould with a close fitting lid, and melted
type metal is poured in upon it, receiving the
impression, and becoming an exact duplicate of
the type, but in one hard block, and in convex
form to fit the press cylinder. The curve, of
course varies with the kind of press used. The
curve required for the celebrated Bullock Press
is a perfect cylinder. This press is a marvel of
mechanical ingenuity and skill. It is a little ma
chine, about one-fourth the size of the Hoe Press,
yet it prints 16,000 papers (on both sides,) an
hour, and does away entirely Avith manual labor.
Both the “inside” and “outside” cylinder plates
are placed in it at the same time, with a blanket
above each for tlie type to press the paper against.
The paper to be printed is on a continuous roll.
It is “ivet down” by being unwound from one
roller and rapidly Avound upon another by ma
chinery, while a thin spray of water plays upon
it, moistening the whole mass. Then one end is
placed in the Bullock Press, the crank is turned,
and the machinery begins its work—printing
both sides of the paper at once, cutting each off"
at exactly the right length, and turning the print
ed sheets out Avitli lightning rapidity upon the
platform. The sheets for all other presses have
to be cut at the mill before they are brought to
the press room.
There Is no Beaih.
There is no death : The stars go down
To rise upon some fairer shore;
And bright in Heaven’s jeweled crown
They shine forevermore.
There is no death : The dust we tread
Shall change beneath the Summer shower
To trolden grain or mellow fruit.
Or rainbow-tinted flowers.
The granite rocks disorganize
To' feed the hungry moss rhev bear;
The forest leaves drink daily life
From ont the viewless air.
There is no death : The leaves may fall,
The flower., may fade and pass a wav
They only wait, through wintry hours
The coming of tlie May.
There is no death : An angel form
Walks o’er the earth with silent tread,
He bears our best loved things away,
And then we call them “ dead.”
He leaves our hearts all dcsoh te -
He plucks our fairest, sweetest flowers—
Transplanted into lili-e, they now
Adorn immortal bowers.
The bird-like voice, whose joyous tones
Made glad tlie scene of s',n and strife,
Sings now an everlasting song
Amid the tree of life.
Aud where he sees a smile too bright.
Or hearts too pure for taint and vice.
He bears it to that world of light
To dwell in Paradise.
Born uuto that undying life,
They leave us but to come again ;
With joy we welcome them—the same,
Except iu sin aud pain.
And ever near us; though unseen.
The dear immortal spirits tread ;
For all the boundless universe
Is life—there is no dead.
Butler vs. Grant.
It is known to the country that Bethel Butler
made an attack on General Grant in liis speecli
at the late Pittsburg Convention. It attracted
little attention at the time, but the motive under
lying the assault has subsequently been pretty
thoroughly canvassed, even by the Republican
party. A late correspondence of the New York
Herald refers to it, and says:
Taking advantage of his accidental promi
nence, Butler directed all liis efforts towards the
accomplishment of the object nearest to his
heart—the destruction of General Grant’s popu
larity, and bis removal from the field of the next
Presidential contest. It Avas to this end that he
advocated the hanging of Lee, painting in the
most vivid colors his treason to the government,
and branding him as a far worse rebel and traitor
than Davis, in order to prepare the public mind
tor tlie censure of General Grant for having
treated him as an honorable enemy. It Avas to
this end that he strove to cast a slur upon the of
ficers of the regular army, and sneeringly de
clared that tour years’ active service in the field
should be considered as good a title to advance
ment as a West Point education.
But while Butler shrewdly confined his own
share in the systemized assault upon General
Grant to hints and inuendoes, liis followers had
permission to be less delicate in ‘the attempt to
assail the reputation of that distinguished leader.
Daring the convention they were busily engaged
in whispering tales of alleged excesses on the
part of the Lieutenant General, ending with tlie
expression that “Grant is a much overrated
man;” that he “was made by good luck,” and
that “there is really nothing of him.” This side
abuse culminated at a late hour of the last night
of the convention in a speech by Colonel Rush
C. Hawkins, of New York, delivered to a large
crowd at the Monongahela House, in which that
officer publicly and severely assailed General
Grant by name, designating his letter to General
Lee on the subject of the parole and pardon of
the Confederate commander as a worse act than
was ever committed by “the traitor Johnson.”—
It is due to the audience to say that this assault
was received with a silence that conveyed a more
significant abuse than hisses, although an attempt
at applause was made by a few radical politicians.
From tlie fact that tlie assault on General
Grant by the wandering miscegens was made al
most simultaneously with that of Butler and his
followers in the Pittsburg Convention, there
seems to be little doubt that it Avas preconcerted,
rod that Jack Hamilton, Sherwood and Brown-
low received their cue from Butler, and were in
structed to lead off in Cleveland, in order to pre
pare the public mind for the attack, followed up
so fiercely in Pittsburg, and to be continued du
ring the residue of the campaign.
Of course tlie object of this assault upon the
vanquisher of the rebel armies is tlie contempla
ted elevation of Ben Butler, on a radical plat
form, to the next Presidency. The policy of ig
noring the finality of tlie constitutional amend
ment, and extorting other conditions from the
South in case of its adoption, prior to their re
admission to a share in the government, looks to
the same result If the next Presidential elec
tion can be confined to the loyal States, with
Grant out of the way, there will be a clear field
for Butler as the candidate of the radical politi
cians and ultra fanatics of the North, to contest
the nomination Avith Chase and to measure
| swords with the giant of the national banks.
Simlpiclty of Truth..
I witnessed a short time ago, in one of our
high courts, a beautiful illustration of the sim
plicity and power of truth :
A little girl nine years of age, was offered as
a Avitness against a prisoner who was on trial
for felony committed in her father’s house.
“Now, Emily,” said tlie counsel for the (iris-
oner, upon her beiug offered as a witness, “1
desire to understand if you know the nature of
an oatli ?”
“I don’t know what you mean,” was the sim
ple answer.
“There, your honor,” said the counsel, address
ing the court, “is anything farther necessary to
demonstrate the validity of my objections?
This Avitness should be rejected. 8he does not
comprehend tlie nature of an oath.”
“Let us see,” said the Judge, “come here, my
daughter.”
Assured by the kind tone and manner of the
Judge, the child stepped towards him and look
ed confidently up in Iris faceAvitli a calm, dear
eye, and in a manner so artless and frank il went
straight to her heart.
“Did you ever take an oath?” inquired the
Judge.
Tlie little girl stepped back with a look of hor
ror, and the red blood mantled in a blush all
over her face and neck, as she answered. “No
sir.” She thought be intended to inquire if she
had ever blasphemed.
“I do not mean that,” said the Judge, who
saw lier mistake. “1 mean were you ever a
Avitness before ?”
He handed her the Bible open.
“Do you know that book, my daughter ?’,
Slie looked at it and answered: “Yes, sir, ii is
the Bible.”
“Do you ever read it?” he asked.
“Yes, sir—every evening.”
“Can you tell me what tbe Bible is ?”
“It is tlie Word of the Great God,” she an
swered.
“Well, place vour hand upon this Bible and
listen to what I say,” and he repeated slowly
and solemnly the oath usually administered to
witnesses.
“Noav,” said tlic Judge, “you have been sworn
as a witness—will you tell me what will befall
you if you do not tell the truth ?”
“I shall be shut up in the State prison,” an-
SAVered the child.
“Anything else ?” asked the Judge.
“I shall never go to Heaven.”
“How do you know?” asked the Judge again.
The child took the Bible, and turning rapidly
to the chapter containing the commandments,
pointed to the injunction, “Thou shalt not beat-
false witness against thy neighbor.” “I learned
that,” she said, “before I could read.”
“Has any one talked with you about your
being a witness in court here against this man ?"
inquired the Judge.
“Yes, sir,” she replied; “my mother heard
they wanted me to he a witness, and last night
she called me into her room and asked me to
tell her the ten commandments, and then we
kneeled down together, and she prayed that 1
might understand hotv wicked it was to hear
false witness against my neighbor, and that God
would help me, a little child, to tell the truth as
it was before Him. And when I came here with
father, she kissed me and told me to remember
the ninth commandment, and that God would
hear every Avord I said.”
“Do you believe this ?” asked the Judge, wiib
a tear glistening in his eye and liis lips quiver
ing with emotion.
“Yes, sir,” said the child, with a voice and
manner that showed her conviction of the truth
was perfect.
“God bless you, my child,” said the Judge,
“you have a good mother. This witness is com
petent,” he continued. “Were I on trial for my
life, and innocent of the charges against me, 1
would pray God for such a Avitness as this.
Let lier be examined.”
She told her story with the simplicity of a
child as she was, but there Avas i directness about
it which carried convictiun of its truth to every
heart. She Avas rigidly cross-examined. The
counsel plied her with infinite and ingenious
questioning, but she varied from her first state
ment in nothiug. The truth as spoken by that
child was sublime. Falsehood and perjury had
preceded her testimony. The prisoner had en
trenched himself in lies, until he deemed him
self impregnable. Witnesses had falsified (acts
in his favor, and villainy had manufactured a
sham defense, but before her testimony falsehood
was scattered like chaff. The little child, for
whom a mother had prayed for strength to be
given lier to speak the truth as it was before
God, broke the cunning devices of matured vil
lainy in pieces like a potter’s vessel. The
strength that the mother had prayed for was
given her, the sublime and terrible simplicity
(terrible, I mean, to the prisoner and his perjued
associates) with ivhich she spoke was like a
revelation from God himself.
Blgnlty vs. mirth.
Should the author of the following, vvlifoli
appeared originally in the New Orleans Commer
cial, ever visit Atlanta, and will pleasure the
“scissors man” of the Intelligencer ivith a
call, he pledges liimself to stand the outlay for
the “ cakes and ale: ”
What’s the use of that long face ? Why not
let the joyous laugh wrinkle, for a moment, the
stolid countenance, that looks like a piece of
sheepskin stretched over a drum head; not a
wrinkle or a sign of emotion in it?
How really repulsive is diguity. Who enjoys
himself iu the company ot such ? Why, such a
fellow looks as though he ivere a standing mon
ument, hired by grim despair to grieve over the
few pleasures of life that are left us.
Some people consider a long face and frown
ing brow as marks of importance, and indica
tions of superior w isdom. How sadly mistaken.
Dignity and self-importance are always inverse! v
in proportion to brains. Tlie man who lias to
undergo the penance of a lifetime to make folks
think him smart, is certainly conscious ol his
own inferiority. His assumption is sheer pre
sumption.
We always feel a pity, bordering on contempt,
for such characters. They are the counterfeits
of intellectual and moral coin. There is not the
ring of the true metal about them. We would
not undergo this severe penance for the reputa
tion of a Solomon.
Cousin Sallte.—A few days ago, wc saw- a
box at the landing, which was marked “Wm.
Potts, Medical Purveyor, C. S. A., Montgomery,
Ala., C. S. A.” We had not seen it long, before
an individual more than two sheets in the wind,
came hiccupping and staggering among the bar
rels, bags and boxes on the levee. He was not
long in gyrating up to the box ive have men
tioned. He saw’ the address and gave two or
three jarring hiccups In speedv‘succession, be
fore he could get out a Punch-like laugh. He
finally straightened liimself up with the gravity
of a Punchinello and exclaimed, “how are you.
Cousin Sallie ?” “Well old C. S. A.,” he con
tinued, “I thought you ivere dead, Cousin Sail,
your initials must now read, Confidence Si rengt li
ens Afflictions. You’ve lmd a hard road old gal,
and the Radicals intend to send yon across Jor
dan, but keep a stiff upper-lip, and you’ll come
out right after all.” He took liis leave by giving
some half dozen hiccups, and saying, “old
S. A., I have fought, bled and died for you, but
hang me if ever I shoulder a musket again for
anybody.”—Memphis Appeal.
Good Joke on the Police.—A citizen of
South Bend stepped into the Mayor’s office and
stated that the night previous a fellow came
stalking into his house stark naked, and that lie
ivas unable to put him out aud that he was there
yet. Three policemen at once started on tlie
run to oust the intruder. When they got into
the house they asked to see the fellow that had
come in there the night before. The nurse
brought out the baby, ivhic-li the citizen’s wife
had presented him with the night before. The
policemen suddenly disappeared and it is sup
posed have had to stand a good many extra
treats since.