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HJffhlD Jnttlligfucrr
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, October 17, 1866.
Our Couereulonul District.
Governor Jenkins, as will la* seen in our
advertising columns, lias issued a proclamation
directing the Justices ot tlie Inferior Courts of
this Congressional District, to hold an election
on the 28th day of November next, for a mem
ber to Congress, to fill the vacancy created by
the resignation of the Hon. W. T. Wofford.
While it may be true that the individual who
may l>c elected to fill this vacancy, will not be
permitted—like his predecessor—by the Radical
Congress, to take his scat, in that body, still it is
important that the vacancy shall l>e filled by a
good and true, a law-abiding, representative
man of the District—one who supports the pol
icy of the President in his work of reconstruc
tion ; who eschews everything in the Radical
programme, and every one in the Radical i>ar-
ty, from Senator Sumner down to “ Reast Rut-
ler.” We say, it is important to do this, for what
ever may be tlie political situation, there must be
a change in it; and lie the change tor better or for
worse, still tlie people of this District should de
monstrate in said election their confidence in,
and determination to stand by “ Andy Johnson,”
in the war waged against him by the enemies of
civil, of Constitutional liberty—the libelers and
enemies of tlie white race in the South. In fur
therance of these views, the columns of tlie In
telligencer arc open to any suggestions that
may be made by friends in any county in tlie
District, whether they relate to individuals who
uiaj' be put in nomination to fill the existing va
cancy, or to other matter pertaining to the forth
coming election.
Our County Court.
It will lie seen from the Presentments of the
Grand Jury of this county, which wc publish
to-day, that they have recommended the abol
ishment ot our County Court, and for reasons
which they assign. We, to use parliamentary
phrase, 41 second tlie motion,” and trust that the
Senator from this district, and our immediate
County Representatives, will move early in this
matter at the coming session of the Legisla
ture, and relieve our people from the operations
of the County Court system enacted at the last
session. It has proved to he an incubus upon
the body politic of this county, and our people
desire to be rid of it with a unanimity we have
rarely ever witnessed displayed on any other
question before them. Fulton county desires to
be one other exception to tlie operations of the
44 system ”—like; Muscogee, she begs now' to be
excused the infliction. Experience teaches her
that the benefits, if any, conferred by the “ sys
tem,” are lost in the aisodvantages that follow in
their train.
The Claims of Periodical literature lu tlie
South.
The article on our first page headed 44 The
Claimsot Periodical Literature in the South,” from
the pen of Rev. Dr. A. Means, will doubtless at
tract the attention of our readers. -Science, Liter
ature and Religion have had in the Doctor, for
many long years, a most zealous and able champ
ion ; nor does he flag in his labors, now that his
‘‘head is silvered o'er with age” as many do when
Time stamps similar signs upon them. As lectur
er and writ er this gentleman is eminently popular
in the South. During his long, well-spent life,
he lias manifested great interest in the promo
tion of Southern Literature, and will long live,
we trust, to witness fruit springing from liis la
bors, that will tend to develope, and cause it to
assume that position in the world of letters, to
which it is entitled, but from which it lias been
excluded by (lie waywardness of our own peo
ple, and of their most eminent writers. Doubt
less the Doctor’s article which we publish to
day, will at tract the attention, especially, of those
who make literature a profession, or who publish
literary 44 weeklies” or 44 monthlies.” At any
rate wc commend its perusal to them, as well as
to our readers generally.
Pennsylvania,
The 44 Keystone of the Arch,” as it is some
times called, voted for the Radicals a few days
ago—that is, voted to carry out the programme
of Thaddeus Stevens. No great number of peo
ple in this direction expected Pennsylvania to
do auythiug else, though it was hoped by some
of our friends that the Conservatives might gain
two or three members in the more closely con
tested districts. But the Keystone, like tire
great leader, Thaddeus, is joined to its black
idol, and the result is au increased Radical re
presentation lrom that State to the new Congress.
The following paragraph, copied from a Wash
ington City paper, throws a little light, like
emissions from a dark lantern, on the condition
of things among the party of which Mr. Stevens
is the representative man:
“The good citizens of West Chester, Pa,
were terribly shocked the other dav in witness
ing a number of young ladies linked arm in arm
with the same number of negroes, and in this
plight attending a Radical demonstration. There
were between twenty and thirty couples thus
linked. Chester county always takes the lead
in anything that is misty.”
The Result.
Tlie Republican papers are somewhat hilarious
over the result of the elections in Ohio, Pennsyl
vania and Indiana last Tuesday, and claim that
it is an endorsement of the radical programme
throughout, and, per consequence, the 44 Con
servative Coalition” is broken to pieces. We
don’t quite view it that way yet, and shall await
further developments before recognizing the fact
that 44 all is lost.”
We subjoin a short paragraph on the subject
from tlie Cincinnati Commercial, oueof the more
moderate of the radical journals -.
The momentous elections of yesterday in the
great Central States ot Pennsylvania, Ohio ami
Indiana, have resulted most auspiciously. The
bitterly contested j>olitical campaign of 1866 has
closet! in a glorious victory for the Republican
Union men of the nation. The Democratic and
Andy Johnson Coalition is broken in pieces. It
is settled that the great Northern States, that
poured out the armies that saved.the country
front the triumph of rebellion and the inaugura
tion of anarehy, will steadfastly maintain the
principles that were victorious in the war. The
]>olicy of the Thirty-ninth Congress defined in
the constitutional amendment, is triumphantly
sustained by the people. New York and the
c-tuer Slates iu which elections are to be held
this fall will inevitably continue and confirm the
course of events developed yesterday.
IWore Coiiutcri'eits.
The Montgomery Mail announces the arrest of
two counterfeiters at that place on the 10th.—
They had registered at the hotel as S. Doane, of
Lou<sviUe, Kentucky, and S. E. Hall, New York.
On searching Doane, the officers found upon
his person $1,300 in $100 counterfeit bills.—
His baggage was subsequently searched, but
nothing further discovered. Hail, who, from his
appearance, is evidently an old hand at the busi
ness, had no baggage. Both were locked up.—
The counterfeit is a very ingenious oue, and it is
said there is a large amount of it in circulation.
The only way for the public to protect themselves
will, perhaps, be to refuse lor the present all $100
National Bank notes except they are received
from sources of well kuowu respectability. Oue
of the peculiarities of tlie counterfeit we have re-
The Gold Keeton of Georgia.
We yesterday saw tlie result ot the washing of
about one pound of dirt from a lot of land in
Lumpkin county, No. 97, adjoining White coun
ty, the yield from which is the most astonishing
we have yet witnessed. We are not much of an
adept in the art of washing or saving gold, and
rely upon tlie opinion of our townsman, Judge
C. II. Strong, who exhibited to us the result of
the 44 panning operation,” and wbo thinks that
this ore or dirt will yield, at the least, five hun
dred dollars per ton. The sample tested was
part of a larger quantity taken promiscuously
from a vein averaging six feet in breadth, and it
is believed that tlie whole extent of the vein will
yield a per ccntage equally large. We under
stand that this property is now owned by a Mr.
Jordan, of New York, who lias lately purchased
it, and who will at once commence operations
with the most approved machinery.
Tlie above is only another illustration oi the
vast wealth hidden in the mountains of our State.
Northern capital is beginning to wake up on tlie
subject, aud the day is not distant when all that
region will echo with the sound of busy ma
chinery extracting the precious metal. Truly
money is power; had our poor depleted people
the means to operate these valuable mines, for
eign capital would have to pay high for the pri
vilege ; as it is, our people are selling such pro
perty for a mere tithe of its real value. We heard
a well informed gentleman say, a few days ago,
that when Col. Pride’s mills were put in motion,
and the results made known, it would add $10,-
000,000 to the present value of such property al
ready discovered and being opened. And yet the
field of discovery is but touched. When we con
sider that the gold belt stretches more than one
hundred rniies across our State, from Northeast
to Southwest, we believe that it is destined to
become the El Dorado of the Atlantic slopes.
Gloomy.
Some of our brethren North of us take a
gloomy view of the future, and confess to no lit
tle disappointment iu the result of the recent
Congressional elections. Among these we find
the Louisville Courier, from which the remarks
following are extracted: “ It would be uncandid
in us to say that we are not somewhat disap
pointed at this result, for while we did not have
great hopes of carrying these States, we did ex
pect heavier gains in members ot Congress,
which was by far the most important considera
tion. But it lias been ruled otherwise, and we
are compelled to submit. That we apprehend
the worst consequences from the continuance of
the Jacobins in power our readers are well
aware. Nothing but evil can flow from their
reckless schemes, and the adoption of their poli
cy will be the ruin of the country both North
and South. Discord, and national and indivi
dual bankruptcy stare us in the face in tlie imme
diate future. The further persecution of the
Southern people is a fixed fact; the restoration
of tlie States is indefinitely postponed, and in
jury which can not be repaired in a quarter of
century will be iuflicted upon the country with
in tlie next two j’ears, unless God in his infinite
mercy provides some means for our deliverance
from tlie evils which now impend.”
A Word or Caution.
We have been advised that individuals repre
seating themselves as Agents—but what kind
of Agents we know not—are traversing tlie
Counties of Upper Georgia, taking testimony
in regard to claims of so-called Union men wbo
represent themselves as having been loyal to the
United States during the war, in order to prose
cute them before the Court of Claims or Depar
ments in Washington. These Agents, we are
informed, deal in politics—are Radicals—aDd
represent that, il tlie policy of the President
for Southern restoration prevails, no loyal Union
man during the war will recover damages for
his property destroyed by either army; but,
the Radicals succeed, all will recover the same.
This is simply a Radical humbug, and we warn
our people against it. The loyal Union man
during the war is as likely to get pay for iiis
property destroyed by either the Federal or Con
federate army from the Conservative as from
tlie Radical party; no matter which party may
be in power, the result to him will be the same
But the loyedty of the claimant, in either event
must be established beyond a doubt. Testimony
pro and con will be taken, before any claim will
be determined. Mere ex parte proceedings will
not determine the claimant’s right to compcnsa
tion for destroyed property. The government
will see to this, no matter who directs it, the re
presentations of the so-called Radical Agents to
the contrary not withstanding. Tlie Authorities at
Washington will be advised of these wholesale
proceedings in our State.
Sooth Carolina.—The Anderson InteUigen
eer learns that on Thursday night last, in tlie
neighborhood of Salubrity, in Pickens District,
a young man named Joseph Williams was killed
by a freedinan. It seems that the young man
in company with others, visited the house of tlie
freedman, Cato Calhoun, for the purpose of re
covering a pistol belonging to tlie deceased, and
which was in the possession of Cato. Explain
ing the object of their mission, the party de
manded entrance, when the door was opened
and the freedman fired upon the party, the ball
taking effect in the breast of Williams, who died
in a few hours thereafter. The murderer made
his escape, in tlie confusion which ensued, and
has not been apprehended up to this writinj
Florida News.—The Savaunah News <fc
Herald learns from a reliable source that a serious
difficulty was apprehended at Fernandina, on
Wednesday last, in consequence of a threatened
attempt by the Sheriff to eject several persons
from houses which they had purchased from the
Government, about three years ago—the right of
redemption having expired. The owners con
tended that their property was exclusively their
own, not recognizing the authority of the Sher
iff to eject them. The military were ordered
to hold themselves in readiness to prevent
any breach of tlie peace. We shall probably
learn further in a few days.
Going.—The Newuan Herald objects to the
heavy emigration of the negroes from that coun
ty. It says:
It is generally known that large numbers of
negroes are leaving this country”ostensibly for
Teuuessee, Arkansas and Mississippi. Strangers
have come into our midst, and hi' tempting of
fers of fifteen, twenty or thirty dollars per mouth
as wages, have induced about two hundred men,
women and children to leave Coweta in the last
six weeks, for homes in the States mentioned.
Many of our citizens have thought Tennessee
meant Cuba. That, however, is not the point
that interests us. If the blacks continue to Heave
in such numbers until Christmas, our farmers
will not be able to employ laborers for tlie
next year, and without labor there is no produc
tion, and, of course, no prosperity.
ferred to is that "T" in the word maintain, on
the right hand of lire bill, is defective, aud looks
like the letter “L” Tlie counterfeiter, however,
can soon remedy this defect.
Xbc Opinion Abroad.
The importance of Tuesday’s elections was
understood in England. The London Times had
an eiauorate leader a fortnight since, attempting
to -tale tlie political situation of the United
States, opening as follows:
lu a few weeks the political crisis in America
will be- decided by a great popular vote, aud the
unexampled exertions made* by tire, contending
parties show the sitrual importance which is at
tached u> the result.” The whole domestic policy
of the United States will be determined by the
autumn elections, and iu this policy on the pre
sent occasion is involved the destiny of the L nion
itself.
A Picture of Chicago.—The Chicago Post,
edited by Hon. David Blakely, formerly Secreta
ry of the State of Minnesota, draws a picture of
Chicago that is not flattering:
If any living rational, reasoning creature, is a
disbeliever iu the total depravity of man, a six
months' residence in Chicago, will cure him of
the infatuation. Few cities on the continent of
America are infested by a race of more unmiti
gated villains. Murder, rapine, outrage and
every other offense in the catalogue of crime, ate
daily perpetrated. Virtue is made the sport of
every designing Lothario, and, boldly entering
the sacred precincts of tlie domestic circle, they
snatch their vietims from homes |of happiness
and virtue and consign them to disgrace and in
famy.
Meteoric Showers.—The promised meloric
shower, it will be remembered, has been fixed for
the 14tli of November. A writer in the Charles
ton Courier suggests arrangements by which the
whole population of that city may be aroused
from their slumbers when the grand phenome
na shall come off.
Louisville.—The Courier, of the 10th, con
tains accounts of two horrible outrages in that
city—oue a case of rape on a little girl four years
of age—the other a case of incest, the parties
being lather and daughter.
Result* of the Recent Elections—Impeach
ment of the President—Spirit of the
Southern Press.
The smoke of the political battle in the States
of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa, hav
ing cleared away, we are prepared now to lay be
fore onr readers the results. In them, we have
not been disappointed. Radicalism still remains
in the ascendant; fanaticism still maintains its
sway over the puritan mind of the North and
West; patriotism as well as statesmanship—that
statesmanship which should look only to the peace
and prosperity of the country, the whole coun
try—is dead. We sum up the results of the
elections thus:
As compared with the elections of 1863 and
’64, the Radical majority in Pennsylvania has
been reduced, but according to tlie most authen
tic accounts, not materially. The Radicals claim
in this State a gain of one in the Congressional
delegation. In the next Congress, therefore, it
will stand sixteen Radicals to eight Conserva
tives—in the present, it is fifteen to nine.
The Radical majority on the State ticket in
Ohio, is increased by several thousand, while in
the Congressional delegation the Conservatives
gain one. At present the Congressional repre
sentation stands seventeen to two; in the next
Congress, it will be sixteen to three—that is, six
teen Radicals to three Conservatives.
In Indiana, the Radical majority on the gener
al ticket is reduced by several thousand. The
Conservatives gain one in the Congressional del
egation. Now, Indiana is represented in Con
gress by nine Radicals to two Conservatives. In
the next Congress, it will stand as eight to three.
In Iowa, no change as to members has been
made in the Congressional delegation—tlie Rad
ical majority on the State ticket being as hereto
fore iu 1863 and 1864. The six Congressmen
elected, like the six in <lie present Congress, are
all Radicals.
Such are the results of the recent October
elections in the Stales of Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Indiana, and Iowa. Over these results, the Rad
icals are exultant. Upon them, they will pre
sume to go any lengths, in order to circumvent
the President’s policy of Southern Restoration ;
and should New York, in November, give a
Radical majority, we have no doubt that an at
tempt to impeach and depose the President
will be made. IIow this may be done, the pub
lic have recently been advised by that modern
44 BombastesButler, The Beast. Iu one of
his recent speeches, this redoubtable hero says:
44 We have been asked tlie question, How can
the President be impeached V He is commander-
in-chief of the army and navy, and the Consti
tution of tlie United States says nothing what
ever about who shall hold the office while he is
being impeached; therefore, if yon begin tlie
impeachment, be will order the army and navy
to disperse Congress, and be will seize tlie reins
of government. Where is the remedy ? Here it
is: The House of Representatives, under the
Constitution, is the grand inquest of the nation
—perhaps I might say, for illustration, the grand
jury of the nation. It prepares the bill of im
peachment against the President, if it sees cause,
and it presents the bill ot impeachment to the
Senate of the United States, which then becomes
a high court of impeachment; and the Chief
Justice of the United States sits in that court, as
its presiding officer. It is thus no longer, for
that purpose, tlie Senate of the United States,
but it is the court of impeachment of the United
States. Wliat shall they do? When the im
peachment is ready, the Senate sends out its
messenger or sergeant-at-arms to bring in the
criminal, be lie high or low. [Applause.] They
set him at the bar, and read the bill to him. If
lie pleads guilty, then they proceed to sentence
him, which sentence is a deposition and pri
vation of office. When he is brought be
fore tlie bar, the Senate of the United States
may order him to be imprisoned, or to find
bail, or any other proper order that a court
may adopt in a criminal case, and when the
Constitution provided this mode of trial, did
its framers mean that a man who is before the
Court of Impeachment as a criminal shall be at
the same time chief executive officer ot the gov
ernmeut ? By no means. From that moment
be ceases to be able to exercise the duties of that
office until lie is acquitted. And then comes tlie
case of inability of the President of the United
States to exercise the office of President, so tlie
Vice-President must take the office, and there
being no Vice-President, it must devolve on the
President of the Senate for the time being.
[Applause.] If in any of these steps, so taken,
according to the Constitution, the President does
not obey as a good citizen the behests of the
High Court of Impeachment, then that court,
like any other court in tlie land, can call upon
tlie whole body of the people to aid it in enforc
ing its rightful authority. [Applause.] And now
I serve a notice on Andy Johnson that when a
rightful court of the Senate of tlie United States
calls for aid in their behalf, and the people of the
Uuited States, 4 the boys in blue’ will answer.
We are told that if Congress shall proceed to
exercise their rightful authority, then there will
be tried the strength of the Government, that the
President will call upon the army and navy, and
the army and navy will obey him. Let there be
no fear about that, because the army and the
navy of the United States are not those few men
that are in the regular service. [Applause.] I
have no desire to disparage either the patriotism
or the integrity of the army of the United States,
but if the army, as such, or it any portion of it.
or if any officer of it, shall so far forget the duties
he owes to his flag and to his profession as a
soldier, as to answer any but the legal call of his
country, that small body of men shall be swept
from the face of the earth as mist is swept away
before the rising of the morniug sun.” [Pro
longed elieers.l
And
“Whoever dare these boots displace.
Shall meet Bombastes face to face.”
But Butler is not the only leader of the radi
cal party that threatens the President’s im
peachment. Forney is loud for it—the 44 Dead
Duck" hankers after it; Wendell Phillips
demands it; Stevens, Sumner, and all the lesser
lights of the same party, in tlie madness of. their
fanaticism, hail it 44 as a measure of deliverance
and liberty”—deliverance from all constitutional
restraints, and liberty to plunder tlie South of the
little that is left to her people.
The “ Spirit of tlie Southern Press,” indica
tive as it is of the spirit of our people, may be
gleaued trom tlie following:
The Augusta Constitutionalist says :
44 It has pleased Heaven to continue our wretch
edness and prolong our trial. Blind, besotted
and reckless would we be, if manliness failed us
in this supreme hour, when to be craven is to de
serve misery; to be dignified to merit a better
fate. Despair under such circumstances is not
proper: firmness, however, will sustain us iu the
present and prove an earnest of the future. We
deprecate panic of any sort, especially tlie panic
of entire communities' If ever fortitude becomes
indispensable to man or nation it is when injury
is inflicted and contumely launched. Liberty is
not a gift; it is a prize. We can deserve it or
not; as we are brave or cowardly, so may we
hope to survive or perish. Let us, then, iu this
loomy hour of destiny, gaze, with unvanquished
eyes, full into the face ot fate. Butler is great,
oecause corruption has full swing these days;
Stevens is powerful lie cause fanaticism holds do
main now—but Time is miglhier than Butler,
more puissant than Stevens. To Time, the Aven
ger, we will raise our hands and crave the gift
which.
-* Never yet of hnman wrong
Lost the unbalanced scale."
The Constitutionalist then gives a selection
from the speeches and writings of representative
men of the Radical party, and closes its remarks
with this thought:
A less gloomy view might be taken. It is
plausible that the Radicals bate Sir. Johnson in
finitely more than they hate the South, and
having won the field, will be gracious euough to
hoist a flag of truce. They coalesced against the
President in order to reap the honor of recon
struction themselves. Success is sometimes an
appeaser of vindictiveness. The coalition may
not obtain in Congress. Many men who worked
against the President, through the canvass, will
support him more or less fervently, against the
agitators and disorganizes of their own party.
Then must appear Conservative Radicals, so to
peak, who will prove breakers against the en
croachment of the Jacobinical element.”
Taking up the same subject, the Richmond,
Examiner, remarks:
In the event the elections held disclose Radi
cal majorities, an attempt will at once be made
to play a bluff game, and to intimidate the
intn t !»*-» Niinnliull lliP Pfincti-
ment, the Southern States, simply by a policy of
“masterly inactivity,” can defeat the amendment
until the balance of the Northern States shall,
like Oregon, expunge the ratifications hastily
given under passion and excitement. In anoth
er issne we shall take np this subject and de
monstrate how easy it is to defeat the adoption of
this scheme.”
The Whig, of Richmond, says:
“ Very few in the South had ventured
to hope for any other result than that which
has attended the elections in the North, and
so very few are disappointed. The fever
has not yet burned itself-out in the body
politic, and nothing is left us but still to await in
patience the return of that saner temper and bet
ter disposition which we have so long looked for
in vain. Certaiu it is, there isno room at present
in the field ot national polincs for the people
aud States of the South, and they will act wise
ly if, not stopping to lament their exclusion,
they devote themselves with all possible zeal
and energy to those practical concerns on which
their social and industrial resuscitation depends.
Let us do this, and ten to one it will prove a
blessing that we have not had an opportunity of
becoming engaged in general politics.”
The Nashville Union tt- American has a long
article upon tlie moral effect of the elections, in
tlie course of which it says:
“We do not underrate the significance of ex
pressions of the popular sentiment, but as a peo
ple we are prone to magnify the effects of elec
tions. In the first flush of a triumph atthe ballot-
box, the successful party exults, and exaggerates
the importance of their achievement; while the
defeated party suffers a corresponding depression,
and, being in the mood to concede all that its
opponent claims, gives way to gloomy vaticina
tions, and commences to conjure up horrifying
images of, the future. There is “something too
much of this,” and we can perceive no reason in
the result of the recent elections to indulge the
fears that some express, of further and extreme
action by the Radicals, either looking to impeach
ment of the President, or more direct revolution
ary assaults uj>on the Constitution, or greater
oppressions upon the Southern people. In it
there is no ground to justify a dismissal of all
hope that the Northern pqgple are not utterly
insensible to justice and magnanimity, and that
they have cast their constitutional obligations
entirely to the winds. It digs not show that the
masses of tlie North are prepared to support the
more reckless of their leaders In the bold schemes
of revolution which they Ijave promulgated.—
We think that any one wIklso interprets the re
sult, is yielding too readily to the first feelings of
gloom that follow a political defeat, and that they
will soon see cause to revise such an opinion.”
The same Nashville paper also commends the
Conservatives in this season of depression to look
to the example of the President :
“He stands firm and undismayed on the ram
parts of the Constitution, and is confident that
the judgment of his countrymen will, when
brought to know the danger, yet rescue the na
tion.”
Let the people of Georgia also stand firm and
undismayed under the trying ordeal through
which they must pass! Thus far they have
yielded to every demand made upon them, iu or
der to demonstrate their desire for peace and
law-abiding nature. They accepted amnesty,
and forthwith emancipated, their slaves; repudi
ated their State debt contracted for war pur
poses, and did all that was required of them by
the President to further the policy of restora
tion or reconstruction. With them, the Presi
dent has kept his faith. By him then our peo
ple will stand; stand truly, stand firmly. The
few who may abandon—who have abandoned
him, are but as a speck, a black speck upon the
white sands of the seashore. W hatever may betide,
Andrew Johnson, in his conflict with the Rad
icals, may rely upon the South. God grant him
deliverance from his Radical foes! God save
the couutry trom tlie fury of fanaticism !
Speed* of Santa Anna at the Penlan
Picnic on Staten Island.
General Santa Anna was repeatedly cheered
by the crowd, and after order was restored, Col
onel William R. Roberts stepped forward and
made a few introductory remarks, in which lie
compared the condition, of Ireland to that of
Mexico, and hoped that equal sympathy might
be extended to both countries. He then intro
duced General Santa Anna to the audience. The
General delivered tbefSlfil^ip^^ldress in the
Spanish language:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Fenian
Brotherhood: If ever I regretted the want of
knowledge of the English language, it is at the
present moment, when I would wish to express
to you in your own tongue the heartfelt grati
tude that I now feel. Various were the honors
that have been bestowed npon me during my
life by my own countrymen as well as by tbe
foreign Powers of Europe, yet it always hap
pened when I was in power,' and men that are
in power always receive honors, and often are
surrounded by flatterers, adulators, but very sel
dom friends. To-day an exile from my native
soil, a strauger in a foreign land, the smallest
attention shown to me, the smallest considera
tion in my favor, is most highly appreciated, for
now I am not in power, and my thanks are
therefore unbounded. It would be presump
tuous on my part to accept this demonstration
as a matter personal to myself No! I accept
this demonstration on behalf of my native land
of Mexico—[three cheers for Mexico and three
tor Ireland]—and let me confess it, it is no sur
prise to me. I may say, I almost expected it,
tor the Irish are tbe people most apt to sympa
tlii/.e with Mexico. Is not their religion that of
my country ? Do we not worship at the same
altar? Are not the Mexicans, like your own
people, striving to free their native land from a
foreign yoke ? Why then, should tlie world lie
astonished that the Fenians should be willing to
assist Mexico in becoming once more free from
foreign tyrany? It is not the first time that
your people have extended to me their friendly
help. When Mexico was invaded by tbe noble
enemy, on whose hospitable soil I am now liv
iug, when I bad arrayed against me the powerful
armies of the United States, under that immortal
hero General Scott—[three cheers for General
Scott aud three for Santa Anna]—the flower of my
army then were two coinpaies composed of men
from the Green Isle, with the image of their
Patron Saint on, the flag. Why wonder then
that they now come forward to my aid ? Am I
not as I was then, one of the soldiers who fought
for Mexico's independence? Why should you
not aid the last surviving soldier ot my country’s
independence, who wishes to seal the history of
liis life by the same act by which he commenced
it, namely—to secure the independence of his
country ? Yes, gentlemen, this is my ambition—
this is wbat I strive to accomplish in the few
and last days that are yet spared to me. ’ Death
has spared me on many battle fields. From
amul the storm of balls and fire I have come
out unharmed. May I not say this was not
without cause ? I feel assured that I will, that I
must, that I shall, secure once more to my na
tive land its independence. It is not a false or
vain ambition that makes me thus; for the few
days that are yet allotted to me I have all that
a man can need to render his days pleasant and
peaceful. I do not desire to become once more
the ruler of Mexico. There are no honors that
a nation can bestow on its most favored one
that have not been showered upon me by Mex
ico. Why then suppose for a moment that my
desire is to again rule over the destinies of my
county ? For twelve years I have lived retired
from public life on foreign soil, deploring the
disturbances in my country, yet not mingling in
its domestic quarrels. Yet I could not remain
silent now at the last fatal blow for my coun
try's independence, and that old sword—the
old companion that helped me to fight the
Spaniards—was unsheathed again and offered
to the supreme chief of lay country; but they
thought it rusted, they thought the old soldier
woriTout; and they tried to brand him with infa
my, calling me a French spy. And would I
even like the rest that becomes my years and
advanced age? These imputations and slan
ders give new vigor to the old soldier. My deeds
will defend me. ” My voice is yet of some pres
tige among my countrymen, and my arm strong
enough tolead an army. “To gain or to perish”
is my motto. With help or without it I shall
soon again stand on Anahuc’s soil, bearing aloft
that banner that I planted on the walls of Yera
Cruz when I drove the French from my land
in ’39; and my voice shall now, as then, be
strong enough to raise even the dead, my former
companions, from their graves. They will help
me to free Mexico again, or will drag me down
to deplore with me the ruin of my country.
[Loud cheers.]
From Washington—The Trial of Mr.
Davis—Letter l'rom the President—Reply
of the Attorney General.
Washington, Oct. 13—The President has
addressed the following letter to the Attorney
General in regard to the trial of Jefferson Davis;
Executive Mansion, )
W'ashington, D. C., Oct. 6,1866. )
Sir: A special term of the Circuit- Court of
the United States was appointed for the first
Tuesdav of October, 1866, at Richmond, V a., for
the trial of Mr. Davis on the charge of treason.
It now appears that there will be no session of
that Court at Richmond during the present
month, and doubts are expressed whether tbe
regular term, which by law should commence on
the 4tli Monday of November next, will be held.
In view of this obstruction, and tlie consequent
delay, in proceeding with the trial of Jefferson
Davis, tinder the prosecution for treason now
1 lending in that court, and there being, so far as
the President is informed, no good reason why
the civil courts ot the United States are not com
petent to exercise adequate jurisdiction within
the District or Circuit in which the State ofVir.
ginia is included, 1 deem it proper to request
your opinion as to what further steps, if any,
should be taken by the Executive with a view to
a speedy, public and impartial trial ot the accus
ed, according to the Constitution and laws of the
United States. 1 am, sir, very respectfully, yours,
Andrew Johnson.
To Hou. Henry Stanburv, Attorney General
In response to the above, the Attorney General,
under date of the 12tli instant, states:
“I am clearly of opinion that there is nothing
in tlie present condition of Virginia to prevent
tlie lull exercise of the jurisdiction of the
civil courts. Tlie ‘actual state of things, and
from several proclamations of peace, and of the
restoration, of civil order, guarantee to the civil
authorities, Federal and State, immunity against
military control or interference. It seems to me
that in this particular, there is no necessity lor
further action on the part of the Executive in
the way of proclamation, especially as Congress,
at tlie late session, required the Circuit Courts of
the United States to be held at Richmond, on
the first Monday of May, and the fourth Monday
of November, of each year, and authorized spe
cial or adjourned terms of that court to be order
ed by tbe Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
at such time and on such not ice as lie might pre
scribe, with the same power and jurisdiction as
at the regular terms. This is an explicit recog
nition by Congress that the state ot things in
Virginia admits the holding the United States
courts in that State.
He also states: “Mr. Davis remains in custody
at Fortress Monroe precisely as he was held in
January last, when iu answer to a resolution of
Congress, you reported communications from the
Secretary of War and the Attorney General,
showing that he was held to await trial in the
civil courts. No action was then taken by Con
gress in reference to the place of custody; no
demand has since been made for transfer
into civil custody. The District Attorney of
the United States for the District of Virginia
where Mr. Davis stands indicted for treason; has
been notified that tlie prisoner would be surren
dered to the United States Marshal upon a capi
as under the indictment, but the District Attor
ney, declines to have the capias issued because
there is no other place within the district where
the prisoner could lie kept, or where his personal
comfort or health could be so well provided for.
No application lias been made within my knowl
edge by the counsel for Mr. Davis for a transfer
of the prisoner to civil custody. Recently an
application was made by bis counsel lor liis
transfer from Fortress Monroe to Fort Lafayette,
on the ground chiefly of sanitary considerations.
A reference was promptly made to a Board of
Surgeons whose report was decidedly adverse to
the change, on tlie score of health and personal
comfort. I am unable to see what further action
can be taken on tlie part of the Executive to
bring the prisoner to trial. Mr. Davis must, for
the present, remain where he is, until the court
which has jurisdiction to try him, shall be ready
to act, or until liis custody is demanded under
lawful process of the Federal courts.”
The Attorney General suggests that to avoid
any misunderstanding on the subject, an order
issued to the commandant of Fortress Monroe
to surrender the prisoner to custody whenever
demanded by the United States Marshal, under
process from tlie Federal courts.”
Mr. Stanbury endorses a letter of the United
States District Attorney for Virginia, who states
in answer to the question why no demand had
been made upon the military authorities for the
surrender of Mr. Davis, in order that he might
be tried upon t.be indictment found against him
in the United States Circuit Court, at the term
held in Norfolk in May last, that two reasons had
influenced him in not recovering him from their
custody—tlie one relates to the safe keeping of
the prisoner, and the other to his personal com
fort and health. I have, he further says, never
had any doubt but that he would be deliverd to
tbe United States Marshal ot tlie District when
ever lie should have demanded him on a capias,
or any other civil process.
Tbe Subject of Impeachment—Ren. But
ter.
The Cincinnati Commercial, radical, lias the
following article on impeachment and BeD. But
ler:
There are few persons in this country so want
ing in intelligence as to be unaware that the im
peachment of the President would at any time
be a very serious business, and that in these dis
turbed times it would be a hazardous experi
ment. It would be, therefore, most imprudent
to undertake it unless there was actualfy a clear
case of high crime and misdemeanor, as content
plated by the Constitution. We should remem
ber that tlie President’s unfaithfulness to his par
ty is a different thing from treason to the coun
try, as legally defined. We must have other
than a partisan indictment upon which to im
peach him, or it would be judioious to let him
alone, and try very hard to elect a better man
next time. Let tlie President dare, as lias been
promised in bis behalf by some of the more tu
rious ot his latter-day friends, to refuse to recog
nize the validity of Congress—let him act upon
the presumption that it is a hotly banging on the
verge of tbe Government, and tbe time to im
peach liim will have come, and the people will
sustain Congress to tbe bitter, and, if need be,
tbe bloody end. But an impeachment, upon such
an indictment as General Butler lias presented
would be at the imminent hazard of civil war;
and of one thing all agitators may be assured
and we desire to serve notice upon them to that
effect, that tlie overbearing weight of tbe fight
ing power of tlie people of this country will be
against those wbo begin the fight.
The flippancy with which Gen. Butler talks o
civil war is unpleasant; and his eagerness to dis
play his animosity toward the regular army is
painfully suggestive of the unfortunate incom
pleteness of iiis military career. Gen. Butler
has an intense hatred of General Grant, and re
gards him as a rival for the Presidency; hence
the talk of the Boys in Blue aud the incidental
destruction ot the regular army. We have only
to say of this that Gen. Grant has the confidence
of tlie country; that there is an assurance of
safety iu his position at the head of the army
and the public recognition of his sound discre
tion. If we should lie drifting into another civil
war, we wish the Boys in Blue far better luck
than to be commanded in the field by Benjamin
F. Butler, unless lie should show a wonderful
improvement upon any exploits thus far recorded
of him.
Southern States into the adoption ot the consti
tutional amendment. Self-styled friends will
whisper that it is better to yield this one time, as
il all the concessions we made last year had not
taught their own lessons. To all this bluster
ami the suggestions of the tempter, let us oppose
a good conscience, a quiet discharge of the du
ties of lile and a firm, unwavering resolve to do
nothing that is mean, cowardly and disgraceful.
There need be no fear ot tlie adoption ot this
amendment If all the Northern States were to
be temporarily led astray by passion and excite-
Confederates in Mexico.—The editor of
the San Antonio (Texas) Herald, who is at the
City of Mexico, thus speaks of the Confederates
in that country:
Some of them are doing veiy well, while oth
ers are only making a bare subsistence. Others
are discouraged, and are making arrangements
to return to the United Stales. Most of these
gentlemen came to this country' without money,
and without a knowledge of the language, and
i; is no wonder that a number of them are sadly
disappointed in their hopes. Those who have
applied themselves to learn the language, and
who have also hunted up some occupation, will
certainly do w ell in time, if the Empire succeeds.
A Great Future.
Tlie population of the United States was, in
round numbers, in 1860, 31,000,000. Tbe statistics
of seven decennial censuses show that the popu
lation increases at the rate of thirty-five per cen
tum every ten years. At this rate of progress,
our population in 1883 will reach 60,000,000, and
in 1900 will exceed 100,000,000. Napoleon in
his recent circular estimated that it would reach
that figure within a century, or by the year I960,
but by that time it will be nearer 200,000,000, for
if there is the wisdom and patriotism among the
people to keep the Union undivided, we shall
have acquired Mexico and Canada, and probably
tbe Central Americau States. The Great Repub
lic, the colossus of empires, will then occupy a
commanding figure among the nations ot the
earth such as was never attained by any nation
known to history. To all this vast population
and stretch of territory is to be added such
wealth, such material and intellectual greatness,
as shall surpass the imagination of the poet and
confound the speculations ot the philosopher.
Tlie Claims of Periodical Literature In tlie
South.
Mr. Editor—Permit me, for once, to occupy
a place in your columns, that I may address my
self to tlie readeis of your excellent and widely
circulated journal, upon a topic which I suppose
suited to the condition of the times, and the best
interests of a civilized, cultivated, and aspiring
people, just emerging from the general chaos, in
to which themselves, their once flourishing in
stitutions, and their promising enterprises, have
been thrown, by the disruptive forces of a politi
cal earthquake, that have unsettled the very foun
dations of society and left its disintegrated frag
ments to be reorganized, and—by the provi
dence of God, I trust—commissioned fora bold
er and brighter career. We would not agitate
the public mind by painful reminiscences of the
disastrous past. Nor would we officiously in
trude our gratuitous services to guide the storm-
beaten galley, freighted with Southern destiny,
through the perils of tlie seas, which yet strain its
timbers to the keel. Perhaps too many hands
now grasp the oars, unless they were directed
with more skill and harmony than now seem to
characterize their movements. Our more peace
ful proclivities and pursuits have ever led iis as
tar as prudence and a sense ot duty would justi
fy our action—to shun the sharp collisions of the
hustings, and the 44 wordy warfare” of Senate
chambers and Legislative halls, however others
of different mould, and different missions, may,
with correct motives and patriotic purposes, con
sent to mingle in the strife. But when the cul
tivation of the human mind—tlie acquisition of
knowledge—the advancement of literature the
progress of science, or the loftier claims of reli
gion, are iuvolved ; nay, when the laudable en
terprises of tlie age—promotion of the interests
oi agriculture, or of commerce; or likely to fa
cilitate mccliauical improvements, or, the culti
vation of the fine arts—challenge our considera
tion, we would gladly be enrolled upon tbe
catalogue of earnest advocates, and even of zeal
ous propagandists.
Regarding, as we do then, popular intelligence
and sound morals as the unfailing precursors and
sure guarantees of success in every department
of life, and the elementary forces which build up
the prosperity ol a nation, it is gratifying to be
hold some of the strongest intellects of the land
we love, devoting their energies to tlie spread of
knowledge and tlie maintenance of virtue. We
rejoice to see your own city taking an honorable
position in the field of periodical literature, and
that almost every number that issues from the sev
eral presses, is adorned with lofty thoughts, pure
sentiments, or valuable truths, which vindicate
the dignity of their paternity, and illustrate tlie
vigilant supervision of tbe editorial chair.
Nearly every attempt made before the war to
establish a respectable Monthly in the South met
with an early collapse, and a premature death for
the want of that vital pabulum which an appre
ciating and patronizing public can alone supply.
And yet, much depends upon tlie fecundity and
power of tbe active center from which intellectu
al light emanates. It must be a luminiferous,
light-generating, self-sustaining orb; not a mere
reflector of the rays of others. It should radiate
unpolarized beams which have never been dif
fracted, nor appropriated, by intervening bodies.
This sort of native, independent originality, does
much to win and retain enlightened and availa
ble patronage. Such is the type of Blackwood's
Magazine, the Edinburg Review, the Lorthon Quar
terly, and other kindred European publications.
If we are in the order of sequence, and from the
action ol embarrassing causes, which arc insep
arable from the formative stages of nutional de
velopment, somewhat in the rear of these greater
lights of journalism, where the genius is fostered
under government auspices, the habits of tbe
reading world crystalized, and learned profes
sors, established writers, and pensioned school
men are raised above the clamor for bread, which
daily come up from the crowded firesides of our
laboring literati; it is but a brief interval, which
in the march of Time shall soon be over-past.'
And when those burning orbs, which now illu
mine the literary heavens, shall have sunk below
the horizon, darkness shall not reign in their rear;
for others of brighter luster shall follow in their
wake, and stars of the first magnitude garnish
our Southern skies.
Far North ot us, too, in that portion of the
American continent just settled—where large
cities, open ports, and extensive commerce, have
furnished ample stimuli for the employment of
heavy capital—where intelligence and wealth
have been assigned high places in the common
wealth, and older institutions with liberal en
dowments and compensating salaries have cher
ished the views, and carried out ths plans of the
opulent and influential, within their favored pre
cincts—periodical literature of a maturer caste,
might be expected at an earlier day.
Priority of time establishes no claim to supe
riority of intellect. Nay, the very opposite may
be legitimately assumed, for human progress is
onward and upward. The attainments of the
present are superadded to the accommodations
of the past. Pythagoras of Samos, Apollonius
of Perga, Copernicus of Germany, and Tycho
Brahe, the Dane—all preceded by many centu
ries Newton and Herscliell of England, and La
Place of France. But these last named princes
of Astronomy, had to improve, remodel, or ex
punge many of the crude and incongruous dog
mas of their predecessors, and by tlieir higher
knowledge, won a deathless name. Thus do
similar facts sustain our postulate from every de
partment of human research. Like the stalacti-
cal columns in the Grotto of Antiparos, which
have been formed through successive centuries,
by tbe dripping solution of carbonate of lime
from the arch above, falling and solidifying upon
the stalagmite below; while by constant evapo
ration, new accretions every year swell the rising
mass, until after the lapse of ages it unites with
the pendent stalactite, and a brilliant column,
proof against the ravages of time, supports the
rocky vault. Such are the acquisitions of hnman
knowledge. Century after century leaves its new
mental deposit, until, in the distant future, the
crystaline columnar strength of Jachin and Boaz
shall ornament aud sustain the gorgeous portico
of the holier Temple. The past success, then, of
Sillin.an’s Journal,” and the present justly
recognized claims of the popular “Eclectic,
should never repress the aspirations of genius,
but contrawise, should encourage its outlay, and
st imulate its activity, to enrich the stock of advan
cing literature. The crushed and rebounding
spirit of our elastic people, has already began to
manifests it3 recuperative energy; has survived
the hurricane of war; emerged from its ruins
and entered once more upon the sea of distinc
tion. An ardent desire for the establishment of
a high order of literary journalism in the South
has been the leading incentive to a display ot its
powers, and your city has been selected as the
goal of its departure.
But how apparently inauspicious the time,
how gloomy the surroundings, when “Scott's
Magazine ” was inaugurated, and launched upon
the world! But enlightened energy is resilient,
expansive, and self-reliant, and like the antlered
monarch of the mountains, who leaps trom liis
lair among the barren rocks, when the morning
first streaks the East; shakes the night dews
from his brow, and boldly bounds o’er crags and
i chasms, to revel and pasture upon the grassy
plains below ; it is moved to activity by the first
promising beams of light; plies its conscious
strength; surmounts opposing barriers, and, as
the reward of its exertions, luxuriates at mid-day
in the triumphs of success. Scarcely, then, had
the roar of artillery ceased to reverberate among
the cliffs and gorges of the lonely Allatoonas;
scarcely had tbe smoke from the smouldering
piles ot the doomed and dismantled city drifted
from the sky, and packs of predatory dogs that
howled at midnight through its deserted streets,
been disbanded by the rush of returning refugees,
anxious to rebuild their desolated homes, when
the indefatigable editor threw his banner to the
winds, and invoked the friends of literature to
^nsume our habitations—yet Southern mind i,
proof against the ravages of fire. Still, amid the
busy hum of industrious and indomitable thou
sands ; the ring of hammers, and the whirl of
machinery, he unceasingly pressed the claims of
his Phoenix-like journal. Pertinent and polish
ed contributions began to flow in apace, and the
reading public were attracted by tbe varied and
valuable contents, aud the mechanical execution
of the work. His patience and zeal never tired.
He hastened by tlie speed of rail, to visit sur
rounding cities, towns ami villages—bearing with
liim specimen copies, and enlarging his remuner
ating patronage, until al this early day, it has as
sumed the first position among the monthly pe
riodicals ot the South, and is destined still to a
wider sphere of circulation among the best circles
in tbe land.
Nor are its claims ephemeral and unwarranted.
The “hut ensemble" of its interior presents
arrangement in accordance with the suggestion
of good taste ami sound judgment. There is a
freedom from poverty as well us puerility of
style, and an absence of all nauseating twaddy,
and stupid platitudes, while licentious garbage
finds no place in its columns. A fair analysis of
its attractive pages will discover, as well in the
editorial department, as iu many ol the articles,
furnished by contributors, an elaborate exegesis
of many of the subjects discussed, with a mani
fest strength and clearness of detail, an ample
supply of historical and literary information,
brief but interesting, and reliable treatises upon
scientific themes, a grateful sprinkling of polite
literature, aud above all a%fty standard of Chris
tian morals.
To say that it has reachcd^W^ultima Thule ’
of its merit would be doing iiq^Mee to its edi
tor. Nor should its claims be if^pTewiated be
cause a medium, or even immature article from
a young, but promising composer may occasion
ally appear under its cover. Imperfection
marked tbe early productions of. a Michael An
gelo, and a Phidias, which the experience of
after years, however, abundantly corrected. Its
indulgent patrons, then, already the . guests of
such monthly banquets, may comfortably wait
and confidently expect the introduction of new
viands to the feasts.
Indeed its publication lias already aided iu
tlie development of much native mind, and has
stirred the practiced pens of some of our best
male, as well as female writers.
The sketches of 44 Byron, liis character and
his works,” which appeared in the September
number, an emanation from the generous heart
and cultivated mind of Mrs. M. J. W., one of
your most gifted a id accomplished ladies, indi
cate a facile pen, and exhibit a^jjf#Rcal acfluien,
and flue powers ol analysis, creditable to the
source from which they come. Other rivals are
in tlie field, and the patrons of the journal
are to be the fortunate recipients of the best effu
sions of talent and genius tvliicli the South so
abundantly furnishes. The mind of her advan
cing people must culminate, as well in the re
gions of fancy as in the loftier expanse of more
substantial human learning. Her mountains,
her waterfalls, her flowery landscapes, aud her
Italian sunsets cannot but evoke tlie true spirit
of poesy, from her impassioned sons and daugh
ters ; while the tomes of antiquity are at their
control, and the practical demands of the age,
must lead to more profound research in the de
partment ol general literature, science, and tlie
arts.
But I become dittusc, and must retrench.—
Your Ladies' Home, too, lias acquired an envia
ble fame, and female writers ot a representative
type, through the length and breadth of the land,
are pledged to its columns and interested in its
success. Its weekly issues are now greeted by
thousands of distant patrons, and its chaste col-
lumns make it a safe and a welcome visitor to
the homes of the sex; while the newspaper press
challenges high encomium for its general ability
—its sober and right-minded patriotism—and its
universal defense of the claims of Education and
Religion.
Nor will your aspiring city, alone, wear all the-
laurels to be won in these intellectual tourna
ments. The spirit of improvement and honora
ble education is abroad; and your sister cities—
and, perhaps, less pretentious places—will pro
duce their Knights, who shall assume the plume,
the casque, and the spear, and plunge out for
adventure in tlie noble strife.
Talent, we rejoice to say, is not indigenous to
higher latitudes, nor to older commonwealths,
and “ tlie discoveries aud improvements of ge
nius are no longer hoarded in the archives of
the schools, but spread abroad aud made tlie
property of all.” Knowledge is not conveyed
by hereditary descent; nor does antiquity of ori
gin, as we have already said, guarantee superi
ority of attainments. While, therefore, we
would scorn to pluck one leaflet from the well-
earned laurels which encincture the brow of
either cis or trans-Atlantic genius, and would
cheerfully award the meed ol distinction to
whom it is due, we must yet be pardoned for
demurring to the claim of exclusive and unat
tainable authorship, on the part of favored aspi
rants, either North, East or West of our geo
graphical home.
Let our people, then, with no invidious spirit,,
but under the loftiest impulses of a magnani
mous nature, build up the land that cradled them ;■
cherish their prominent periodicals, their edu
cational institutions, and their church economy ;,
and when our political struggles are ended, and.
our land is at rest, Intelligence and Virtue shall!
encircle, as with a wall of fire, her redeemedi
Constitution and restored liberties.
A. Means..
Oxford, Georgia, October 12th, 1866.
Disappeared.
Tlie cholera, which had been so fatal at Sbel-
byville, Tennessee, we learn from the Nashville
papers, has entirely disappeared fr om the town,
and tlie panic-stricken citizens, who fled from
the place at the approach ot the scourge, are
generally returning to their homes.
It is also stated that the disease lias disappeared
from Fayetteville. Tlie Observer says of the ap
pearance of the disease at that place:
On the report of the first case, a panic, wide
spread and general, immediately followed, con
tinuing through Saturday and the day following;
vehicles of all kinds were pressed into service,
and, by Sunday evening, one-lialf or two-thirds
of the people of Fayetteville were miles nway,
seeking safety in flight.
The disease lias disappeared, and the people
have generally returned. A private letter from .
one of the fugitives says: “Nearly everybody
left town the morning it became known that tlie
King of Asia had arrived. I do not think there-
were two hundred persons left in town, and these •
starved themselves into lean skeletons. It is said
that Mr. , who had left Nashville to escape
the epidemic, left our town on foot the moment
he heard of its presence, and never thought of'
his wife till he had gone five or six miles. A lady.-
went off and foreot her children.”
Abolished.—The Cavaliv Bureau in the War rall y to its standard, and let the world know
Department has been abolished.
J that though the flames of relentless war may
Words of Truth and Soberness.
An old citizen of West Tennessee, upon whose
head are tlie frosts and storms of many winters,
publishes a letter in the Cincinnati Enquirer,
contradicting the statements that Union men
and Northern men are not safe at the South. In
the following paragraph, which occurs in his
communication, lie iiut says what every man in
this part of the country who has eyes to see and
ears to hear, knows to he true:
That portion of the Southern people who took
np arms did so to defend Constitutional govern
ment, and failing to do so alone, they are equally
willing to secure the same thing, to-wit, Consti
tutional government, now in connection with
others. They had no desire then, show none
now, to have a government to themselves. All
they ask is a stable Constitutional government,
administered in accordance with the organic law
as framed by our forefathers. And so far as our
people are concerned, there is not a spot on
earth where a man would be safer in person or
property than in the South, so long as he does
tlie duty of a gx>d citizen and minds his own
business. I suppose it would he the case here as
elsewhere, if a man l>eeonies meddlesome and
offensive lie would be apt to meet with some
one who would chastise him, or at least try it.
Prince Earl, the oldest man in Erie county,
Pennsylvania, died in the town of Wales on
Wednesday, aged 102 years.