Newspaper Page Text
BJffh(i) JiteUigmfrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, September 4, ISQ7.
Uenrral Orani end the F re*Me at.
In another coiuir.n the reader will find the cor
respondence between General Grant and the
President, relative to the removal of General
Sheridan from his command over the Fifth Mili
tary District of the South. It will be seen from
the character of the correspondence, that on the
part of both these distinguished officials, it was
energetic and firm, bnt courteous withal. The
telegraph has already communicated the infor
mation that in consequence of ill-bealth, Gene
ral Thomas has been relieved from the position
to which the President wished to assign him—
that of relieving General Sheridan, about whose
deposition there seems now to be no doubt—
Within a day or two, if it has not already been
done, it is stated at Washington that Major Gene
ral Hancock will assume command of, no longer
General Sheridan’s, bnt the Filth Militaiy Dis
trict, and of a people whom the last named of
ficer seemed to take pleasure in persecuting, in
order that they might become subservient to the
designs of the Radical party.
IIVTKHKPTI1VO COBBESPOIVDEKCE.
Thad. Steven* on the Removal Question.
We lay before our readera the following inter
esting correspondence between Thad. Stevens
and a citizen of Philadelphia, who sought infor
mation from the former in regard to a question
that was being, at the time, a matter of discus
sion between the President and General
Grant, to-wit, whether Congress had passed any
net prohibiting the removal of District Com
manders. The old “iron-clad," it will be seen,
is dear and emphatic on the subject—deny
ing that Congress bad passed any such law, and
affirming that it refused to do so after great ef
forts had been made to that end. This testimo
ny of one of the bitterest enemies of the Pres
ident in his behalf, touching the removal ques
tion, will not be relished by the impeachment
party, who began to assume aim and utter vehe
ment threats, when the rumor that Sheridan
would be removed, became current. What will
they say now ?
correspondence.
Philadei-phia, Penn, Aug. 24,1867.
lion. Thaddeus Stevens, Lancaster, Pa.:
Dear Sir—Several of your intelligent con
stituents in this region, no doubt from want of
proper information, are complaining of mistakes
made by Congress in not passing lawb at the last
session restraining the removal of certain officers
engaged i □ reconstruction. I contended that you
had passed an act at the very close providing lor
that very contingency, but which is not executed.
Will yot; be so good as to inform me how far
our representative is responsible for this omis
sion, it omission it be f You know we are in
the habit of dealing familiarly with the member
from the Ninth district. A brief answer will
much oblige your friend,
Samuel Schoch.
nuicdcevlU* Camupoaleatc.
Milledgevillb, Aug. 28,1867.
Our Superior Court has been in session this
week, but adjourned*\>n Tuesday without organ
izing the juries. On Monday, Judge Reese tele
graphed General Pope to know whether the
panel drawn at the last term should be retained,
or a new one summoned under the General’s
late order, No. 53. The General replied by the
Wires that he had written; but before the reply
in writing could reach the Judge, the latter
deemed it wiser to adjourn the court to a special
term in the week commencing with the third
Monday in September. The business of the
court is light, and the adjourned term answers
public convenience in every respect Subsequent
to the adjournment Gen. Pope’s reply, simply En
closing Order No. 55 arrived.
We have no news of importance. The regis
tration of Baldwin county closed some time ago,
with the result of a large colored majority
nearly two blacks to one white. We hear ru
mors of “colored” candidates for the Convention
and for Congress, but none are yet authoritatively
announced.
The crops are excellent, the corn crop parti
cularly so, in this section of the country. The
cotton is “shedding” a little now from to much
rain ; and should the present long spell of cloudy,
rainy weather continue a great while, we fear the
advent of the bolLworm.
The bridge over the OcoDee at this place has
been completed: 1 mean the bridge for common
travel, to supply the place of the one destroyed
by Gen. Sherman in 1864 The other bridge,
for the Sparta and Mayfield Railroad, is being
rapidly framed by the energetic builder, Mr.
Colt. The cars will be running from Milledge-
ville to the Georgia Railroad at Camak against
the 1st of January next.
Gov. Jenkins is still confined to the Executive
Mansion most of the time by the unfortunate in
jury to his foot. He however attends to the
business of the Executive Department, at the
Mansion.
The work on the State capitol is still pro
gressing. The improvements on the capitol
grounds are completed. We observe, among
the walks, the flowers of the verbascum thapsus,
the cirsium arvense, and other exotics, besides
our own solanum carolinense, in full bloom.
The addition to the State Lunatic Asylum is
not yet completed; but colored patients are al
ready arriving, and we understand many more
are expected. Much freedom has had the eflect
on the negro that Festus alleged “much learn
ing” had on St. Paul—it has made them “mad,”
and the mad-houses of the country will be filled
with them. Passenger.
whom we would have back—we would not na
tionally wear the symbol. Indeed, nationally,
such will never be the case, for just in the ratio
that the darkness will overspread us, in that ratio
will the lights of national existence be extin
guished.
We plant ourselves upon the platform that
whenever the negro or any race is capable, pro
perly, of exercising the right of citizensnip, to
bestow it upon him—the whites being the
judges. We would not act so unwisely as to be
prodigal with what it took our forefathers so
many years to wrench from England Nations,
as well as individuals, can be prodigal. The
above are some of our views. Plain.
Lancaster, Pa., Aug. 26,1867.
Col. Samuel Schoch, Columbia, Pa.:
Dear Sir—You are right in supposing that
Congress made mistakes, as is the inevitable lot
ot man, but you mistake in supposing that there
is any law prohibiting tbe removal of District
Commanders without the consent of the Senate
Soon after the commencement of the last
session of Congress I reported a bill from the
Committee of the House of Representatives
which contained a provision prohibiting removal
without the consent of the Senate. It passed
the House and was sent to the Senate. The Sen
ate struck it out and returned it to the House,
who refused to concur in the amendment. The
result was a committee of conference, when an
animated contest ensued. There were several
other questions in controversy between the
Houses which the House offered to yield if this
could be granted. They persistently refused, de
claring that they would sooner lose the bill As
that would frustrate all our legislation, it could
not be allowed. Tbe House yielded, with warn
ing of the evils it would inflict upon the country.
Some of the members of tbe Senate seemed to
doubt their power under the Constitution, which
they had just repudiated and outside of which
all agreed that we were acting, else our whole
work of reconstruction was usurpation; or per
haps they had a desire to be thought gravely
eonservaticc and magnanimous. These ideas
seemed to control the action of some half a dozen
•Senators who preferred trusting the President.
My dear Colonel, a few Senators of great ability,
undoubted patriotism and purity have become so
saturated with what they are pleased to call
“conservatism,” (whose meaning, I confess,
am unable to understand.) that I fear they will
forget the monster that was slain in 1776, and
again in 1861, and will thus do great damage to
the creation ol a Government now capable of
being converted into a political paradise. This
is liable to happen not so much by direct and
palpable attack upon its framework as by grad
ually forgetting the vital principles of the De
claration of Independence. Strike out one of
the living sparks which give life to our Goddess
of Liberty, [and the mysterious and intense
heat—whose welding fires nearly a century ago,
and at present are, fusing principles of freedom
and reducing despotism to cinders—will gradu
ally cool until tbe most conservative despot could
thrust his sword into it without affecting its
temper. I have said above that I did not know
the meaning of the word “conservatism.” I
have since seen the report ot a speech said to
have been made by an Ohio Senator at Canton,
Ohio, which, if it be truly reported and is to be
considered a definition ot that doctrine, then it
to me is very alarming—worse than copper-
hcadism. It is legislation without authority and
reconstruction by usurpation.
1 am, very respectfully, your obedint servant.
Thaddeus Stevens.
Not Prohibited.—Our friends will please re
member that up to this time no order has been
issued prohibiting the payment ot what is due
us. A9 “ we know not what a day may bring
forth,” we hope those who owe us for subscrip
tions or advertising, will promptly settle the
amounts, as we must have money.
We notice the foregoing hint in that most ex
cellent paper, the Cherokee Georgian, and take
occasion to state that the Intelligencer de
sires, also, an early settlement of dues to it, no
order having been issued to the contrary.
Steven* aud Browolow.
The 21. B. Mercury says, “the friends of Thad
deus Stevens think it is doubtful it he is able
ever to reach Waskington again.” His friends
need not be alarmed. Stevens, like Brownlow
has as many lives as are accorded to a cat. We
have been looking for both to expire, lo ! these
many days/but still they “live, and move, and
have their being” contrary to all hopeful expec
tations. “ The devil is surely good to his own.”
A Caution.
The Boston Post says a “Mr. Torled blew down
the chimney of a kerosene lamp, and the lamp
blew him up.” This should be a caution to
those who indulge in so reckless a habit, and
there are many that do.
■ ■ —^
The Millionth Part of an Inch.—Mr.
Whitworth has offered to deposit in the South
Kensington Museum, to be there perpetually pre
served, three original true planes and a measuring
machine or instrument demonstrating the mil
lionth part of an inch, and proposes to make a
sufficient endowment to provide for the delivery
Of lectures to explain such instruments. Their
importance will be manifest, he says, when it is
considered that the value of eveiy machine when
made of the best material depends on the truth
of its surfaces and the accurate measurement of
its parts. .
Gen. Sheridan has appointed Aristide Mary
a mulatto, to be an Alderman of N%w Orleans.
[FOB THB INTELLIGENCER.]
Shall we Accept the Alternative ?
Congress, so-called, enacted a stupendous farce
when they passed an act requiring of the rebel
States, so-called, to bold an election—not only
to hold an election, but to vote on a subject en
tirely repugnant to every true Southerner’s mind
—not only to vote on it, but to vote expressly in
accordance with their views, or on failing to do
so a punishment would be inflicted on us—s
punishment, the exact extent we are unacquaint
ed with, but sufficiently 30, as they hope, to
frighten us into obedience; to cause us, volun
tarily, as it were, to sign away our manhood
rights, and thus doubly seal the deed in all lu-
ture time—to drive the nail themselves, and then
make us.clinch it—to have the deed done and
they, themselves, saved of the odium. We are
constrained to term such a proceeding a stupen
dous farce, because done in the name of an elec
tion. Our ideas of election have always been
that of free and unrestricted choice, with no
penalty attached so far as government is con
cerned.
The foregoing is a preparatory step, dictated
by Congress, to receiving our representatives
agian into the halls of legislation. So then,
there is now presented to the people of the
South, by Congress, tbe alternative of being kept
unrepresented therein, although taxed as the
balance of tbe States, or of making the negro
an equal with us in all that appertains to citizen
ship. Shall we accept the latter ? We unhesi
tatingly answer, no.
We will not consider the penalties threatened
in case of our refusal to give the negro common
equality; for when considered, side by side with
bestowing such a boon on tbe negro, the penal
ties pale into insignificance; our natures revolt,
and we scorn the monstrous proposition—policy,
policy, shall not beslime us.
Indeed, were the balance of Southrons ot our
disposition, we would never have made the first
step towards complying with their mandate—we
would never have recognized their assumption
to declare an election tor us—we would have
preferred military rule to have yielded a princi
ple—we would obey only under constraint
We are opposed to negro equality for the rea
son that the negro is a negro, and utterly UDable,
on account of his being, or status, to fill his place
as a citizen now, or under any process ol train
ing, to become so. He is not out equal in any
respect or he would not have been as he is. In
fact, he was not made to be our equal or he
would have been constituted as we are; therefore
he would not have been a negro. We wish to
be explicit.
We are opposed to negro equality, because be
ing unfitted, in consequence of his nature, to
discharge the duties of citizenship, he would
ever prove a dead weight to any institution to
which he might be attached, except as a manual
laborer. To use an old vulgar phrase we might
as well, somewhere, put a fifth wheel to a car
riage to please the aberration ot some experi
menter, as to give him the right of citizenship.
We would only be increasing friction, expense
and jolting, without improving the vehicle.
We are opposed to negro equality because being
unable to exercise citizenship properly, with all
the guards that could be thrown around him, he
would inevitably be the means of injury to him
self and to all with whom he acted. The risk,
(nay the certainty,) is too great, for the white
man has in all time past, found it more than he
could do always “to make the port” of politica-
safety. We do not need him. He cannot be
any acquisition, and if not an acquisition he must
prove, as useless lumber, an obstruction. To re
fuse him citizenship is not to deprive him of a
right/or where there is no capacity to enjoy there can
be no right to enjoy. It would be jnst as much an
imposition on society to confer the right of citi
zenship on lunatics as on other persons who are
unqualified and unqualifiable to discharge the
duties of citizens. We must not forget that co
equal with the right to citizenship is the duty of
the citizen; nay further, there is more to be per
formed in duty by far as citizens, than there are
rights to enjoy. What are the duties of citizens ?
to be industrious and self-supporting, to pay
taxes, to be intelligent, to be honest, to obey the
laws, to execute the laws, to sit on juries and
many other things which it is needless here
to mention. Now, we will ask, how is the negro
performing these duties, such as are already
granted, and such as are imposed? the intelligent
will answer it.
We are opposed to negro equality, because the
race from which be sprung is about where it was
in the scale of civilization when first known—
they are anti-progressive, they have stood out of
the way in the world's onward march, (aye, they
stand there,) and have contributed naught to its
advancing columns—they have not even march
ed—only a few have been picked up on the
route ana made to carry luggage for the white
man, and for that reason he is to be created a cap
tain. Truly, the age of absurdities has not yet
been passed. The negro is a barren tree, and if
here and there he has been grafted on, or budded
to, and a fair seeming apple has grown on the
twig, some men grow radical in his praises and
Removal or Stanton and Sheridan—A
Talk with the President—Ren. Grant**
Part In the Transaction—'Two Reason*
for Sheridan** Removal Governor*
Wells and.Throckmorton Abased.
The Washington correspondent of the Boston
Poet telegraphs the following :
la a pleasant conversation ot some length, to
day, with President Johnson, I remarked that
he was charged with having removed Mr. Stan
ton in order to obstruct the execution of the
Reconstruction acts of Congress. He asked
what Air. Stanton had to do with the execution
or non-execution of these acts. These acts cen
tered the power in the hands of Gen. Grant,
and he had placed Grant over the War Depart
ment. He could not understand how this
chage could be constructed into a purpose to
defeat the proper execution of the Reconstruc
tion laws.
The President further remarked that at one
time General Grant strongly intimated that un
less Mr. Stanton was removed he should be com
pelled to leave here, as he could be of no possi
ble use, in view of Mr. Stanton’s overbearing
and dictatorial conduct. The President advised
him to have a talk with the Secretary of War,
and perhaps they would understand each other
better. He agreed, however, with the General
that Mr. Stanton ought to be removed, and he
then inquired of General Grant if he would take,
charge of the Department in the event ot a
change ? The latter promptly expressed his en
tire willingness to do so. I referred to the ru
mor that the General had eventually protested
against the removal, and the President frankly
said such was the case; that the General had
written him a very kind, but earnest private note,
in which he had intimated his fears of anarchy,
if not revolution, should Secretary Stanton be
superceded. Yet, as be could not apprecia e the
General’s fears on this score, he had directed
the change.
I then told him that the same charge was
made against him for removing General Sheri
dan, and that many supposed his purpose was
to prevent a due execution of the law. This he
thought was quite as absurd aa the other, as the
law was the same whether Thomas or Sheridan
was in command. What difference could it
make who executed the law ? Could any one
question the ability or patriotism of General
Thomas ? I then asked why General Sheridan
was removed. Mr. Johnson stud there were
two good causes, but only one had been consid
ered; the first one was rather of a personal
character, and had been overlooked. The tele
gram ot the 23d ol June, which was so disre
spectful to the Executive, had been claimed by
General Grant to be a private telegram to him
self, and that no official notice of its existence
iiad ever yet reacned the President
But the second ground for tbe removal of Gen.
Sheridan, was the exercise of powers he did not
possess, and the exercise ol his legitimate powers
in an arbitrary and offensive manner. I asked if
he would be kind enough to designate what acts
he included under the latter clause. He said the
removal of Gov. Wells was entirely uncalled lor
and unjustifiable. Gov. Wells had placed at
Gen. Sheridan’s disposal the whole civil ma
chinery of the State to aid him in the execution
ot the Reconstruction acts. Nor had the latter
ever indicated or pointed out a single act 01
word of the Governor which was calculated to
embarrass him in the proper execution of his
duty. On the other hand, Gen. Sheridan had
endeavored to execute the law as a partisan and
had adopted Radicalism as the only true test of
loyalty. His sole purpose seemed to be to se
cure negro supremacy and degrade the whites,
and for such conduct I deemed it my duty to re
lieve him from that command.
I inquired if he did not think Governor
Throckmorton had attempted to thwart the Gen
eral in a proper execution of the law. He an
swered emphatically, “ No, sir; the records
prove the reverse. The Governor of Texas also
placed the whole civil machinery of his State at
the disposal of of the military power, and aided
it in every way possible, except in the manufac
ture of a Radical majority of voters, and in se
curing negro supremacy. This was Governor
Throckmorton’s sinning, and for which he was
arbitrarily removed by General Sheridan.”
said to the President that his views as to the
proper execution of the Reconstruction acts
were not clearly understood by the people, and
that I would like to hear them.
He answered that he could express them in
few words. He desired a fair registration of all
qualified voters, without regard to race or color.
He did not wish to give any advantage to the
white men, but much less was he disposed to
make them the slaves to the negroes. Where
the negroes had the majority, as in South Caro
lina, he wished them to exercise the power
where the white vote was in the majority, aa in
Texas, he desired that white majority to control.
He wanted only the law to be fairly executed
with equal chances to all. This was being denied
them by Gen. Sheridan, and liis manner and
mode of acting was fast familiarizing the people
with the tyranny of despotic government.
I remarked that the public would not be able
to understand why he struck down despotism in
one department and yet suffered it to continue
in another. He replied that other changes would
be likely to follow very soon. A proper invest!
gation was now being made into the conduct of
one or two other commanders who, it was
charged, were playing the autocrat. The Presi
dent expressed the greatest apprehension as to
the future of our government, yet said he still
relied on the good sense and patriotism of the
people. In his speech in the United Sta.es Sen
ate, in 1860, Mr. Johnson said he had denounced
the party who would break up the government
in order to preserve slavery, and he had also de
nounced those who would destroy the govern
ment in order to abolish slavery; he was equally
opposed to both extremes now, and his only
wish was for a speedy return of fraternal rela
tions among the States.
Loyal lioagMA
We notice that these secret clubs ot the Radi
cal party are being formed throughout the State.
One bag been recently started in our mater city
of Savannah, the members thereof pledging their
honor! not to trade with or employ anybody who
opposes tbe dialrrlital measures of the Radicals
—the so-called actebf reconstruction. Tbe peo
ple of Savannah andelsewhere should mark these
midnight plotters for their ruin, ay, and remem
ber them too. j
These revolutionary and bloodthirsty political
dubs are not started by negroes, but by black
hearted whites to foe manor born, assisted by a
few Yankees who have come Southward to make
a fortune outot the negro. These men, working
cheek by jowl, have but one object—office. This
they desire in ordef that they may plunder white
and black alike, either under pretext of law or by
“ executive sessions.*’ They care nothing for the
Union, the . Constitution, tbe flag, liberty or reli
gion, unless these c4n be made'&gencies feu their
concupiscence. To be fed at the public crib is
their sole aim and object. By turns they cajole
the negroes with flattery and promises of land
into joining their jciubs; and, by turns, they
threaten them in case of non-compliance. While
the poor, deluded freedmen are bolstered up w ith
cheap pledges of regard, the whites are inveigled
into the League for the purpose of using and
fooling the treedmoi.
A desperate and dinning organization exists,
therefore, to cheat the negroes out of office.
These pretended friends want all tbe places ot
power and trust for themselves, and, when
secured, the negroeacan go to Old Scratch. It
was so in Tennessee ; it will be so in Georgia,
unless the freedmen awake to the impending
treachery of their mean white allies.
According to ther published statistics of the
late Loyal Georgian, there were sixteen hundred
negroes and four hundred whites in membership
with the loyal league alias Union Republican
Club of this city. According to these numbers,
the freedmen are entitled to at least tour officers
out of every five. Let them insist upon this dis
tribution. Let them put this test to their white
friends, who now laftir under the charge, never
denied, of consjfirifl^ against their claims to
office. If they neglect this opportunity ot test
ing the friendship of their white affiliators, they
may never have a subsequent chance, and they
will be precious fools lo sell themselves to men
who have not concealed their sentiments in op
position to their sharing the spoils of office. If
they make a deliberate stand for their rights, as
interpreted by the Radical domination, they
will not want for assistance in maintaining them.
—Augusta Constitutionalist.
An Honest Confession—Gen. Pope the
Representative of the Radical Party.—A
writer in the Atlanta New Era, over the signa
ture of “Fair Play,” comes to the rescue ot Gen.
Pope in the matter of bis Order 49, proscribing
the Conservative press. He puts the act distinctly
on the ground of party right. The writer says:
But what has General Pope done ? Precisely
what every responsible head of any administra
tion in Georgia for the last thirty years has done,
and what every political editor of ten years’
standing has approved and applauded when il
filled their pockets. He lias ordered the public
patronage, so far as he has power to control it,
to be given to those who do not oppose the line
of policy ot his administration. No more, no
less.
******* *
Let me illustrate. We were formerly divided
as Whig and Democrat. The Whigs were in
power, and the Governor, Sheriffs, Ordinaries
and all public officers, having patronage for
newspapers, took it from Democratic papers, and
gave it to tbe Whig papers that supported their
line of policy. The next year the Democrats
carried the State, and they took the last dollar
ot patronage they could control from the Whig
papers, and gave it to the Democratic papers.—
Nobody was astonished at this. It was a law of
politics. It was expected. For its justification
if any complained, General Jackson’s motto was
quoted : “To the victors belong the spoils.”
We then have here a distinct avowal that
General Pops ordered the withdrawal ot the of
ficial printing from the Conservative press on
party grounds, and the necessary implications
that he is here as the representave of the Radi
cal party, and not an officer of the United States
army. Perhaps the President may sustain such
a position in one ot his appointees—perhaps not.
—J{aeon Telegraph.
Order No. 50.
The following important order we find in the
last number of the Wilcox Times, which was
furnished with it by one of the registers for that
county:—[Montgomery MaU.
HEADQUARTERS* THIRD MILITARY DISTRICT, 1
(Georgia, Alabama, and Florida,) V
Atlanta, Aug. 15,1867. )
General Orders No. 50.
In case of the removal of any duly registered
voter from the precinct in which he is registered
to any other part ot the State, a certificate of his
registration signed by one ot the members of the
board which registered his name, will, on appli
cation, be given to him.
In case of his not obtaining, or of losing such
certificate, an affidavit certified by any magis
trate or by any military officer of the United
States, in this district, that he is the man he rep
resents himself to be, and that he was duly regis
tered—designating precinct and county in which
he was registered—will be evidence to the super
intendent of registration lor the State, that he is
a duly qualified voter, and thereupon said super
intendent shall issue to him a certificate to that
effect.
Either of the above described certificates will
give such registered voter the right to vote at
any election precinct in the State, and will be
duly recognized by any manager or judge ol
election to whom it is presented. -
By command ot Brevet Major General Pope.
A Gat Old Coon.—An old man named
Hakenvest, living in the Second precinct was
suspected by his better-half of running after
stray cattle. In consequence of her suspicions,
she proceeded to watch the gay Lothario, and
on Saturday evening discovered him in company
with a young girl named Schrode. She watch
ed the two until they entered a house on Sixth
street, when she immediately followed them.
Upon entering the house she found the couple en
joying a Rhine wine in the most teliciious manner.
She gazed upon them but a moment, when
hastily proceeding to the table where the two
were seated, she grasped the bottle by the neck
and commenced a vigorous assault upon them
both. Their astonishment was so great for a
time, that they were immovable, but at last
awakened to a sense of their position and beat a
hasty and ignominious retreat. Officer West-
field arrested the old lady tor assault and battery,
and she now awaits a hearing.— Washington
Union.
From the Boston Post.
A Group of Hew fork Ben.
While I stand out thus upon the deck hearing
jewsharpers and ventriloquists performing among
the crowded people, a vision of the passing away
age of New York’s great internal capitalists
arises before me. Yonder was Dean Richmond
—fat, with a Forrestonian scorn and a Falstaffian
humor contending together on his brood red
face; he who was forever uttering shrewder
truths through an oath than many preachers
through a sermon—stood interpretor of the pop
ular will for thirty years, and never had a politi
cal office. His acumen was sure; his sympathies
of a homely earnestness. In business he was
excellent at both administration and suggestion
and he died at Batavia, a railway king, who had
once worked upon the State canal at a dollar a
day.
Here is Fargo, his successor, chief of express
and railway lines, who used to carry a bag to and
fro by hand between Albany and Buffalo. He
watched the nice adjustments of politics and
commerce, kept the broad eye and daring chal
lenge ot chance native to New Yorkers, and his
name is read by the wild Indians as his coaches
go whirling over the prairie. He lives at Buffalo
as Richmond lived at Batavia, both ot them
miniature New Yorkers.
Stand up! Jesse Hoyt, New York flourman,
who could not conceive of grain in less quantity
than the ship load, nor of lumber unless cut off
by the thousand acres; who, starting with hard
ly a shirt to his back built at East Saginaw a
hotel as big as the Revere House, while yet the
woods stood round its gildings. He was one of
those Republican emperors (in the Imperial mo
ney sense) who could look into the tides of the
Bay of Fundy and figure up a contract to dam
out the sea, or project a mill at Niagara big
enough to take all the five lakes to turn its wheel.
Reuben Fen ton,Governor, gray-haired, shrewd
benignity lying in the deep business lines of his
face, a man of luck and dash, brought up in a
wild corner of New York, and ready for any
spasm of nature or fever of man to feel the pulse
of either, he represents the New York of the
railway century, when the wilderness began to
reach out toward the coast and we burst the
Alleghanies with our iron wires. He was a shop
keeper’s clerk, a corporation secretary, a wag
oner, a wood-hauler, a speculator. His little
lake county is pierced through with railways
now, though there are Indians at home in it yet.
Daniel Drew, mean in the penny and a gam
bier in the pound, with his name familiarly writ
ten along the great river, holding fast to his early
faith in Methodism and one ot those men who
is making it monumental, his aims in steamboat
ing have come to fact in these leviathans that
are like the Tuileries afloat, and those who
charge that he is penurious and small, must
speak of private matters, for his public erections
have not been such as a little man could build.
The old man Croesus, beautiful as Vanderbilt;
arrow-straight, with the dart look keen in his
eye. Gray seems to be the color of the locks of
youth as we see his spun out of vital silver. His
private love is a horse, bat yonder goes his real
steed—the locomotive on the river bank, at fifty
miles an hour. He used to be a pilot in New
York waters, and afterward a schooner’s caDtain.
When steam e&me on, he gave it homes worthy
of its power, in great hulls and magnificent loco
motives, so that to-day he is the owner almost
outright of the only lines between the metropo
lis and the capital of New York. His ships are
in the navy and on all the seas. He draws a
check at sight for a million, and yet this man
can have no higher amusement than whist 1 Ob,
incapacity of cash! to cover trails of ten thou
sand continuous miles, with lines of ships, and
yet exclaim: * “ There’s nothing richer than
whist! ” To count four aces nobler than a rail
way. To say: “ My God! my whistles are
heard in three zones, but I cannot be happy
without the odd trick!”
Bern abe Lame, a farmer near Quebec, went
into his field a tew days ago to separate two
bulls, which were fighting. Both animals im
mediately turned upon him, horribly mutilating
him, tearing him almost naked on the spot. He
was picked up by a person passing in a vehicle
. ,. . i sometime aftewaid, and removed to his dwelling,
ascribe it to the stock instead of the grafted twig, j w jjere he died in the course of five hoars.
We are opposed to negro equality, because, as
light as it may seem in the eyes of some, he is
ilack—black with us is the symbol of sorrow and
mourning—when we pat it on as a symbol we
thereby declare our sorrow lor some lost one
A squad of soldiers, commanded by a C-apt.
Pierce, guttc-d a newspaper office in Camden,
Arkansas, recently. Cause—* 4 the soldiers bad
been exasperated at the editorials. ” Don’t exas
perate the animals, my dear.
The Little Girl that got Lost in the
Mountains.—We published a few days since a
paragraph giving an account of a little girl who
went out from her father’s house in the evening
to look for the cows and was not seen again for
nine days. We learn from a gentleman from
Augusta county that she spent the entire time of
her absence in a place called “Big Level,” on the
Blue Ridge in Augusta, and that she lived all
the time on berries. She says she only saw one
living creature whilst she was iu tbe woods, and
that was “a hairy thing like a dog” that came to
her in the night time. It is supposed to have
been a bear. Her age is nine years. There is &
special Providence that watches over and pro
tects the “little ones.”
From the Louisville Courier, 94th instant.
Female Federal Splea-Thetr Operation*
In Loubrtlie marine War.
_ During tbe spring and summer ot 1863, the
city of Louisville was lined with spies, male and
female, who were operating in the interest of the
United States Government. These agents did
net confine their labors to Kentucky, bat also
operated in Southern Indiana, visited the towns
and hamlets, wherever any clue could be obtain
ed to parties dealing in articles contrabrand of
war. The female spies were generally disguised
in male attire, and so complete was the decep
tion, that they visited the Louisville Hotel, Galt
House, theatre, and other public places, without
attracting any particular attention or exciting the
slightest suspicion as to their sex. They appear
ed like young men of eighteen or twenty years of
age, and dressed in the latest styles, twisting their
fancy canes and smoking cigars like young bloods
of the first water. With the exception of, per
haps, three or tour civilians, their range of ac-
quaintacnes was confined to the officers then on
doty at this post. It was their custom to report
at the provost marshal’s office in lemale attire
every day, and as there were women constantly
at the office on business, the presence of these
spies never gave rise to any suspicion.
* * * * * *.. * *
These females frequently made incursions
through the lines, and penetrated the depths of
the Confederacy, gaining important information
regarding the movements ot the ene.my. Of
these the most daring was a handsome young ac
tress, who had been a great favorite at Wood’s
Theatre in this city. She has since, we under
stand, published a yellow covered history of her
operations in the Confederacy. But the most in
teresting part ot it has never been written. It
was the manner in which she was engaged as a
spy and the cunning plan by which she was de
livered through the line to the Confederates as
an “enemy” to the Union. If we mistake not
she was playing a part in the “ Seven Sisters ”
when it occurred to the Provost Marshal that
she would be just the “trick” For a spy. It was
accordingly proposed to her, and she “ accepted
tbe situation in good faith,” agreeing to abide by
and follow out the instructions laid down. In
one of the scenes a banquet occurs, at which
each of the performers gave a toast, in which
they ained to make a “local hit.” It was Under
stood that this actress should advance to the foot
lights and drink “the health of Jeff. Davis and the
Southern Confederacy,” when she was to be in
stantaneously arrested by the Provost Marshal,
who was on hand with his guards for- that pur
pose. Tbe programme was carried out to the
letter and the result was a great sensation.. The
audience in their bewilderment could scarcely
believe their ears, eyes or senses, and as she was
a favorite on the Louisville boards, the sympathy
for the supposed rash young lady was deep and
earnest, although her friends were powerless to
help her, or save their pet from the impending
doom. On the following day, this incident (not
set down in the programme,) was the topic of
conversation, and many were the expressions of
sympathy for this act of madness in the very
teeth of the blue coats and bristling bayonets.—
It will be recollected that at that time the thea
ters were under the supervision of a provost
guard, who were ready to “snatch” the first one
who committed, by act or word, a breach ot
loyalty. The newspapers recorded the arrest of
the fair actress, and in due time it was announc
ed that she was to be sent through the lines lor
disloyalty to the government. This was con
sidered a lenient sentence, but it was generally
supposed that she was deemed a monomaniac
by the military authorities. Of course, no per
sons but himself and two or three of the military
were supposed to be in the secret, or had any
idea that it was all premeditated on their part.
When the day for her departure arrived, she
was conducted to the outposts with the usual
baggage allowed in such cases, in which were
stowed away copies of the papers containing
accounts of the affair. The guards who con
ducted her to the line of Dixie were no doubt in
total ignorance of the fact that she was on her
mission as a Federal spy. The ruse succeeded
admirably, and she had scarcely penetrated the
Confederate lines until the much-abused young
lady was received with open arms by a detach
ment of the “enemy” as a martyr to their cause.
Her career in the South with the armies of Gen
erals Bragg, Morgan, and others, and her tri
umphant reception on the Richmond boards as
the persecuted actress of the North—together
with her subsequent detection, conviction, and
sentence of death as a Federal spy, are all mat
ters of yellow-covered history. She was rescued
from prison at the fall of Murfreesboro’, when
the Federals took possession, and sent to Nash
ville, where she had a big reception and received
some handsome presents from those who appre
ciated her trials and faithfulness to the Union
cause. The government afterward commissioned
her as major, and for aught we know she wears
the rank to-day and receives Day. though we
have not heard of her ever having been assigned
to the command of any department. The last
account we had of her she was one of the at
tractions at Barnum’s Museum, in New York
Here endeth the first chapter of the operations
of Federal spies in this city during the war.
From the National Intelligencer.
ComipeBdcnn TfenrM* *he Prriident
and General Grant—General Grant Ob
ject* to Sberldaa?* Removal—Tbe Pres
ident Replies. -
We publish this morning the correspondence,
about which so much curiosity has been express
ed, between the President ana General Grant, in
relation to the removal of General Sheridan, and
tor the present leave it. to speak for itself:
PRESIDENT JOHNSON TO GEN ERA I. GRANT.
" ■ ' Executive Mansion.^ !
■ Washington, D. C., 'August 17,1867.)
Dear Sir : Before you issue instructions to
carry into effect the enclosed order, I would be
pleased to hear any suggestions you may deem
necessary respecting the assignment to which
the order refers. Truly yours.
Andrew Johnson.
Gen. XL S. Grant, Secretary of War ad interim.
THE ORDER OF REMOVAL.
* Executive Mansion, (
Washington, D. C-, Aug. 17,1867. \
Major General George H. Thomas is hereby
assigned to the command ot the Filth Military
District, created bv the act of Congress passed
on the 2d day of March, 1867.
Major General P. H. Sheridan is hereby as
signed to the command ot the Department ot the
Missouri. _ , . , ,
Major General Winfield S. Hancock is hereby
assigned to the command of the Department of
the Cumberland. . . ■
The Secretary of War ad interim will give the
necessary instructions to carry this order into
effect.
GEN. GRANT TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
Headquarters Armies of the United States, t
Washington, D. O., Aug. 17,1867. (
His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States:
Sm—I am in receipt of your order of this
date, directing the assignment ol General G. H.
Thomas to the command of the Fifth Military
District, General Sheridan to the Department of
the Missouri, and General Hancock to the De
partment of the Cumberland. Also, your note
of this date, enclosing these instructions, saying,
“Before you issue instructions to carry into effect
the enclosed order I would be pleased to hear any
suggestions you may deem necessary respecting
the assignments to which the order refers.” I
am pleased to avail myself of this invitation to
urge—earnestly urge—urge in the name of a
patriotic people, who have sacrificed hundreds
of thousands of loyal lives and thousands of
millions of treasure to preserve the integrity and
union of this country—that this order should
not be insisted on. It is unmistakably the ex
pressed wish of the country that General Sheri
dan should not be removed from his present
command. This is a Republic where the will
of the people<is the law of the land. I beg that
their voice may be heard. General Sheridan
has performed his civil duties faithfully and in
telligently. His removal will only be regarded
as an effort to defeat the laws of Congress. It
will be interpreted by the unreconstructed ele
ment in the South—those who did all they
could to break up this Government by arms,
and row wish to be the only element consulted
as to the method of restoring order—as a tri
umph. It will embolden them to renewed op
position to the will of the loyal masses, believ
ing that they have the Executive with them.—
The services of General Thomas in battling for
the Union entitle him to some consideration.
He has repeatedly entered his protest against
being assigned to either ot the five military
districts, and especially to being assigned to re
lieve General Sheridan. General Hancock ought
not to be removed from where he is. His de
partment is a complicated one, which will take
a new commander some time to become ac
quainted with. There are military reasons,
pecuniary reosons, and, above all, patriotic rea
sons why this order should not be insisted on.
I beg to refer to a letter marked private, which
1 wrote to the President when first consulted on
the subject of the change in the War Depart
ment. It bears upon the subject of this removal,
and I had hoped would have prevented it.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
your obedient servant, U. S. Grant,
Gen. U. S. A., & Sec. ot War ad interim.
Wrestling Matches of Girls.
The Japanese and the Arabs have recently
given our airusement-loving public some extra
ordinary entertainments, but none of them, we
should think, can equal the exhibition lately
witnessed by an English traveler at the Rapp
Theater in Stockholm, Sweden. This was a
series ot wrestling matches between girls, and is
thus described: They were apparently of the
class called extras at the theaters, and were
dressed in long-sleeved skirts fastening around
the throat, the short loose trousers of the debor-
deur, tights, of course, and boots.
They had been instructed in certain rules of
the strife, (which defined the space of the adver
sary’s body for the grip, and forbade pinching
and kicking,) all duly set forth iu the play-bills
the pay ot a rix dollar a night apiece, and a
prize of lour rix dollars for the winner, were
left to fight it out on the stage. The principal
dancer picked out the couples one after the other,
and as the fate of each pair was decided, the
vanquished girl retired to the back of the stage,
while the winner stood on one side to wrestle
again with the others equally fortunate as her
self.
It was a thoroughly genuine thing, and well
worth seeing. The girls dodged and gripped,
and struggled in good earnest, and many were
the mishaps to hair and garment, and many the
strong, white limb exposed; while the ever
changing attitudes of their lissom forms so un
consciously significant and graceful, deserved the
less of the photographer or the sculptor’s chisel
to confer undying immortality of Herr Rappo,
the manager.
As the ties were worked off, the excitement
grew very severe, and when the last couple,
blown, dishevelled and flushed, stood up for the
four rix, ihe backing of green breeches or red
breeches was like the clatter of a betting ring
when the odds were rising on the favorite, and
the professionals find themselves on the gridiron.
This extremely aesthetic exhibition, with ta
bleaux vivants, pantomimic ballet, performances
on the trapez, end a presentation ot the immor
tal fight of Sayers and Heenan between a couple
of wretched Whitechapel acrobats, was all to be
seen for the highest price of two rix dollars
and no smoking allowed!—Ex.
Rank and Title in the- Army.—The fol
lowing regulations from the War Department,
have been promulgated in General Orders No.
79, from the headquarters of the army:
“ Adjutant General's Office, Washington.
“ Under section 29 of the act approved July
18,1866, the provisions of section 34 of the same
act do not apply to officers bolding commissions
in the regular army, except that their volunteer
rank shall be entered upon tbe official army re
gister accordingly. No officer of the regular
army will be officially addressed by any other
than the title attached to his lineal or brevet
rank in the iegular army; and no officer will
wear any other than the uniform prescribed for
his linen! or brevet grade in the same."
Foreign Item*,
The King of Bavaria and the K>ng of Portu
gal were the two handsomest kmgs in Paris.—
The girls were all crazy about his Bavarian Ma
jesty, and called him the King ot Hearts.
A correspondent of the London Star says:
We have had such looseness of quotation
among literary men lately—Wordsworth for
Keats in the Times, Kemble for Moore in the
Athenaeum, &c.—that the L«rd Mayor is to be
excused 'or quoting as the words of Edward
Everett the finest sentence ever uttered by that
great orator, Daniel Webster.” -
The Vert- Vert, a literary journal ot Paris,
says that Alexander Dumas, jr., was the only
celebrated French author who accepted U1L
mann’s offer to make a lecturing tour through
the United States. Similar propositions were
made to other literary celebrities, but declined.
Alexander Dnmas, jr., has not yet given up his
plan to visit the United States. But he refuses
to make a contract with an impressario. Alex
ander Dumas, jr., will be accompanied by his
wife, a Russian Princess, and his two little chil
dren.
It is rumored that a reconciliation has taken
place between Gen. Prim and Marshal O’Donnel,
his former opponent The great influence of the
victor of Tetuan over the Spanish army will
render the speedy success of the revolutionary
party almost a matter of certainty. The usually
well informed correspondent of the Independence
Beige predicts that the horrors of the impending
Spanish revolution will equal those of 1793, the
PRESIDENT JOHNSON TO GENERAL GRANT.
Executive Mansion,
Washington, D. C., August 19,1867. .
General—I have received your communica
tion of the 17tli instant, and thank you for the
promptness with which you have submitted
your views respecting tbe assignments directed
in my order of that date. When I stated in my
unofficial note of the 17th that I would be pleased
to hear any suggestions you might deem neces
sary upon the subject, it was not my intention
to ask from you a formal report, but rather to
invito a verbal statement of any reasons, affect
ing the public interests, which, in your opinion,
would render the order inexpedient. Inasmuch
however, as you have embodied your suggestions
in a written communication, it is proper that I
should make some reply. You earnestly urge
that the order be not insisted on, remarking that
it “ is unmistakably the expressed wish of the
country that General Sheridan should not be
removed from his present command.” While I
am cognizant of the efforts that have been made
to retain General Sheridan in command of the
Fifth Military District, I am not aware that the
question has ever been submitted to the people
themselves for determination. It certainly would
be unjust to the army to assume that in the opin
ion of the nation he alone is capable of com
manding the States of Louisiana and Texas, and
that were he, for any cause, removed, no other
General in the military service of the United
States would be competent to fill his place.—
General Thomas, whom I have designated as
his successor, is well known to the country.—
Having won high and honorable distinction in
the field, he has since, in the execution of the
responsible duties of a department commander,
exhibited great ability, sound discretion, and
sterling patriotism ; he lias not failed, under the
most trying circumstances, to enforce the laws,
to preserve peace and order, to encourage the
restoration of civil authority, and to promote, as
far as possible, a spirit of reconciliation. His
administration of the Department of the Cum
berland will certainly compare most favorably
with that of General Sheridan in the Fifth Mil
itary District. These affairs appear to be in a
disturbed condition, and a bitter spirit ot antag
onism seems to have resulted from General Sher
idan’s management. He has rendered himself ex
ceedingly obnoxious by the manner in which he
has exercised even the powers conferred by Con
gress, and still more so by a resort to authority
not granted by law, nor necessary to its faithful
and efficient execution. His rule has, in fact, been
one of absolute tyranny, without reference to the
principles of our Government, or the nature
of our free institutions. The state of affairs
which has resulted from the course lie lias pur
sued has seriously interfered with a harmonious,
satisfactory, and speedy execution of the acts of
Congress, and is alone sufficient to justify a
change. His removal, therefore, cannot be re
garded as an effect to defeat the laws of Con
gress ; for the object is to facilitate their execu
tion through an officer who has never failed to
obey the statutes of tbe land, and to exact with
in his jurisdiction a like obedience from others.
It cannot be interpreted by “tbe unreconstructed
element in the South—those who did all they
could to break up this Government by arms, and
now wish to be the only element consulted as to
the method of restoring order—as a triumph; ”
for, as intelligent men, they must know that the
mere change of military commanders cannot
alter the law, and that General Thomas will be
as much bound by its requirements as General
Sheridan. It cannot ’‘embolden them to renew
ed opposition to the will of the loyal masses, be
lieving that they have the Executive with them,
for they are perfectly familiar with the antece
dents of the President, and know that he has not
obstructed the faithful execution of any act of
Congress.
No one, as you are aware, has a higher appre
ciation than myself of the services of General
Thomas, and no one would be less inclined to as
sign him to a command not entirely to his wish
itaiy and naval forces. I am discharging
required of fne by the WITT "STlIto tfSttfcn, ifet
formally declared in the supreme law of the land.
By his oath, the Executive is solemnly bound,
to the best ot his ability, to preserve, protect and
defend tbe Constitution. Although in times of
great excitement it may be lost to public view,
it is his duty, without regard to the consequence
to himself, to hold sacred and to enforce any and
all of its provisions. Any other course would
lead to the destruction of the Republic, for the
Constitution once abolished, there would be no
Congress for the exercisetof legislative powers,
no Executive to see that the laws are faith
fully executed, no Judiciary to afford to the
citizen protection ot life, limb or property.—
Usurpation would inevitably fellow, and a despot
ism be fixed upon the people, in violation of their
combined and expressed will. In conclusion, I
fail to perceive any “ military,” “ pecuniary,” or
“ patriotic reasons ” why this order should not
be earned into effect. You will remember that
in the first instance, I did not consider General
Sheridan the most suitable officer for the com
mand of the Fifth Military District. Time lias
strengthened my convictions upon this point,
and has led me to the conclusion that patriotic
considerations demand that he should be super-
ceded by an officer who, while he faithfully exe
cutes the law, will at the same time give more
general satisfaction to the people, white and
black, North and South.
I am, General, very respectfully yours,
Andrew Johnson.
Gen. U. S. Grant, Secretary ot War ad interim.
General Grant and the President.
The correspondence between the President and
General Grant, relative to the removal of Gene
ral Sheridan, should be carefully read and re
membered. In an unguarded hour, the inevita
ble cigar lell from the Bps of General Grant and
his utterance reveals ip a moment more than the
country could reasonably anticipate in a year.
We had witnessed the progress of the Iron Hand
when General Sickles contemptuously thrust
aside a decision of the Chief Justice, and, when
reminded of his insubordination, impudently
pretended to argue the question with his supe
rior authorities. If this was a grave misdemea
nor on the part of Sickles, how much more de
plorably autocratic is it on the part of the
silent and mysterious Grant ? Here we have the
strange spectacle of a General lecturing the
Executive on certain points of civil law
and duty; a case so grossly at variance with the
better days of Republican liberty, that even the
most servile idolater of the gods ot Radicalism
must shudder to contemplate. The President
has rebuked and resented it in the neatest and
most decisive manner and few who condemned
him for supineness and irresolution in the past
will fail to respect and honor him for his present
course. To what a mean and despicable scale
of degradation would the Chief Magistracy des
cend if a blunt soldier can reduce it to puppet
machineiy ? Who would care to have that bar
ren honor which is full of kicks and snubs ?
We very much mistake General Grant himself,
if, changing places with Mr. Johnson, he would
endure such treatment; we very much mistake
him if he would not exhibit a just violence of
action, avoided in this instance by the President.
This correspondence should bring home to
the Northern people the tremendous aid they
are giving the military to forge chains for the
civil power. The most reticent and cautious of
the commanders has spoken, and what are his
views ? Briefly they are these :
First. The pre-eminence of martial law in
a republican form of government.
Second. The dominant pretensions of a popular
will, moulded by the bayonet and coerced bi
partisan tyranny.
Third. The total abnegation of any rights to
a presumed minority, notwithstanding the sup
posed minority are most deeply affected by ex
isting legislation.
The President, on the other hand, affirms :
First. The supremacy of the “combined and
expressed will of the people.”
Second. The irregularity and incendiarism of
all acts in coutravention of that compact.
If even the relics of a good form of republi
canism are worth preservation; and if the honor
and glory of the country, not to speak of its free
dom, are matters of permanent interest: right,
minded patriots of every creed, condition or
party must applaud the man who stands forth as
the champion of constitutional law and the do
minion of civil justice over the drum-head atroci
ties of the sword.
The New York Herald, of the 26th instant,
which secs iu this correspondence, another stride
toward an inevitable political revolution, says:
“Mr. Johnson now holds in his hands the forces
that can resolve this problem of reconstruction.
If he will ouly rise to the demands of the occa
sion he may restore himself to the confidence of
the North. His letter to General Grant is full
of executive power aud a determination that it
shall not be wrested from him. The whole
common sense of the country sustains his effort
to keep his poise despite the desire of Congress
to overturn him. Let them impeach him. He
may challenge it and win. Let him overturn
the clashing elements in his own Cabinet; the
country will applaud. Let him drive back the
black cloud that threatens both North and South;
he will receive all aid. President Lincoln issued
an emancipation proclamation for the blacks ;
let Andrew Johnson issue, by universal amnesty,
an emancipation for tbe white portion of the
population of the United States.”
These are brave and wholesome words; and
although we do not understand how a procla
mation of universal amnesty can avail in con
tradistinction to the infamous scheme of Con
gress, we are willing to believe that it may prove
a rallying cry ot power and majesty in the great
West and on the Border, summoning the clans
of Conservtism to a gallant struggle for the res
toration ot a White Government and the rights
of white men to direct that government in the
outraged and insulted South.
revolutionists being terribly exasperated at the
bloody measures adopted by Narvaez and the
Court party.
Gen. Prim, the leader of the Revolutionary
party of Spain, lately addressed a letter to Queen
Isabella of Spain, informing her that she would
be held personally responsible for any further
executions of members of the Liberal party, and
that Liberal blood would be avenged in Bourbon
blood. The Queen tried to ascertain how this
letter had been smuggled into her toilet room;
However, her efforts were unavailing.
Knowing him as I do, I cannot think he will
hesitate for a moment to obey my order, having
in view a complete and speedy restoration of the
Union, in the preservation of which he has rend
ered such important and valuable services. Gene
ral Hancock, known to the whole country as a
gallant, able, and patriotic soldier, will, I have no
doubt, sustain his high reputation in any posi
tion to which be may be assigned. If, as you ob
serve, the Department which he will leave is a
complicated one, I feel confident that under the
guidance and instructions of General Sherman,
General Sheridan will soon become familiar with
its necessities, and will avail himself of the op
portunity afforded by the Indian troubles for the
display of the energy, enterprise and daring which
gave him so enviable a reputation during our civil
struggle. In assuming that it is the expressed
wish of the people that General Sheridan should
not be removed from his present command, you
remark that “this is a Republic where the will of
the people is the law of the land,” and “beg that
their voice may be heard.” This is, indeed, a
Republic, based, however, upon -a written Con
stitution. That Constitution is the combined
and expressed will of the people, and their voice
is law when reflected in the manner which that
instrument prescribes. While one of its provi
sions makes the President Commander-in-Cbief
of the army and navy, another requires “he shall
take care that the law is faithfully executed.”—
Believing that a change of command of the
Fifth District is absolutely necessaiy for a faith
ful execution of the laws, I "have issued the
order which is the subject of this correspon
dence, and in thus exercising a power that
inheres in the Executive under the Consti-
i tattoo, as Commander-in-Chief of the mil-
General E. K. F. Can by.
This officer, who has been assigned by order
of the Presiden 1 , to the command of this district,
was born in Kentucky, and oppointed to West
Point from Indiana. He graduated in 1839, and
served with credit in the Mexican war. In 1860,
he was major ot the 7th infantry, and while on
duty in New Mexico, he conducted a campaign
against the Narvahoes, with great success.
At the beginning of the War General Canby
found himself Colonel of the 19th Infantry, and
in command of the Department of New Mexico.
He commanded the Union forces at the battle of
Valverdie, in which the Confederate forces, un
der Sibley and Green, gained a decided success.
Finally, the Confederate forces, under Sibley, re
turned to Texas, General Canby claiming iu his
official report that the latter (Sibley) had been
“compelled to abandon a country he had entered
lo conquer and occupy, leaving behind him, iu
dead and wounded, and in sick aud prisoners*
one-lialt of liis original force.”
Soon after this General Canby was ordered to
Washington, and was, for a time, Assistant Sec-
retary of War.
In April, 1864, after the battle of Pleasant
Grove, and the consequent retreat, which mark
ed the lailure of the Red River expedition, Gen
eral Banks was ordered to bring his campaign
to a close without delay. Alexandria, was evac
uated, and on May 20,1864, General Canby hav
ing appeared as commander ot the Trans-Mis
sissippi Department, the army was turned over
to him by General Banks.
During the summer and fall of 1864, General
Canby remained in New Orleans, but upon the
overthrow of General Hood at Nashville, he
proceeded to attempt the reduction of Mobile,
then held by General Maury. This movement
resulted in the evacuation of Mobile, which took
place in April, 1865. On May 4tb, the surrender
to General Canby of General Dick Taylor’s
forces, was effected at Citronelle, and this, to the
best of our knowledge, closed General Canby’s
acti ve career in the late war.
Of General Canby we know nothing person
ally, but he is spoken of in high terms by the
New Orleans correspondents of various journals.
One of them, referring to General Sheridan, says:
With these facts staring him in the face, and
the knowledge that his immediate predecessor
(General Canby) was a high-toned gentleman
and gallant officer, who bad won tbe respect and
confidence of this people by attempting to hon
estly and faithfully discharge his duties as an
officer of the government and not the represen
tative of a party, it is surprising that Sheridan -
did not attempt to remove some ot the odium
that attached to his name by following the com
mendable and praiseworthy example of General
Canby.”
General Canby is said to be a fine executive
officer, and a thorough military man. In bis
opinions he is said to tea moderate Republican,
who takes no prominent part in politics and
cares but little to have anything to do with po
litical affairs. Indeed, the New York Tribune
pointedly says “ no one has ever called Canby a
Radical.”—Charleshm Mercuiy.
Returned.—On Wednesday last the five
freedmen charged with the murder of Judge
J. C. W. Horne of this county, were brought
back from Macon to Americas, in irons, and
were committed to jail, to await trial before the
Superior Court of this Circuit of which the
Hon. D. A. Vason is Presiding Judge. As the
regular term of the Court comes off in October,
it is not believed that a session will be called to
consider and adjudicate this case.
Col. Dunn, of Indiana, Assistant Advocate
General of the United States, passed through
here two or three days ago from Washington.
He says that Kentucky must be reconstructed,
Well Dunn !—Louisville Journal,