Newspaper Page Text
2
Meteorological table for Oel. 1850 kept by E.M. Pendleton, «>•
At Sparta, Ga. Lal. 33 q 16' N-Long. from Washington 68 W. Eleva
tide sso feet. : - - --- *
j i Ulear Course of Rain I
= BAROME- THERMOME- ness Wind . in REMARKS.
S TER. I TER.aky. inch-
's Sun 3 o’clL> Slgl£ IgaS J Sun 3p M es.
S Rise. P. M. aj Q z 3» «. rlse -_ ;
1 J N „ E
2 “43 “ 40154 81 27 20 67| 8 4N W N
3 “38 “46 6177 16 23 69 910 N ENE Windj.
4 “45 “ 50154 76 22 23 65 10 10 N ES b
5 “48 “ 45153 79 26 21 66 10 10 N E N iw’/Xiirhl
6l “42 “45588022 21 69 10 9N W N Windy at nigh .
7 “49 “5559 74 15 21 661 3 7N EN L
8 “51 “55537320 18 63 8 8 N 8 E
9 “ 57 “ 52 55 76 21 24 651 10 1° \ E
10 “52 “56 52 76 24 13 64 8 4 N 8 E
U “ :: MII -It ??i lIOV N W ]Fir. t Quarter.
14 “36 “ 38161 81 20 18 71* 09 E W Mist of rain.
15 “43 “406382 19 19 721 5 7 E IN E ,
16 “43 “47638320 20 73 94NES h ,
JJ “S o 6S EW 0 30 Thunder and lightning.
J? “?2“41 ?6 IS !°5 1? 53110 WNW N W Full Moyn.
2! “46 “534467 23 21 551 10 10 N NW
22 “48 “ 48|46 74 28 24 60 10 10 N » W
g:U“■S* 11 ® »V| W »J> HS y ..d wind A »«M.
25 “29 “ 26|60 52 811 56 0 OS’EN W 0 26 Wester
26 “23 “24 41 56 15 191481 10 9 N W NW Cold North Wester.
27 “40 “ 49'37 59i22 19|48 10I0NWNW Last quarter.
28 “58 “ 62|40 64j24 22152 10 9NE N E First frost. Cotton ntppe -
’29 « 531 “554271 29 23 SBJ 9 BNWBE ;Frost.
30 “ 52] “55487022 18 59 6 9INIE S E
31 « 521 “ 54152172120 19162 8 10|N Ep E 1
Mean. Temprature, 63.2.—Mean, Btirnmeifi*-? 9 -- 40
sky, and great range of thermometer.
I'UO alter date application will
be made to the Honorable Inferior Court
of Richmond county, when sittmgfor ° rd ‘“” ?
purposes, for leave to sell the real estate of Ml
ehael Kincbley, Ute of -id
September 98,1850.
S rbl’lCEl—Four months after date, applica-
JN tion will be made to the Inferior Court of
Orlethorpe county, when sitting as a Court of
Ordinary, for leave to sell the negroes belonging
to the estate of Jacob Eberhart, deceased.
‘ ABEL EBERHART, ) Ex . r3 .
ADAM EBERHART, S
September 21» 1850.
OURMONTHS afterdate, application will
be made to the Honorable the Inferior
Court of Richmond county, while sitting for or
dinary’ purposes, for leave to sell the real and per
sonal property belonging to the estate of John 1
Diehl, late of said county, deceased.
MARY DIEHL, Qualified Ex rx.
August 13, 1850. _
be made to the Honorable the Inferior
Court of Richmond county, while sitting for ordi
nary purposes, for leave to sell the real estate and
AdmiMiMtrator with the will annexed.
August 13, 1850. _
after date application will
tj be made to the Inferior Court of Warren
county, when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for
leave to sell the real estate of Williams. de
ceased. MARY WILLIAMS, Adm’x.
July 23 si
MONTHS after date application will
J? be made to the Honorable Justices of the in-
Court of Burke county, when sitting for
Ordinary purposes, for leave 10 sell a m’g ro J'°y>
Al en, belonging to the 'estate of Henry Godbee,
deceaied. SIMEON 8. GODBEE, Adm’r.
July 9,1850.
FOUR MONTHS after date application wit
be made to the Inferior Court of Burke coun
tv. when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for leave
to sell two tracts of land in said county, on the
line of the Augusta and Waynesboro' Railroad,
also the lands in Twiggs, Wilkinson and Jones,
belonging to Sarah J Jones, a minor.
J. yv:,
William E. IKghes. .
ROBERT B. McCORD,
Guardian for Wm. E. Hughes’ childien.
September 14,1850. ,
TIOUB MONTHS after date, application
Jc will be made to the Honorable Inferior
Court Os Burke county, when sitting far ordinary
purposes, for leave to sell all the real estate of
Mrs Martha Darlington, late of Burke county,
deceased. RICHARD H. DARLINGTON
September 14, 1850. Adm r.
WwMW
PHILIP A. MOIbE,
' a DEALER IN
FRESH AND GENUINE WF
HL DRUGS AND MEDICINES,®
PAINTS, OILS, DYE STUFFS, BRUSH
ES. PERFUMERY. PATENT MF.DI
CJNRS, SURGICAL INSTRU
MENTS, 4c. 4c. 4c.
MetcalFs Kti-’B?’ Broad.strrel,
august a, geo.,
Has just returned from N»W.. A «rk with a
large and well asserted stock “f the above
articles, which he offers for sale as low as they
can be purchased iu the Southern couutry. Mer
would do well
4 U a are authormed Io announce that the
IWhorable John McPherson Berrien will ad
drew the citizens of Coweta county i„ the
town of Newnan, on Tuesday, the 12th of
tois Republic.
despatch received in Macon on Thu a
d?y’|fr° f ni ' r " 1 Ju S bee '." ow *n Boston in search
the fugitives, Crafts aild his wife.sayX
" ei^ Se 7 e ' ed a,ld ,ba ‘ "* had nor
been able to make the arret. Another <’es
patch was also received from a prominent
merchant of Boston, a-king the present own
m u.eP 8 P " C t Up °“ ,be 't'Sttives, with a view
o their purchase and emancipation. This
pn.postt.on, it is understood, was declined by I
that gentleman, until after the return of the !
*hve. home when he is willing to sell them
«l a reasonable prtce—Constitutionalist. 6th . ,
By Telegraph to the Constitutionalist.
„ _, Nkw York. Nov. 5, P. M.
stJememof h .b nel °P Rf P oblic “‘’“‘"‘dicta the
*atement of the Present ordering troops to
Charleston, Nov. 5,—P. M
a. t ,T°.V There “ ere7So l»>es sold to-day
•l 13 to 13j cents. Prices are drooping. '
[Telegraphed for the Constitutionalist.]
Charleston, Nov. 4,7 p, xr
en ‘ EiT** y es,erda y ordered the
whole dtsposah<e force ot the United S-ares
Artillery and Infantry to Boston.
r m New ' Nov. 4> P. M.
\° TT ?* —The market is quiet, with sales
Rice— Sales at s3s.
v Char lestos, Nov. 4, P. M.
. ® er Prices are fully sustain-.
rd, and the sales to day reach 2,000 bales at
pnow ranging from 13 j.ifl to iaicenu ’
iEFSr. P. F. Eve will leave for Lo««-
about ten days, and expecU
to resume the Practice of Surgery {m this shy
by the 10th of March. Attorney
J Mr. J.C. Carmichael will be his Attorn .
during his absence.
ENGLISH, French and American 7 OILET
POWDER, just received and for safety
029 P. A MOISE, Druggist.
rNIRE SCREENS, FIRE SCREENS—A
C beautiful assortment of ire Screens.
For sale by DUNHAM f BLEAKLEY
j«l
REGIMENTAL NOTICE
10TH REGIMENT, G. M.
DR T. B.PHINIZY having been appointed
Surgeon of the 10th Regiment, all l>e™°"’
Who are legally exempt from M.ht.a duty will
apply 10 him fortheir certificates., ByRD ,
o » Colonel 10th Regiment, G. M.
3iiguota, ®a.
Saturday Morning, Nor. 9, 1850.
The Military and the Fantasti
cals.
We want room to say, what we intended,
about the parade of the 10th regiment of the
militia, and the Fantastical on Thursday.
This latter company was unique of its kind.
We are pleased to learn that it was not intend
ed to ridicule the militia system, nor to bring
into contempt the enforcement of the militia
UllU . 1
laws of the state, but m rcly to give arcJujesa
to absurdity, and life and spirit 10 a rich gdn
ceit. Our neighbor of the Constitutionlhsi
served up yesterday a graphic
the Fantasticals, their dress, bearing and c<FF
lege, which was well calculated
readers. Our crowded columns
opportunity to give a descript' the
„ f „ ur JLI ° WD >
■ U :' l 11 :ii '
gratified at the complete
success of Col. Byid, in his attempt to organ
ize the Re, iment. He deserves much praise,
and the large turn out of our citizens showed
how most of them appreciated his efforts. The
day was fine and the pageant novel and pleas
ing.
Southern Kights meeting in
Greene.
We had the pleasure of attending the meet
ing in Greene, the proceedings of which we
publish to day. It was gratifying to our in
most soul, to see the spirit, the determination,
and zeal which animated the intelligent free
men, who participated in that meeting. They
vindicated gloriously the noble character which
the people of old Greene have heretofore berne,
as the firm, consistent advocates of the rights
ot the States.
The preample and resolutions contain a suc
cint and able exposition of the caures of South
thern discontent and take lofty and true South
ern ground.
The venerable Thomas Stocks presided over
the meeting with the gtace, dignity and firm
ness which have heretofore characterised him,
as the presiding officer of our State Senate.
We looked upon him as the President of a
meeting assembled to protectour tights and
honor, with peculiar interest and admiration.
The caodid-tes, whose names will be found in
the reported proceedings are men of firmness,
reliability and intelligence. The character of
Greene and Georgia will be safe in their bands.
We would bo pleased to say more, but our
space forbids it.
Messrs- Toombs and Stephens.
We learn that the friends of submission re
fused free discussion on the occasion, ot
Messrs. Toombs and Stephens’s meeting with
the citizens of Muscogee on Saturday last.
T|ieir tiforts it is reported were of no avail
I I'll-l p
frbm the territories and Veto
easwe of the whole people; al.-d to abolish
fixa e n y l i In ‘7 Dis ' rict ; 'hereby to
fix a oitional degradation upon ha)f s dl P s ,f (es
° f ' b ? n^ der,c y. 1 «« for disunion ; an I if
' „ J ’physical courage be equal to the mainten
’“fy my convictions of right and duty I
unll devote all lam and all I have,n earth to
consummation.
“from 1787 to this hour, the people of the
South have asked nothing but yusrice—noth
inghut Hie maintenance of ihe principlesand
spirit which controlled our fathers in the for I
mation of the constitution. Unless w e nre j
unworthy of our ancestors, we will never ac-!
cept less as a condition of union.”
You admit you have not performed your
constitutional duty; that you withhold from
us a right which wa- one of our main induce
ments to the Union; yet you won“ t £
'm2, ZZ f" r '"i iOgieS ° f * Union
most Scared principles you hate thus trampled
! “Your fathers accepted the trust, protected
the slaveholdei and another cn,r.ens in their
rights, and in all respects faithfully and hon
estly executed the trust; but they have been
u. alhe y d t 0 the ’ r ftlbers . and H was left to
their degenerate sons to break their faith with
, us,and insolently to attempt toplay the mas
. ter where they were admitted as 1 brethren
I trust, sir, if the representatives of the North
prove themselves unworthy of their ancestors
iro shall prove ourselves not unworthy of ours-. '
h h .d ,h et 'T thcC< ’ U ? ge t 0 what they
the valor to
“We must tell them boldly and frankly that
XrL7 a aiam,ites submission to such
degradation and rryury as they would entail
up.-n us; that we hold that to be the consum
mation of ail evil. I have staled my positions
1 have not argued them. I reserve ffist for a
future occasion. Thaw > a «
which I aether*.” •’•pniniples upon |
Calc«iat>nS t,,e Value of the
Union—-Mr. Stephens- ,
We have shown that Mr. Toombs has cal- |
culated the value of the Union. We now ■
proceed to show that Mr. Stephens has done
the same.
From Mr. Stephens’ speech of the 7th of
August, 1848, on the Clayton Compromise,
bill? Alluding to what he called a called a false
security offered by that bill, he said:
“ And this is the security for the S° u, h
which I had the temerity to rg'ect. Would
that the people of that section may ever have
men on this floor of such temerity ! 1 did re
ject it, and I shall continue to reject all such
favors. If I can get no better compr-raise, 1
shall eertainlv never take any at all. As long
as I have a seat here, I shall maintain thejust
and equal rights of my section upon this as
well as upon all other questions. I ask no
thing more, and I shall take nothing less.
All I demand is common right and common
justice; these I will have ik clear and
express terms, or I will have nothing.
speak to the North irrespective of parties- 1
recognize no party association in affiliation
upon this subject. If the two parties of the
North combine, and make a sectional issue,
and by their numerical strength vote down the
South, and deny us those equal rights to
which I think wo are in justice entitled, it will
be for the people of the South then to adopt
such a course ae they may deem proper. Ido
fiot stand here to make any threats tn their
name, nor have I authority to commit even
my own constituents to any course of policy.
They must do that for themselves. My com
mission here extends only to the maintenance
of their rights upon all questions and mea
sures that may come before me in this House.
iiwedcV intimidated in the discharge of thu
high duty,’-by any of the trembling alarms ot
the official organ that the ‘Union is in dangei
—that, unless AGITATION on this sublet is
quieted the ‘free-soil movement’ in the North
will sweep every thing before it, and that the
irovernment itself will be endangered, bum.
appeals may have their effects upon the hearts
of the timid. lam myself, not quite so easily
terrified into a surrender of my rights and
those of my constituents.
From Mr. Stephens’ speech ot August the
9th, 1850, on President Fillmore’s Texas Mes-
sage-
“I iepeat, I am no enemy to the Union—and
I am lor its preservation and its perpetuation,
IF IT CAN BE DONE UPON FRINCIPLI S OF EQUAL!
TV AND JUSTICE.
“We have heard but little from gentlemen
from that section, (the North,) f. r eight months
past but EULOGIES UPON THE UNION.
“If they expect the South to make ail too
sacrifices, to yield to every thing, and to per
mit them to carry out their sectional policy un
der the cry of ‘our glorious Union, they will
find themselves most sadly nnstakea. It u
time for mutual concessions ”
“Allegiance and protection ate reciprocal ;
where no protection is extended, no rightful
allegiance can be claimed. And no people, 111
mv judgment, who deserve the name of free
men, w ill continue their allegiance to any gov-
ernment which arrays itself, not only against
their property, but against their social and their
civil organization. It you gentlemen of the
North, then, intend to engraft upon the policy
of this common government your anti slavery
views and tn make its adion conform to yv ur
sectional purposes,if is useless to say any thing
more of compromise, settlement,adjustment or
Union.” .
“ I do not place a low estimate upon tho
value of the Union to the south ; but 1 do not
consider its dissolution, with
attending
people, in my opinion,
follows submission to insult, injury, outrage,
an^cravcn-hearted; it is the last appeal
OF TV RANTS.”
“1 have told you, sincerely and hones'ly,
; that I am for peace and the union upon any
I fair and reasonable terms, it is the must cber
■ ished sentiment of my heart.”
1 “But if you deny those terms—if you con
tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of justice,
right and equality, which should always char
acterize the deliberations of statesmen, I know
of no other alternative that will be left the
people of the South but, sooner or .ater to ‘ac
quiesce in the necessity’ of‘holding you, as the
rest of mankind, enemies in war—in peace,
friends."
We have shown that Mr. Stephens very
liberally calculated the value of the union
Wt v ill now show what he esteemed in
part at least tbe causes of Southern d scontenl.
We copy from his speech of the 9tli of Au
gust 1850.
“ A public domain lias been acquired by
the common blood und common treasure of
all, and the south who is charged with endea
vouring to control the government for their
purposes, ask nothing but that the common
territory which is the public property, mav be
opened to the entry and settlement and equal
enjoyment of all the citizens of every part of the
Republic, with their property of every descrip
tion-, while it is the north *’ho comes here and
demands that the whole of this common dom.in
t hall be set apart exclusively for themselves, or
for themselves and such persons from tbe
south as will str p themselves ot a certain spe
cies of their property, and conform their
views lo the policy of the north. I submit it
to every candid man in this house,ard toevery
' intelligent and candid man in the world
i outside the house if this is not a rxvß. state
i ment of the question."
1 “If that is the basis you propose, we need
■ say nothing further about agreement, or ad
justment—upon those terms we cannot settle.”
“But you men of the north say that we of the
' south wish to carry our slaves and that the
free labor of ti.e north cannot submit to the
' degradation of being associated wilh slave
labour.”
We will now show what Mr. Stephens
! demanded of tiie North.
R*^"^**"^^ w *‘ w,— flW r WM?!errSn3
bill.
i ‘I speak not for others but for Myself De
prive us of ihis right and appropriate the com
, mon property to yourslves, it is then your
government not mine. Then lam its enemy
and I will then, il l can, bring my children*
and my constituents to the altar of liberty, and
.ikeHAMn. c 4R ,l would swear them to eter
nal hostility to your foul domination. Give
us our just rights, and we are ready as here
tofore to stand by the I’dion, evert- part of it
and ns eve iuureß| r EFUBE Afw '
DENCE ” Li ' STR,Kfi FOR INOEPEN-
’' tv vTytVr 01 ’ 0F k CH ATTANwZ—The Depu
■ i ty Marshal for taking the Census of Hamilton
county, has just finished taning the census of
. Chattanooga, and has kindly furnished us wi h
I ’ ■■
White Females,
T«.l, BS ,
Increase from Ist June to Ist Oct 315
Total, ] 2f)R
Deaths from Ist June 1849, to Ist June*! 850.
Disease.
Measles.
. Consumption
J 10 Fever.
J 1 do.
■J Scalded
w-. . 40 Aneumonia.
XV e questions very much whefoer there
is another town in the state containing a trnpm
lation of J2OO persons, that can preset a
cleaner bill of mortality than this, for the W
twe.ve months -Cha/anooga Adjr. 30fo
Methodist Chvrch North. The Methr,
i St North numbers 686.682 mem
bers, 4.129 travelling preachers, 5,420 local
P eachrrs, and 30 conferences. As comtXXd
of iarV' ye n r> re,urns “bow an increase
I’bey are the principles of natural law founded
jin natural justice, as recognll|jH>y the ablest]
Publicists who have written ujWthe laws ot 1
Nations and the rights pertaining to conquests. ]
■ffh<-se acquisitions belong to tlie whole peo- ,
Je of the United Sta’es, as conquerors. '1 hey
juild them under the Constitution, and the Gen
e)gl Government as common properly in ®
corporate capacity.
>“ Under our constitution, the power of nta
kibg regulations for the enjoyment of the
r( ji7mon domain, devolves upon Congress,
the common agent of all the parties interested
ijAt. And so far from this common ageßt
hazing an y right to exclude a portion of the
jple, or “ to make distinctions to
it is the duty of Congress to open
t j )e V'-ountry by the removal of all obstructions,
w h e Mier they be existing laws or any thing else
and < to g’ ve e( l ua i protection to all who may
ava ii themselves of the right to use it.’Z—.
« Now sir, all that we ask, or all .that I i*h
is sod Congress to open the entire country and
an equal right to all the citizens of all the
%taldf to ENTER, SETTLE and colonizl rt
wi//, /heir property of every kind or to make
an eqifi ta^e division of it. Is this wrong .
u Well then we say, as the patriarcfTtrf old
said .5 his f riend and kinsman, when disputes
arose between the herdmen of their <smlti:
no strife, I pray thee, between
me an( jJtbee, and between my
thv hejdmen, for we be brethren. Is not the
whole £»nd before thee, separata thyself, I ofay
thee fri m me - thou wiit wke ,he left f an( *’
hen will Fgo ‘o ‘l> e ri g ht ’’ or if
depart! o the ri H bt liand llieu ’ 1 W1 " ’°
the leftT . t
“Inoll ler words, we say, if you cannot agree
to eniovl thia P ublic domaill > tts it.
Vn . taic a share,,and let us
-1 — r vrarfl^f7ii - «tlbmn r to
did world if the proposition is not fair anO?»t-
And whether its rejection does not amountlo a
clear expression ol your fixed delermintfon to
exclude us entirely from any participation tn
this public domain."
Now has Mr. Stephens got the equal partici
pation which he so strongly and so constantly
demanded? Was it not REJECTED, and yet
Mr. Stephens cannot now see in it the “fixed
determination” of the north to exclude
US ENTIRELY FROM ANY PARTICIPATION! IX THIS
public domain I Here is the froof of its
REJECTION.
The following is a part of the debat/ Jn the
House of Representatives:
“Mr. Seddon, of Va., moved the flowing
amendment, to come in immediately alter the
provision that the Territories when; termed
into States, should be admitted with or without
slavery, as tbe people should in their constitu
tions declare : , - #
“ ‘And that prior to the formation pf state
constitutions there shall be no prohibition by
reason of any law or usage existing in said
territory, or by the action of the territory
legislature, ot the emigration of all cititens of
the United States, with any kind of property,
recognized as such in any of the Suites of the
Union.’ ” 1. .
This proposition to open the territories to
the south was njected by an ovtywhelming
vote. It met with no favor on Hid part of tbe
north. Mr. Stephens has admitted that Con
gress refused to repeal the Mexican laws
(which he says excludes us with our slaves)
that they were not repealed by tie measures
of settlement over which the south is How
called upon to rejoice by some of oarptfesses
and politicians. r _ T
A r^sc3 * n
SFSsI, SO do the ingenious bta . iipd I
those, who insist that ,he 80 ,® l enC‘of this
her rights, or an honorable Bellle ® rnth . When
question, pale before the light ol W fay PF.OFES
men resolve on death or JVSTI ‘ j atler j 9
Sion, and tamely submit when tf ur
WITHHELD, they are not B , )d
freemen, who have rights in J e^l^^ ake the
HONOR at pent. Let the
The Hon.
piicns.
In a letter to the editors of the Chronicle
and Sentinel, which appeared in that paper of
the 6th inst., Mr. Stephens says:
3 LaGrange, Ga , 31st Oct., 1850.
Messrs. Editors I have just seen a copy
of the Augusta Republic of the 24 h inst.,
which contains an editorial in relatiuit to my
seif that I cannot permit to pass unnoticed.
The article, amongst other misrepresentations,
u ics the following:
Wnat did Mr. Stephens say, he would do, if.
the Clayton Compromise bill was passed by
Congress .’ This is an interesting question.
Here it is—here is what lie said, remember,
what he would do in such an event. The
sentences are strong and decidedly ultra—
they are considered disunionish at the present
time:
“And no people, in my judgment, who deserve
the name of freemen, will continue their
allegiance to any government which arrays
itself not only against their property but
against their social and civil organization.”
“And whenever this government is brought
in hostile array against me and mine, I am for
disunion; openly, boldly and fearlessly for re
volution. I speak plainly. Gentlemen may
call this‘treason’if they please. Sir, epithets
have no terrors for me. The charge ot ‘trai
tor’ mav be wispere i in tbe ears of the timid
and ciaven-hearied; it is the last appeal of
tyrants.”
We think we see him in Congress deliver
ing these words ! His eyes flash the light of
southern indignation, nt the bare thought of
leaving the just rights of the South to be
decided upon by the Supreme Court. We
imagiiewe hear the throbbings of his migh
ty heart, too large for the narrow confines of
his b>dt, as be yelis forth his indignation,
and pours out his bitter denunciations upon
those who are thus attempting to defraud his
constituents and the South ! Bitter invective,
scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and supreme
contempt, are all manifested in every word,
look, and action ! What pathos, what esrnes,-
• nees, what fiery impetuosity, what indignant
‘ rebukt’, what utter carelessness conse-
I qucnces ! Never was anger more feelingly
] displayed, than in his person, as he contein
i plaied the possibility of the question being left
j-^Um_.t y ci l i, <1 hv the Supreme Court of the
forefre 0 d aC “ . a d,tterent sphere ‘ n society, are
threatened wiih overthow. Whether the ne
gro tsto occupy the same social rank with die
* b "« ma n and enjoy equally with him the
rights, privileges, and immunities of cidzen
s np,tn short all the honors ar.d digniiiesof so
ciety, is a question of greater moment than
any mere question of property can bo.”
W hoever will look to the history of this
question, and to the circumstances under
which we are now placed, must see that oul
“"f. ° f immineni to L
defended by all tire means, moral and political
of which we can avail ourselves in th/prerent
emergency. pre-ent
“All means,political,diplomatic, and literary
have been used to concentrate the public opim
ton, not only of the world at large, bu of our
° Wn C 7 ,n ! r L 3BainS ' «d restin' npon
the undoubted truth that our domestic foathX
ttons were the subjects of no Government and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have been
passive under the assaults, until danger men
aces us from every quarter. A
Ims grown up, and is increasing m the United
States wnich seems tn think U a duty they owe
und Heaven, to make war
mititUMn upon which are staked our property ,
out social orssnizaiiim ~
safety. 11 and our peace and i
effect nDd ? E tb * Constitution is in
enect denied, our social institutions are derided
Having shown Mr. Toombs’ grounds of
.gafo,, the north, we now proceed
0 show- his grounds for resistence. And in
the first place we will make a few extracts
™t Whatbeh€ - dtobetfaed^^R egov.
, X™™ his B P eec h Os December I3th, 1849
■ Ciive me securities that the newer of the
organization which you s ek will not be used
to the injury of my constituents, then you can
have my co-operation, but not till then Grant
them,and you prevent the recurrence of the
I its own merits—that no principle was conce
ded by the South in them—that as far as they
I went, they were directly in the line of my own
■ policy—that they contained nothing against
I the rigiits of tbe South—that if they had gone
! one step further, and declared that the slave
holder should bo protected with his slaves 11
the territory, they would have been perfect
as I could have desired to see them.
After proceeding next to explain what he
did say in his speech in this city he said in
I conclusion.
“The same paper contains several other er
roneous statements with regard to myself,
which I have not time or inclination to notice.
Mv object is not to answer or reply to the edi
torials of the Republic, but simply to advertise
that sheet, from its continued perversions of
truth and f.ct, as not entitled to credit or be
lief by a confiding public. ”
As we cannot conveniently make room for the
entire letter of Mr. Stephens we have made
these extracts and comments that the reader
may have a correct idea of its whole scope
and bearing.
Mr. Stephens says:
“ I re-affirmed it in the presence of the edi
tor of the Republic in the public discussion in
your city. My position cannot be mistaken
by him, however he may attempt recklessly
and without regard to truth to misrepresent it
to others.”
From this we infer that Mr. Stephens attri
butes the article to the pen of the senior edi
tor. We will inform him that it was prepar
ed by our esteemed and taiented Associate.
We have so much confidence in his ability, in-
1- be
tical inspection. We palled at his room,,
where he has been confined for nearly two |
weeks with serious indisposition, after we saw
Mr. Stephens’ letter, and he informed us that
he was misled by quotations from his speeches
which he had seen in other papers. In our
absence he had all the duties of tbe office upon
his hands for some days at a time, and as he
bad to read, write and select in haste, and is
somewhat inexperienced in the history ol poli
tics some years back, it is not surprising that
he should have been led into just such an er
ror as the one complained of by Mr. Stephens.
No one who knows Mr. Whyte will believe
for a moment that he would intentionally mis-
represent any one, or pervert the truth. While
we and others are aware of his fine talents and
cultivated taste, wo know also, his purity and
nobleness of character. We write this with- I
out his knowledge, to vindicate him against the j
aspersion of Mr. Stephens. So far as we are
concerned we shall have something to say in
the sequel.
Se much for the incorrect application of ex
tracts from the speech of Mr. Stephens, of the
9th of last August.
By an examination of the two extracts taken
from Mr. Stephens’ speech of August 9th,
1850, it will be seen that our associate was
not wrong when he said, “The sentence - are
strong and decidedly ultra— they are consider
ed disunionish at the present time.”
We will now show that our associate might
with propriety, have used that language in re
feret ce to portions of Mr. Stephens’ speech on
the Clayton Compromise bill, and, hence, il he
did unin'.entioflally misapply the extracts, he
as to their spirit. We quote as follows from
the Clayton Compromise speech of Mr. S.
“ Then, sir, what are we 0! the south to gain
by this compromise? Nothing but what we
1 would have even w ith the Wilmot proviso—
• the poor privilege of earning our slaves into a
1 country where the first thing to be encounter
ed is the certain prospect of an extensive law
’ suit, which may cost more than any slav > is
in my_pjinion ; with l-ie, absolute
nil ~1 i 'll 1 1’Tfr .-t rnft
"of pronerty in any way whatever! This, sir, ,
is die substance of the compromise, even in [ 1
the most favorable view it can be presented! | '
“And this is the security for the South ! ,
which I had the temerity to reject. Would |
that the people ol that section may ever have
men on this floor of such temeri’y ! I did re
ject it, and I shall continue to reject all such
favors. If 1 can get no better compromise 1
shall certainly never take any at all. As long
as I have a seat here, I shall mantain the just
and equal rights of my section upon this as
well as upon all other questions. I ask no
thing more, and I shall take nothing less.
All I demand is common right and common
justice ’, THESE I WILL HAVE IN CLEAR AND
EXPRESS TERMS, OR 1 WILL HAVE NOTHING. I
speak Io the North irrespective of parties. I
recognize no party association io affiliation
upon this subject. If the two parties of the
North combine, and make a sectional issue,
and by their numerical strength vote down the
South, and deny us those equal rights to
which I think we are injustice entitled it will
be for the people of the South then to adopt
such a course as they may deem proper. Ido
not stand here to make any threats in their
name, nor have I authority to commit even
my own c< nstiluents to any course of policy.
They must do that for themselves. My coin
mission here extends only to the maintenance
of their rights upon ail questions ana mea
sures that may come before me in this House, i
And this I shall do at all hazards. Nor shall
I beawed or intimidated in thedischargeofthis
high duty, by any of the trembling alarms ot
the official organ that the ‘Unii.n is in danger’
—that, unless AGITATION on this subject
is quieted tbe ‘tree-soil movement’ in the North
will sweep every thing before it, and that the
government rlseZCwill be endangered. Such
appeals may have their effects upon the hearta
of the timid. lam myself, not quite so easily
terrified into a surrender of my rights and
those of my constituents."
What did Mr. Stephens mean by saying.
“As long as i have a seat here, I shall main
tain tbejust and equal rights of my section up
on this as well as upon all other questions. I
ai-k nothing more and I shall take nothing less."
What did he mean by this—“ All I demand
is common right and common justice ; these I
will have in clear and express terms, or I will
we will have neither 1 '
T-r “ ROSITIOK offers us the fate of Hay-
7 J or RESISTANCE to
ltrUbt 'here is nothing in our
* Ch Ou ? ht '«’i^«ce g v ou to
DOF BI WHtCHALTMRATBE WE SHaU AC
a ‘ E i M h ° ld k »nd you make us
z r C oZr a °™s r^ siilitv
“ We wiio are contending for a principle es
senual to our interest, our safety Xnd o Ur Z |
ta ““'“th"®' “
man its loss. I his is an appeal from the »r
gumeut to our fears. I answer tha7 appeal
G ‘ b X‘ r w'L C hn ß“ a « e of « diatinguiXd .
Georg,an, who yet lives to arouse the hearts i
of his countrymen to resistance to wrono- • —1
•WhXKTHE ARGUMEST IS
WILL STAND BY OUR ARMS.”’ EXHAUSTED WE
From the Address of Mr. Toombs and others
to ths people ot the South.
“That these assaults should have had their
effect is not surprising, when we remember
that as yet we have offered no '
sistance to them, and opposed but little ex
cept the insulated efforts of members of Con- '
gress who have occasionally raised their voi- ' '
a7dLTuX w ” a " beybeiieved to be wro^B
“h» time that we should meet andmain-
X a AT?h’“ W, ? eh wefind ° Hrs^8 in
voivedby those who make war upon us in
IS a!d k° eVery interest that is peculiar to us,
and which is not enjoyed in commcn with
them, however guarantied by solemn compact
end no matter how vitally involving our pros
perity, happiness and safety. It is time that
we should take measures to defend ourselves
agamst faults, which can end in nothing
short of our destruction if we oppose no re
sistance to them.” e
“ rhe e Antuni strength of an opinion is to
a^ ne ? a F d not b ~ lhe numfa er Who may
ehance n, bm-by Ut # treth whj J
Again he said:
“It is my object at this lime to speak upon
that measure, which some gentlemen are pl< a ®'
cd to c*ll tiie “compromise bill, but winch
mi“ht be more properly entitled articles of ca
pitulation on the part of the South. So tar
from being a compromise, ’.lie bill proposed no
thing short of an abandonment of the position
of the South, and a surrender of the just rights
of her people to an equal participation in the
new acquisitions ot territory. The surrender
was covert, but it was no less complete and ab-
solute"
Again he said in summing up bis positions.
“sth and lastly, That these positions being
incontrovertible, the bill offered, as it was as
a compromise and a final settlement ot the
question, amounted to nothing but a total
abandonment of tbe right? of extending the
institutions of the South to those territories.
Again he said “This compromise bill sir, did
in my opinion endanger and surrender the
rights ot the south by continuance of the
municipal laws of Mexico' which were of
force at the time of the conquest and by which
slavery was abolished there.”
Mr. Stephens may say, however, that it
would have beenabsurd for him to have advo
cated disunion on account of the passage of
the Clayton compromise bill as it was sus
tained by an almost unanimous Southern vole.
But he now admits that those same Mexican
laws, a continuance of which in his opinion
endangered and surrendered the rights of the
south were not repealed by the recent measures
passed by Congress but are still in force.
The failure to give us the protection which
Mr.
northern opposition
Mr. Stephens
gress ‘do not contain a surrender of our right”
to demand future legislation for our protection
in the territories, if it should be found neces
sary which the Clayton bill did,” &c. There
is a differeme of opinion upon this subject.
Time and the length of this article forbid our
arguing this point. We simply fsk what is
this poor "right to demand future legislation
for our protection " worth to us, when that pro
tection has been already refused and the north |
is determined never to give il to us.
While we are waiting to demand protection
from year to year, the north is filling up the i
territory and leaving us the empty bag of that >
poor right, to hold.
Mr. Stephens makes his own explanation
of the remarks attributed to him in his speech
in this city. We give him the benefit of his
I explanation.
Mr. Stephens says he advertizes the Re
public from its continued perversion of truth
and fact as not entitled to credit or belief by a
confiding public:
We have shown upon what foundation Mr.
Stephens proceeded to make this advertise
ment. We have advertised his opinions to
his face in discussion, by public proclamation,
and in our columns, as not entitled to credit, or
confidence, by a people jealous of their rights
and honor. How far our advertisement went
to elicit that of Mr. S.ephens we leave the
public to judge. „
“ Jove thundered from on high.”
! Mr. Stephens evidently in bis own opinion
? is a political Jupiter who has nothing to
3 do but to thunder fctfn on high, and down the
KepuiS fi SS , 4,i >
Alexander 11. s/,es! '
I, Alexander H. Stephens, give the noil
to all my followers! Stop'the Republic, cur
tail its list and its means. It must not op
pose me. Let my followers, with their aux
iliary shafts, pierco it to death. Let my
faithful guard now obey my high behest. I
advertise that sheet and you m<M destroy it. It
Tons, a cd become your
prey. It is ttue it is u Southern sheet,pill (ver
every inch o/’?, a Southern sheet ; but it is
100 Southern. It must not longer stir up the
hr arts of Georgians and Southerners to resist
my doctrincsof submission. I now advertise it,
lit it DIE.
Is that what Mr. Stephens intends by his ad
vertisement ? VVe meet Mr. Stephens pre
sumption and arrogance. We defy him. be
neath our nodding plume, and wave on high
as proudly and as brave'y as ever, the glori
ous BANNER OF SOUTHERN RIGHTS. W 0 Op
pose to hie loud threatening command to bis
followers, the instincts of patriotism, love of
country, of our southern rights and sunny
land, and, if patriotic hosts, in Georgia, and
other states, do not stand by and sustain us,
then we are willing to die, and let the sheet
which we have been proud to send forth to
southern freemen, be buried from the sight of
the fallen sons of the south.
We have stated, time after time, and we re
peat it now, that if any one should feel himself
aggrieved by an thing in that advertised sheet,
he could use it to do himself justice. Mr.
Stephens knows us too well to doubt, that we
would cheerfully correct ary errors when
pointed out, which might find their way into our
columns. Mr. S. has forgot his magnanimity,
and lost his temper. It has been said that the
house of representatives has been, of late
years,a school for billingsgate and vulgarity.
Mr. Stephens, we fear, bids fair to become an
accomplished graduate in that elevated school
of manners. If we should fall under the ueath
dealing advertisement of Mr. Stephens, we
have a last request to make of him, and that
is, that as a tiophy of hi« victory, be will wrap
himself up in a few numbers of that advertised
sheet. We ask it for revenge ; for, the world
will see him then, covered over and adorned
with BETTER DOCTRINES THAN NOW EMANATE
FROM HIS TONGUE, OR HIS PEN.
, was positive legislation and HOSTILE LEG
vrf°N- It was an unequivocal denial
the people of the South of the right to go
to the territories with their slaves. Mr tied
dons avowed object was, to open the terri
| ones for slave holders with their slaves. The
SXn memberS SoUnderßtoodit > ““d vo-
We quote now from Mr. Toombs’ letter to
US, of the 3rd of October, in which he une- I
! y ad “‘ t8 ’ ‘ bat the Me «can laws !
Winch be says were in force and exclude south
erners with their slates from the territories I
were not repealed by the recent enactments of
Congress. He said,
a large majo"™ foe wmh
I were void without a reneal and th., at t ■ y
| lation to repeal them was UDconstitutiX *” ’’
Wtet then becomes of Mr. Toombs’ de
mandfor an equal participation in the
nes, and his declarations of hostility t 0 the
feZlZmV 7itfaiJedto -«Uand '
W e conclude our extracts from Mr.Toombs’
I speeches, letters, and address, with one or two
more, to show what he thought would be the
consequence of submission to wrong. I
rrom his February soeech »i,
•‘He who counts the danger of
niZ WK" ' , ° nOr ' i 8 a ‘ read - V dXaderl- d fo
p e who count the cost of maintaining
lucal rights, are ready for slavf^^^^* 0 '
Address to the
“Owing to acXUS^“ f ,b ?’ '
want of kM^ , e^/nr,hZ l . rCUrnstl ‘ nce “’ aDd 1
of th« true condition of \
I liament; encouraged by the success of the
i English abolition societies in tbe attainment
[ of this result, individuals at the North formed
i societies of a like character, with rarnifica
' tions through all tbe non-slaveholding States,
whose avowed object was to bring about the
i abolition of Southern slavery.
These, though experiencing but indifferent
success ut first, persevered, until they have
become formidable in numbers, and now ex
ercise a controlling influence over all ques
tions affecting directly or indirectly, South
ern slavery. Being a third party, smaller it
is true than the two national parties, but yet
respectable in numbers, they have for the
last ten or fifteen years h Id the balance of
power. The other two parlies being nearly
of equal size in most of those States, have
found it to their interest, from time to time, to
conciliate abolition votes. This they did at
first cautiously, from the appreiiension of
alienating Southern support: bnt finding us
quiescent to a considerable extent, and the abo
litionists rising in their demands as they
found their importance increase, they have
yielded more and more, until in some States
they have openly and in all, in effect, incorpo
rated abolition doctrines into their party creeds.
In this way for the last ten years, the aboli
tionists have shaped all the legislation of the
Northern States that has any reference to
slavery, and the the vast majority of the North
ern representatives in Congress are now
to carry on a legQlative
lllLps. _jgay |n s out o| v ' e 4' ,be
- press, both religioue and secular,
institutions —though there is no better index
of popular sentiment —and laying
upon the fierce fanaticism reigns
in nearly all their religjjjdT bodies—
a fanaticism which pronounced
sentence of against all
Southern and which has rent as
surer two of the largest religious bodies tn
the land. A fanaticism, political or religious,
which in the language of John Randolph,
has no stopping place, short of Heaven, or
Hell! Leaving these out of view, since it
may be said that all should not be held res
ponsible for the actions of a part: if we con
fine our attention to the actions of Northein
legis'atures, and the votes of the majority of
Northern members of Congress, we shall find
ample evidence of their hostility to us, and
what is more, of their success in their onsets—
a success which, in the better days of the
South, would net have been conceded them.
Ist. That Article in the Constitution re
quiring the delivery of fugitives from labor,
has long through their agency, been a dead
letter. The act of Congress of 1793 designed
to carry it into effect, made it the province
of the State tribunals and the State officers
to restore the fugitive to his master. But all
the non-slaveholding States have, by acts of
their own legislatures, forbidden the master
the use of theit Jails for the safe custody of
his slaves, and made it a penal offence for
any of their Slate officers, to aid in carrying
i the act of Congress into effect. Con equent
] ly, up to the passage of the act of 1850 thon-
I sands of runaways were harbored -insecurity
i in'ilw Northern States. Nor does the fact that
lUdJkW . . A. ——‘W V
■
I law for the recovery of placed the
! northern feeling and determination on this
' * n a b S bt - Os the 109 who
vJJrd in the House of Representatives for the
ifT, only 31—three whigs and 28 Democrats
i-were from the non-slaveholding States;
while 75 northern representatives voted against
majority rff the northern representatives. Had
the south stood aloof, and the question been
decided-by the 109 northern representatives
wiiose names are recorded, the bill woald have
been lost by a vole of nearly three to one.
This being the amount of support which tbe
bill received from the representatives, what
degree of countenance is to be expected from
the northern people, when attempts are made
to execute it in their midst ? Indeed, who
does not know, that agitation in opposition to
it has already commenced in all the nonslave
holding states, and that its repeal is already
made one of the cardinal principles of the do
minant party in the most powerful state in that
section.
2nd. This spirit of hostility to us was shown
again when the question as to the disposition
of the territory acquired from Mexico came
under consideration. Every northern legis
lature instructed their senators, and requested
their representative- to vote to exclude us with
our slaves from all this territory. In accordance
with these instructions, they did not cease to
press the Wilmot proviso—in the case of Ca
lifornia, until they obtained a substitute equal
ly effective, and in the case of tiie remaining
tarritory, until they were sure we were de
prived of C lifornia, the most valuable part—
and had become convinced that the Mexican
law—which they refused to repeal—would as
effectually exclude us. By tbeir sanction of
the unauthorized act of tho adventurers who
crowded into California, by the operation of
Mexican law, which they claim to be still in
force in the remaining territory, and which
they refused to repeal, and by the threat of
further action il these laws proved to be inef
fsctual, they have virtually debarred us from
all participation in the benefits of those terri
tories, for the acquisition of which, we contri
buted a greater amount than they both ot men
and money. This result accomplished, and
designed, is that tbe slave holding interest is
placed
tho fugitive slave law
■pmild constitute one act, of further encroach
| ment, which, in our opinion, would justify se
' cesston. A repeal of that law wou)d show
B i UCbanUtterdlsre & ard °f' our constitutional
rights, as not only to leave us no hope of jus
t'cem the future, but no prospect ofa MO L
tton, with the nonslaveholding states, but at
‘ h ® eXpenseof ° ur ®acred rights, our safety,
7 We would place in l,le --
, of encroachments, the abolition of
. slavery, m the District of Columbia ; the forts
erci ’ A- 0 '" W ' ,ich ' he ex’
ercues junsdiction-the abolition of the slave
trade between the states-the exclusion of
the V WT ° m ‘ he territories > b y 'he passage of
add T°r i PrOVISO ; ° nd We need Bca foely
add , the abohtton of slavery in the state, ’
O tredre Aa ”'‘ °‘ “ mode and m easure
x e W ° Bld " advocate the imposition
of a tax, discriminating between artfoies of
northern and southern manufacture.”
ofuiifl e i dObelieVe ’ that in Readmission I
sout Baß ' ate> in ‘°‘ b e Union, the I
violated?* We X ‘ he co " 8 titution j
i deem it only necessary to state i
the r b°r7 8 - 7 ni,e We Bbou,d have opposed
part of T 6 V ,,lad “ Up ° n iQ a ‘
part of Texas to New Mexico, still we are dis- I
posed net to discard any southern man, for vo . I
.Xi': aS : ,n , the last resort ’ ‘he question
to be left to the decision of Texas
while the bill establishing terriia**^*^" -
ments for Utah and New 51 govern
question of Jiex 'oo, leave the
without IJls sion, with slavery, or
people there, when they es-
constitutions, still, 6)aver , y
'ically excluded from them bv ( fo> P
declaration of the r.orth e “’m 7 0US
exclusion by the Wilmot proviso X rend
ed unner-eacw. u r‘ vv,BO > was render.
The distinct proposition to I
proper way, -uocr-ss will but -
Ilin- until ->!avi ry -.hail
ishe-l or ilie I inion destroyed. To
these cutaslrophies, it becomes ev> ry
who loves the constitutional union of
] thers, and is true to his own section,
before it is 100 late, all the means that
left him. Listening to the advice of our p'tl
leaders, and party editors who from persol
al considerations, or because they hoped flu
the storm would soon blow over, have
averse to tlie disruption of the great
parties, we have until this time forborne
act. But we cannot longer close our
the fact that our non resistanse has been
strued into acqu sconce or pusillaniinjjß
and has tendered rather to invite aggressioffl
than to excite forbearance and conciliation, fl
Believing then that resistance now to anti-flj
slavery aggression may save the Union, and ■
t- at nothing else can, Therefore be it.
Resolved, That we recognize in the actions
of northern legislatures, and in the votes of the
majority of northern representatives in Con
gress, a settled hostility to our institutions,
and a systematic determinati, n to seek their
subversion.
R’solved, That in giving their sanction to
the unauthorized act of tbe adventurers to
California, by which we were excluded witli
our slaves from ail that rich region—even
S-uth of 36, 30—in refusing to repeal tbe
Mexican laws which, our immediate represen
tative maintains, are still in force there, and
which,il so, effectually excludes uafrom them
in the attempt to compel Texas to relin
quish a portion of her territory that it might be
added to a free State, and in abolishing the
slave ttade in th® Piaici.'iLxQf Columbia< which,
■ oniprtrm-RK'sdes ISMig jfenlition
State h(B|
upon
eracy w W llier °—''‘'i’.ongmss of
cn " l,ll ' l ltd deliberate ~
slaveiiolding States of the
influence I l ' 1 ’I'’,if 1 '’, if to, will be buH
tiate the t* 10 lb e‘ r '•«'«•
it isexi>e®' d > bal lo counteract tiie
the'maintcl 81 ,bo North, and therefore
commence< 0nb1,,u,10,ul ‘ U |non of nur
la/ialion to form a Southern [»ryß
cannot contif laoce of Southern Rights, and M
us without sY 1 once a of legislative rM
niary interes| cb raa y convince them that theH
Resolved, V ue tbe ' r P res ct> 1 crusade againsW
stances we rs serious sacrifice of their pecttV
and sincerely V; ' ■
forced to resorV bat > untler existing circum-|
But we constdvP ud i ate lbe * dea °* disunion,!
in past aggressi'yusl that we may never be 1
newal of them, 1 10 >° lbat desperate remedy. I
precipitate upon tb “f a 9»>et acquiescence
and lienee to Lver 08 ' ' vo °ld only invite a re-
Union, we advocV 0 lbe fot“ rf b ““d evidently
diate action. 1» 8 tbat drendful necessity .
n 4 It the danger and preserve the
Previous to ac» ate derided \ ed
ble & Resol inions
of Augusta, was ita on upon the above pream- I
ing, Whereupon hl j a|neß jj Smythe, Esq., I
in a very able. dcTyited to address the meet- j
which told well for y CS p OIJt ]ed lo the invitation
rights. Ibe followiUj ent and f or( .ji J j e speech |
ter from Jucge Dou cftUse o f Southern
then read and received g ver y interesting let*
T {heity of Athens was.
Peter Northern and oil w j,h great applause.
I
Green co., on Saturday"
said meeting, reachedJjVitatton, to nttend.„a ■
found me confined to myf rn Rights party of A
a most severe cold, aceoß° cx ', a “4 address L
distressing ebugh. Beinjf itT due time;
■ • i ,h..T'JV—wished. 14*A° m, sufle^most
! until now, hoping I to comply
. to enable me to attend answering-
out of my power to be wifljf 0 recover a s
1 know I could not speak tow! elhl g, 1 find it
’ I regret to see such a d®, ” an q if there, 1
» Southern people, I know rwll .' aeo lo “.
• to stay northern aggression w " mnony- the
of action and sentiment on . > Wll « dona
1 South. What should be saidr. out n concert '
:• tuff imiJTs ? ert of th.> J
the Southern or slaveboldiug “°no,
two, or even three sta.es in nW pto‘ '
merit can effect anything beneficial without
the aid and co-operation of the others.
There must be union. 1 am no disunionist
or cecesionist. No! This Union shall nev
er 4 be dissolved, if I can prevent it. I will never
calculate its value; and if it is dissolved, or its
value calculated, I would make our northern
brethern do both. I inn not for tamo submis
sion to the policy of the Government or ag
gressions of our northern brethren. Much
less can I consider the late action of Congress
a triumph for the South.
I may be wrong but 1 cannot help it. It is
my deliberate opinion, that if the South sits
down quietly under the present state of things
nnd thereby sanction what has
done, it will be considered by the North as an
invitation to continue their iusaults on our in
stitution. All history of mankind shows that
aggression was never stayed by submission—
that resistance alone can cause the aggressor
lo pause or stay his hand. In my humble judg
ment we have the means within the limits of
the constitution to resist, and that effectually
and I confine my resistance to the constitu
tion and within the constitution. I am ans
wered and told that any kind of resistance
will end in a dissolution of the Union. This I
do not believe. It is but opinion on either
side. And there is no betier reason for be
lieving that resistance will cause dissolution
—than to believe that submission will causa
ab lition. In iny judgment the latter is much
more probable. For tl e sake of tire Union I
would give up all the terriories and even more
if that would satisfy our opponents: 1 look on
our exclusion from California and virtually
from Utah and New Mexico, only as one act
in the drama, which is to deprive ns .qL-oar—s
slave property. All the aggressions on out
tights, spring from tbe same and sole me.jve,
and that looks to abolition in the end. It is
hostility to slavery that prompts out Northern
brethren to their continued assaults on our
rights. How can this hostility be appeased?
Can it be done by submission? We have
tried that remedy for thirty years—yea for
thirty years Lave we given way—for
years bnve we niam- sacrifices ou lire
peace and the Union. What has been
result ? l.et our exclusion from the
quired territories answer that quest ion
we now tarielv submit what then?
otner exalted friends of their
nal f’tne. Such will be the n ward of all
, honest and good men who at this hour of peril
®t and by the South and wipe their hands of
the tricks ano stratagems of political demago
gues, whose only rmbition is to accomplish
power Wn “ e fisb d,!s ‘g nß t° reach office and
*• Ihe speech of Gov. Brown was at vari
ous times interrupted by loud applause-es
when “Pvl'ing of resistance. He con
cluded by giving us the advice of Cromwell
—adapting it to this occasion—that which we
should all pray fqrthe success of the Union
tn ns original purity, to keep our powder dry.”
Gov. Quitman was also loudly called for
souihpr POt,d L d 10 o oble BtraiDS t 0 ‘ he ‘“ne of
southern rights. Both speeehes were raptu
a?e n«hi eC ? Ved ‘ k Tbe * rße men in M
are nobly doing their duty, and the submis
frnm’.h W * ? ith “ g lorious drubbing
from the people of that gallant state.—Nash
viile American.
I /Rost IN'YLORIDA.-The Tallahassee Sen-
i tinel ol Oct. 29, says :
| “A cool Northwester set in here last Friday
night, and on Saturday night there was con
, sioerable frost; enough we believe to kill the
Cane and Cotton.”
I rost.—Cotton.—We have says the
Albany Ga. Patriot of Ist iust. frost every •
night since last Friday. The cotton
made, and it will probabably
crop of last year. Thea^^^® 9 “ lan ilia
favorable for pickiM^i^® aß ° n 1 188 been so
market eariM|^i®*" , g‘ ba ‘ l^e Cf op will be in
than usual.
| T P D1 ~~~
Oa£,C ld sSh iC ;- V° h nday ?>ht 26th
years, and consort of'col 6ve
all the relations of °j M r /7 ar 7 reb ’ Ia
exemplary wife and mother and Z a WSS " n
to the world of soiritseave departure
her titles were clear mifollfc BS9urai >c® 'hat
SM Sr th Jod WOrldl and
» Edgefield p.p.„ „ Ui piel|ll<( copy -