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ATLANTA, MAY 22, 1856.
The President’s Message on our rela
tions with Nicaragua, the reader will find in
to-day’s paper.
We give it to the reader, without comment,
as anything that we could say, would be super
fluous, where facts are so plainly set forth, and
where argument is so conclusive.
Editorial Change.
The editorial department of the Dalton “Ex
positor,” has changed hands. Its late editor,
Col. William Gordon, who has battled so long,
and so ably, in defence of democratic princi
ples, has retired from that press, and is succee
ded by Mr. C. L. Barbour, recently of this pa
per.
As heretofore, the “ Expositor ” will contin
ue to be a faithful champion of Anti-Know
Nothing and Democratic principles ; and that
it will render valuable service, under its present
chief, to the good cause, judging the future by
the past, we of the “ Examiner ” have good
reasons, confidently to assert.
The President’s Message
On our relations with Nicaragua, we receiv
ed on yesterday, and will give it, at length, to
our readers on to-morrow. Th? Massage was
sent to Congress with the correspondence in
regard to our present relations with Nicaragua’
and is a detailed history of these relations.—
The message has created great excitement, and
will be read with great interest by the public
The long talked of “crisis" in our aflairs with
Great Britain on the Central American ques
tion, is now at hand. There is to be a backing
out somewhere ; will it on the part of Brother
Jonathan, or Brother Bull ?
Unfortunate Casualty.
The freight train of the LaGrange Railroad
was thrown off the track on Friday last, by
running over a cow, and the Engineer, a very
worthy and highly esteemed citizen of Atlanta,
Mr. Isaac Smith, was instantly killed. We
learn that the deceased had been in the ssrvice
of the Georgia Rail Road Company for about
eight years, and that he was considered a valu
able officer, ns he was eminently a valuable
citizen, though yet a young man, being only
23 years of age.
His remains were consigned to the tomb on
Sunday last, attended by a large concourse of
relatives, personal friends, and citizens.
Swan’s Bank Note List and Detector.
This valuable semi-monthly publication, for
May 15, was laid on our table on yesterday
Aside from its reliability as a bank note detector
and list of bank notes, with the rate of discount
on each at this point, it contains several pages
of interesting and valuable reading matter, al
together making it a work of great importance
to the Southern merchant, broker, or banking
institutions. The publisher, Mr. Swan, from
his business operations, possesses superior ad
vantages for obtaining early and reliable in
formation in reference to the condition of the
several banks of the Union, and his known per
severance and energy will doubtless place his
work in the front rank of all similar publica
tions. It has now only reached its twelfth
number, and has we learn, a circula
tion and reputation scarcely inferior to Thomp
son’s, of Wall Street, New York.
Stone Mountain House
Ou Saturday last, business called us to the
Stone Mountain, and while there, we took up
our quarters at the “Stone Mountain House,”
where every thing that is good, and comforta
ble, for the “inner man,” can always be found.
This House, as our readers have already been
advised through our columns, is under the su
perintendence of Messrs. Alexander & Clark—
the former of whom is always on the spot, ready
to make his guests at kame and comfortable.—
It. is decidedly the best kept country house, or
retreat for heal th or pleasure in the State, that
we have over visited, and its enterprising pro
prietors are determined to make it, and keep it
so, during the coming season, and in all the
future. We might proceed to enlarge upon
the Stone Mountain as a retreat for those who
desire to spend the summer months in the up
country of Georgia, but we have have not now
the time, nor space, and we do not think it
necessary. But we shall do all that we can, to
encourage, during the summer, trips of pleasure
to this attractive place, for we believe that no
where else in the State can parties of pleasure
enjoy themselves half so well.
Very Acceptable.
An editor is often cheered on in his work by
little evidences of the confidence of his friends,
and frequently by more substantial acknowl.
edgements that he is not forgotten when the
“good Mings" of life are being distributed by
generous hands around and about him.
I* or ourself, we have been favored on more
than one occasion, this spring, with the fruits
of the garden, from the hands of more than one
of onr“/inr” friends. But, on Saturday last, I
we were most agreeably surprized, at receiving I
from our accomplished and highly esteemed
neighbor, Mrs. Dr. J. F. Alexander, a substan
tial present from her garden, in the shape of a
dish of fine irish potatoes, of this spring’s growth,
of delicious flavor and large size, and, in our
estimation, worth more than all other products
of the garden, particularly at this season of the
year. While disposing of them at the table,
many and truly were the thanks which we trans
mitted to our fair neighbor, and we cannot now
refrain from doing so over again. May pros
perity ever attend both her and her Zrigr lord.
Bank of Fulton.
This Bank commenced business on yesterday,
under most favorable auspices. Stock to the
amount of $170,000, has been taken, and the
books will be kept open for thirty day’s longer
for the benefit of those who may desire to in
vest.
On Saturday, the directors proceeded to elec
a Cashier. The choice of the Board fell upon
one of the most esteemed and reliable merchants
of this place, Mr. Wiliam M. Williams, of the
house of J. E. Williams & Co., from which,
we learn, he retires, to devote his whole time to
the interest of the Bank.
Our business men have now the opportunity
offered them of encouraging a home institution
—one controlled by its own citizens, and of
ficered by them. Sustain the bank, and it will
be its interest to sustain you. We doubt not
that both feel there is a mutual obligation, and
that the result of the establishment of the
Bank will be to make Atlanta more independ
ent of other cities for banking privileges, than,
thus far it has been.
See notice of the Bank in our advertising
columns.
—-» .
The Republican & Discipline.
The sagacious Editor of the “Republican &
Discipline,” to whose pen the public are so
greatly indebted for lessons in politics, finance
philosophy, and belles lettres, perpetrates at
times slang, over a significant *, that reminds
one forcibly of an “old soger” of the press who
has figured largely, for years, in the politics of
the State. Once or twice in the course of his
life, this “old soger" succeeded, as we are ad
vised, in stringing words together in such a
way, as to excite the risible faculties of some
es his readers, and actually provoked them Into
a fit of laughter 1 One of these friends surely,
must have been the grave and sagacious Senior
of the Republican & Discipline ; else why imi
tate the style, temper, and slang of the retired,
and distinguished Editor ? Really we have a
right to expect better things from our cotempo.
rary. It is time that his mental superiority,
should be displayed in the conduct of his pa
per, and that such slang as “wolloped you in
the dust" and abortive efforts at wit, should be
superseded by essays on finance, or even on po
fits literature! This is, or should be, the forte
of our neighbor, and when we see him directing
his attention that way, we will take pleasure
in reviewing his theories, or replying to his ar
guments. But until then we beg leave to de
cline noticing farther his allusions to the, as he
terms it, “non de plume” of “Foreigners in
Georgia,” or bis happy allusions to ourself—
“ Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof.”
Strange and True.
“ Late and Early,” the correspondent from
Washington City of one of the Montgomery
papers, writes as follows :
“ There is now among us one Maname Her
mon, a French woman about 40 years of age,
who is vending at $5 a box, a certain specific
for the prevention of all the diseases females
are heir to. Several cases of premature birth
have recently been attended by some of our
physicians, which have been brought on by
taking the medicine sold by this woman. She
says she defies the police officers who dare at
tempt to arrest her, avowing her capability of
proving that her mixture is a lawful compound
to be found in the materia media, and not a
poison. Strong efforts are being made in a
certain quarter to have her arrested, but it
seems none of those who have taken her medi
cine will appear to testify. She is reaping a
golden harvest in this city of sin and corrup
tion. There are many females here who en
courage such women as the one I speak of in
Older to save themselves from being disgraced.”
In all of the principal cities of Europe, and,
we regret to say, in the great commercial em
porium of the U. States, New York, there
are many, very many Madame Hermans.—
Vice, though “a monster of hideous mien,”
prevails as well in this country, as in Europe,
and in the shape of quacks in medicine, as wel
as “ French women” with their $5 pill boxes
it is making rapid strides throughout all the
large cities of the American Republic. How
strange it is that where there is congregated
the greatest amount of enterprize and of wealth,
or the largest share of political influence ; and
where also there is assembled those upon whom
are conferred the highest honors which the peo
ple can bestow ; how strange it is, we say, that
there, vice, in its most revolting forms, is always
first introduced ; and that it is Mere, that crime
escapes mest frequently without punishment,
while it is winked at, and tolerated by the
magnates of the land. Oh ! for the good old
times, when all such as Madame Herman was
looked at as a pestilence, and when all of the
Restel tribe, male an 1 female, were separated
from ths shores of America, by the waves of
the broad Atlantic!
Fashionable Society 1 God save the country
from its influence ! Wherever its influence pre
vails, it is a cancer eat ing into the vitals of the
community, and youth and innocence are forced
to yield to its dread behests. 1 le, or she, whom
it makes captive, travels from thenceforth a
road that leads to swift destruction. Weak
always are the efforts of resistance ; and strong
and powerful are the inducements and tempta.
tions to go still further, and further, on. In
nine cases ont of ten, the male devotees of “Fash
ionable Life,” become victims of the faro-bank
and the dice box : while its female devotees are.
too often, we fear, for the honor of the sex. the
victims of such miscreants as Madam Herman,
and Madam Restel From such life, let all
pray to lie delivered ’ It saps the foundation
I of virtue, and leads to inevitable misery.
The Available Candidate.
It amuses us to see how actively engaged th |
Iriends of Mr. Fillmore. North and South, are i
to sustain his pretensions to the Fressidency. I
We say. his pretensions, for it is evident, al- |
though in Europe, his ambition ere he left the i
U. States, was directed to that end ; and that I
he anticipated the nomination by his party. hi g
friends who have vouched for him, Haven and |
others, have already satisfied the public. But |
a number of Mr. Fillmore’s Southern friend 1
arc in a sad quandary, in regard to his nomi
■ nation, and, his party position. If, the nomi
nation, is not an available one in the South. It
is supposed by many of them, that as a sort of
independent candidate, Millard Fillmore would
unite all the opponents of the Nebraska and
Kansas democracy, while, at the same time, it
wonld secure the Southern Know Nothing
vote. His nomination, and support, however,
by the Northern anti-Nebraska and Know
Nothing party, and the declaration made by
his confidential friends, that he will accept it,
places his Southern friends in a sad dilemma-
And what adds much to their distress is the fact,
that, at the North, a leading Know Nothing
Press is actually using every effort to induce
the Black Republicans to unite with the “Se
cret Order” party, on Mr. Fillmore, and urges
as a reason for the formation of this league,
that Millard Fillmore’s opinions in reference to
the great political questions of the day, will
be found acceptable to the Black Republicans.
If here is not a “pretty Kettle of fish ” for Mr.
Fillmore's Southern admirers to feed upon, then
we know not where they will find one.
I Nevertheless, a number of Mr. Fillmore’s
former admirers in the Whig ranks ; or, we
should say, a number of those who look to
availability in a candidate, rather than princi
ple ; and who hate democracy with an unholy
hatred simply because it is not called whiggery;
a number we say of these, some connected with
the press, and others leaders of cliques in vari
ous sections of the South, are bent upon run
ning Mr. Eillmore ; not, however, as a party
candidate, for they see defect starring them in
the face if they venture thus far ; but as a sort
of people's candidate, or as a sort of conserva
tive politician, who will steer clear of Free
Soil influence and abolition schemes, placing
himself somewhere between the two, and occu
pying, for it comes to this at last, just no de
fined position at all. It is this that is to make
him available in the South, and to this great
and, superhuman efforts are now being direc
ted.
But all this will not do. Mr. Fillmore will
be forced to define his position. He will or
will not accept the Know Nothing nomination.
If he does accept, he will be forced to take the
Northern or Southern side of the great politi
cal questions of the day, and when he does
this, his Southern Know Nothing admirers,
and haters of democracy, will have to give it
up. Mr. Fiilmore will not prove available in
the North, and there will end all speculation as
to his prospects.
1 A Crumb of Comfort for the South Amer
icans-
' Under the above head, we find the following
article in the Washington Union of Saturday
last.
“The friends of Mr. Fillmore at the South
will read with interest the following brief ac
count of the action of the “Pennsylvania
American State Convention,” which met at
Harrisburg on the 13th inst,:
Harrisburg, Tuesday, May 13,1856.
The Edie branch of know-nothings are hold
ing a state convention in this city with closed
doors. Sixty delegates are said to be in at
tendance, among whom are Gov. Johnston and
Gen. Small. A. W. Benedict, Esq., presides
over the convention. Outsiders are in donbt
as to the object of the conference. It is un
derstood that the 12th section wing of the par
ty predominates.
Mr. Edie presided at the afternoon session.
Gen. Small offered resolutions ratifying the
nomination of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson,
denouncing the administration for repealing the
Missouri Compromise, and condemning the
Kansas Nebraska act as an outrage upon the
people.
Gov. Johnston offered a substitute approv
ing the action of the delegates who retired
from the Philadelphia convention, and the
calling of a convention at New York for the
12th of June.
After debate, the substitute was rejected, and
the resolutions adopted by a vote of 33 to
22.
Gov. Johnston and fourteen other Edie dele
gates then retired.
Mr. Edie moved a reconsideration, in order
to give Mr. Fillmore time to get right on the
Missouri question. Rejected.
The ticket nominated by the Union State
Convention was ratified.
A resolution to make future meetings open
was passed. Adjourned sine die.
The Edie delegates subsequently held a pub
lic meeting, the Hon. John Covode presiding.
An address is being prepared to the people of
the State.
The South Americans will bo gratified to
find that the nominations of Fillmore and Don
elson have been ratified by the Pennsylvania
State council; but how much comfort it will
give them to see that they at the same time
condemn the Kansas-Nebraska act as <in out
rage upon the people, we will not undertake to
decide. Verily, the supporters of Mr. Fillmore
are in strange company ; but there is one link
that connects them with their northern breth
i ran—hatred for the administration ; that
i is enough to preserve the brotherhood and to
insure harmonious co-operation.”
But recently, we took occasion to call the
attention of our readers to the fact that there
was a movement on foot to induce the Black
Republicans to either nominate Mr. Fillmore as
their candidate for the Presidency, or to waive
their nomination of a candidate and settle down
into bis support, as the nominee of the “Ameri-
I can Party,” as the” Secret Order " have been
I pleased to term their”dark lantern” associations
. This movement was headed by the Philadel
' phia leaders of the -American Party;’ and the
result of the deliberations of the “Pennsylvania
American State Convention." given to the
reader above, is in accordance with their dicta
tion. Well may the “Union" say that the
“South American supporters of Mr. Fillmore
are in strange company!" Here we see the
■Pennsylvania American State Convention"
ratifying the nomination of Millard Fillmore,
and at the same time, and in the same breath
as it were, condemning the Kansas-Nebraska ,
act as <m outrage on the people,- yes, repudiat- 1
ing in a most emphatic manner, the great '
States Rights principle of non-intervention, '
and this too because, as no reasonable man ,
will pretend to deny, opposition, wholesale and ■
retail, to the institution of Southern Slave !
If the “times are not sadly out of joint” with
the “Southern Americans,” there will be a
stampede from their ranks between this and
November next, that will astonish their leaders
South of Mason and Dixon's line, or we much
mistake the feelings and sentiments of the
people. Respect and devotion to Millard
Fillmore, on the part of a few: the calculation
of availability on the part of others; will have
but little influence in drawing to his support,
the masses when they have presented to them the
glaring fact that he is to receive the support of
the ‘North Americans,’ because of his opposition
to the constitutional rights of a State; in other
words, because of his opposition to the Kansas
Nebraska act, that opposition being led and
pressed to the “ bitter end ”by the opponents
of Slavery. But time will prove all things,
and wc are conteat to abide coming events,
while the shadow is hanging over them. In
the interim, let every Southern man be wary
and watchful!
Presidents Message.
Our Relations with Nicaragua.
In answer to resolutions passed in both houses
of Congress, the President sent to Congress,
yesterday, a special message, accompanied by
the correspondence in regard to our present
relations with Nicaragua. The message is as
follows :
To the Senate and House of Representatives .
I transmit, herewith, reports of the Secreta
ry of State, the Secretary of the Navy, and the
Attorney General, in reply to a resolution of
the Senate of the 24th of March last, and also
to a resolution of the House of Representatives
of the Bth of May instant, both having refer
ence to the routes of transit 1 etween the At
lantic and Pacific oceans through th. republics
of New Granada and Nicaragua, and to the
condition of affairs in Central America.
These documents relate to questions of the
highest importance and interests to the people
of the U, S.
The narrow isthmus which connects the con
tinents of North aud South America, has, by
the facilities it affords for easy transit between
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, rendered the
countries of Cen.ral America an object of spe
cial consideration to all maritime nations, which
has been greatly augmented in modern times
by the operation of changes in commercial re
lations, especially those'produced.by the general
use < f steam as a motive power by land and
sea. To us, on account of its geographical
position and of our political interests as an
American State of primary magnitude, that
isthmus is of peculiar importance, just as the
isthmus of Suez is, for corresponding reasons,,
to the maritime powers of Europe. But, above i
all, the importance to the U. S. of securing;
free transit across the American isthmus has
rendered it of paramount interest to us since j
the settlement of the Territories of Oregon and ;
Washington, and the accession of California to
the Union.
Impelled by these considerations, the United i
States took steps at an early day to assure I
suitable means of commercial transit, by J
canal, railway, or otherwise, across this isth
mus.
We concluded, in the first place a treaty of
peace, amity, navigation, aud commerce with
the republic of New Granada, among the con
ditions of which was a stipulation, on the part
of New Granada, guarantying to the United
States the right es way or transit .across that
part of the isthmus which lie tn the territory 1
of New Granada, in ccnsideration of which ‘
the U. States guarantied in respect of the same
territory the rights of sovereigtny and property
of New Gianada.
The effect of this treaty was to afford to the
people of the U. S. facilities for at once open
ing a common road from Chagres to Panama,
and for at length constructing a railway in the
same direction, to connect regularly with steam
ships, for the transportation of mails, specie,
and passengers, to and fro, between the Atlan
tic and Pacific States and Territories of the j
U. S.
The United States also endeavored, but un '
sucessfully,to obtain from the Mexican repub-j
lie the session of the right of way at the north
era extremity of the isthmus by Tehuantepec, I
and that line of communication continues to b' ;
an object of solicitude to the people of this re
public.
In the mean time, intervening between the
republic of New Granda and the Mexican re
public, lie the States of Guatemala. Salvador,
Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the sev
ered members of the former republic of Cen
tral American. Here, in the territory of the
Central American States, is the narrowest part
of the isthmus, and hither, of course, public
attention has been directed as the most inviting
field for enterprises of inter-oceanic communi
cation between the opposite shores of Amer
ica, and more especially to the territory of the
States of Nicaragua and Honduras.
Paramount to that of any European State !
as was the interest of the United States in the ,
security and freedom of projected lines of trav-'
el across the isthmus by the way cf Nicaragua j
and Honduras, still we did not yield in this re- 1
spcct to any suggestions . f territorial aggran- 1
dizement, or even of exclusive advantage, eith-1
er of communication or of commerce. Op- ■
portunities had not been wanting to the Unit- |
ed States to procure such advantages by peace-'
ful means, and with full aud free assent of those t
who alone had any legitimate authority in the 1
matter. We disregarded those opportunities,'
from considerations alike of domestic and for- i
eign policy ; just as. even to the present day, !
we have persevered in a system of justice and j
respect for the rights and interests of others as |
well as our own, in regard to each and all of:
the States of Central America.
It was with surprise and regret, therefore,
that the United States learned, a few days af
ter the conclusion of the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo, by which the United States became,
with the consent of the Mexican republic, the
rightful owners of California, and thus invest
ed with augmented special interest in the po-!
litical condition of Central America, that a
military expedition under the authority of the I
British government had landed at San Juan
del Norte, in the State of Nicaragua, and ta-l
ken forcible possession of that port, the ueces- ;
sary terminus of any canal or railway across '
the isthmus within the territories of" Nieara- I
gua.
It did not dimmish the unweleomness.to us of I
this act on the part of Great Britain to find I
that she assumed to justify it on the ground of i
an alleged protectorship of a small and obscure
baud of uncivilized Indians, whose proper name I
even had become lost to history, who did not |
constitute a State capable of territorial -over- ;
eignty. either in fact or of right, and all politi- ■
cal interest in whom, and in the territory they |
occupied. Great Britain had previously renounc- j
ed by successive treaties with Spain when Spain .
was sovereign of the country, and subsequently !
with independent Spanish America.
and injuriously affected as the I
United States conceived themselves to have*
been by this act of the British government,
and by its occupation about th • same time of
insularand of continental portions of the ter
ritory of the State of Honduras, we remember
ed the many and powerful ties and mutual in
interests by which Great Britain and the Unit
ed States are associated, and we proceeded in
earnest good faith, and with a sincere desire to
do whatever might strengthen "the bonds of
peace between us, to negotiate with Great
Britain a convention to assure the perfect neu
trality of all interoceanic communications across
the isthmus, and, as the indispensable condition
of such neutrality, the absolute independence
of the States of Central America, and their
i c.mplete sovereignty within the limits of their
i own territory, as well against Great Britain as
against the United States. We supposed we
had accomplished that object by the convention
of April 19,1850, which would never have
been signed nor ratified on the part of the
United States but for the conviction that, in
virtue of its provisions, neither Great Britain
nor the United States was thereafter to exer
cise any territorial sovereignty, in fact or in
name, in any part of Central America, how
ever or whensoever acquired, either before or
afterwards. The essential object of the con
vention—the neutralization of the isthmus
would, of course, become a nullity, if either
Great Britain or the United States were to
continue to hold exclusively islands or main
land of the isthmus, and more especially if,
under any claim of protectorship of Indians
i cither government were to remain forever sov
’ erign in fact of the Atlantic shores of the
' three States of t’osta Rica. Nicaragua, and
; Honduras.
I have already communicated to the two
| houses of Congress full informalion of the
protracted, and hitherto fruitless efforts, which
the United States have made to arrange this
international question with Great Britain. It
is referred to on the present occasion only be
cause of its intimate connexion with the special
object now to be brought to the attention of
' (Congress.
The unsettled political condition of some of
the Spanish American republics has ever ceased
to be regarded by this government with solici
tude and regret on their own account, while it
has been the source of continual embarrassment
in our public and private relations with them.
In th ’ midst of the violent revolutions and the
wars by which they arc continually agitated,
their authorities are unable to affoid due pro
tection to foreigners and to oreign interests
within their territory, or even to defend their own
soil against individal aggressors, foreign or do
mestic, the burden of the inconveniences and loss
es of wbi.h, therefore,devolves, in no considera
ble degree, upon die foreign States associated
with them iu close relations of geographical vi
cinity or of commercial intercourse.
Such is, more emphatically, the situation of
the United States with respect to the repub
lics of Mexico and of Central America. Not
withs.a ding, however, the relative remoteness
of the European States from America, facts of
the same order have not failed to appear con
spicuously in their intercourse with Spanish-
American republics. Great Britain has re
peatedly been constrained to recur to measures
of force for the protection of British interests
in those countries. France found it necessary
to attack the castle of San Juan de Ulua, and
even to debark troops at Vera Cruz, in order
to obtain redress of wrongs done to Frenchmen
in Ma ico.
What is memorable in this respect in the
conduct and policy of the United States is. that
while it would be as easy for us to annex and
absorb new territories in America as it is for
European States to do tins in Asia or Africa,
and while, if done by us, it might be justified as
l well, on the alleged ground of the advantage
I which would accrue therefrom to the territories
i aune a d and absorbed, yet we have abstained
I from doing it, in obedience to considerations of
right not Lss than of policy; and that,
while the courageous and self-reliant spir
it of our people prompts them to hardy enter
prises. and they occasional.y yield to the tempt
ation of taking part in the troubles of countries
near at h nd where they know how potential
their i: fluence, moral and material, must be, the
American government has uniformly and stead
ily resisted all attempts of individuals in the
I uited States to undertake armed aggression
I against friendly Spanish-American republics.—
IV hi e t.e present incumbent of the execu
tive office 1 as been iu discharge of its duties, he
i lias never failed to exert all the authority in
I him vested to repress such enterprises, because
1 they arc in violation of the law of the land,
which the constitution requires him to execute
faithfully ; because they are contrary to the
policy of the government: and because to per
mit them would be a departue from good faith
towards those American republics in amity
with us, which are entitled to, and will nevfir
cease to enjoy, in their calamities the cordial
sympathy, and in their prosperity the efficient
good will, of the government and of the people
of the United States.
To say that our laws in this respect are some
times violated, or successfully evaded, is only to
say what is true of all laws in all countries, but
not more so in the United States than in any
one whatever of the count ies of Europe. Suf
fice it to repeat that the laws of the United
States, prohibiting all foreign military enlist
ments or expeditions within our territory, have
been executed with impartial good ffiith, and
so fa us the nature of things permits, as well
in repression of private persons as of the official
agents of other governments, both of Europe
and America.
Among the Central American republics, to
which modern events have imparted most prom
inence, is that of Nicaragua, by reason of its
particular position on the isthmus. Citizens
of the United States have established in its
Territory a regular interoceanic transit route,
second only in utility and value to the one pre
viously established in the territory of New
Granada. The condition of Nicaragua would,
it is believed, have been much more prosperous
than it has been, but for the occupation of its
only Atlan.ic port by a foreign power, and of
the disturbing authority set up and sustained :
by the same power in a portion of its territory, I
by means of which its domestic sovereignty !
was impaired, its publie lands were withheld |
from settlement, and it was deprived of all the !
maritime revenue which it would otherwise col- i
lect on imported merchandise at San Juan del I
Norte.
| In these circumstances of the political debil
. ity of the republic of Nicaragua, and when
' its inhabitants were exhausted by long-contin-
I ued civil war between parties, neither of them
strong enough to overcome the other, or perma-
I nently maintain internal tranquillity, one of
, the contending factions of the republic invited
i the assistance and co-operation of a small body
of the citizens of the United States from the
State of Colifornia. whose presence us it ap
pears, put an end at once 0 civil war, and re
stored apparent order throughout the territory
of Nicaragua, with a new administration, hav
ing at its head a distinguished individual, by
birth a citizen of the republic, D. Patricio Ri
vas. as its provisional President.
It is the established policy of the United
States to recognize all governments without
question of their source, or their organization, I
or of the means by which the governing persons I
attain their power, provided there be a gov
ernment ile facto accepted by the people of the
country, and with reserve only of time as to the
recognition of revolutionary governments ari
sing ont of the subdivision of parent States
with which wc are in relations of amity. We
do not go behind the fact of a foreign govern
ment exercising actual power to investigate
questions of legitimacy ; wc do dot inquire into
the causes which may have led to a change of
government. To us it is indifferent whether a
successful revolution has been aided by foreign
intervention or not; whether insurrection has
overthrown existing government, and another
has been established in its place according to
pre-existing forms, or in a manner adopted for
the occasion by those whom we may find in the
actual possession of power. All these matters
we leave to the people and public authorities
of the particular country to determine; and
their determination, whether it be by positive
action or by ascertained acquiescence, is to us
a sufficient warranty of the legitimacy of the
new government.
During the sixty-seven years which have
elapsed since the establishment of the existing
ing government of the United States, in all
which time this Union has maintained undis
turbed domestic tranquillity, we have had oc
casion to recognise governments de facto, found
ed either by domestic revolution or by military
invasion from abroad, in many of the govern
ments of Europe.
It is the more imperatively necessary to ap
ply this rule to the Spanish American republic,
in consideration of the frequent and not sel
dom anomalous changes of organization or ad
ministration whicu they undergo, and the revo
lutionary nature of most of these changes, of
which the recent series of revolutions in the
Mexican republic is an example, where five
successive revolutionary governments have made
their appearance in the course of a few months
and been recognised successively each, as the
political power of the country,' by the United
States.
When, therefore, some time since, a new
minister from the republic of Nicaragau pre
sented Irmself, hearing the commission ofPres
ident Rivas, he must and would have been re
ceived as such, unless he was found on inquiry
subject to personal exception, but for the ab
sence of satisfactory information upon the ques
tion whether Pres .den Rivas was in fact the
head of an established government of the repub
lic of Nicaragua, doubt as to which arose not
only from the circumstances of his avowed
association with armed emigrants recently from
the U. 8., but that the proposed minister him
self was of that class of persons, and not other
wise or previously a c'tizen of Nicaragua.
Another minister from the republic of Nic
aragua has now presented himself, and has
been received as such, satisfactory evidence
appearing that he represents the government
de facto, and, so far as such exists, the govern
ment de jure, of that republic.
That reception, while in acordance with
the established policy of the U. S., was like
wise called for by the most imperative special
exigences, which require that this government
shall enter at once into diplomatic relations
with that of Nicaragua. In the first place, a
dilference has occurred between the government
of President Rivas and the Nicaragua Transit
Company, which involves the necessity of in
quiry into rights of citizens of the U. S., who
allege that they have been aggrieved by the
acts of the former, and claim protection and
redresss at the hands of their government. In
the second place, the inter-oceanic communica
tion by the way of Nicaragua is effectually
interrupted, and the persons and property of
unoffending private citizens of the U. 8. in that
country require the attention of their govern
ment. Neither of these objects can receive
due consideration without resumption of di
plomatic intercourse with the government of
Nicaragua. Further than this, the documents
communicated show that, while the interocean
ic transit by the way of Nicaragua is cut off,
disturbances at Panama have occurred to ob
struct, temporrily at least, that by the way of
New Granada, involving the sacrifice of the
lives and property of citizens of the U. S. A
special commissioner hss been despatched to
Panama to investigate the facts of this occur,
rence, with a view particularly to the redress o
parties aggrieved. But measures of another
class will be demanded for the future security
of interoceanic communication by this as by
the other routes of the isthmus.
It would be difficult to suggest a single ob
ject of interest, external or internal, more im
portant to the U. S. than the maintenance of
the communication, by land and sea, between
the Atlantic and Pacific States and Territories
of the Union. It is a material element of the
national integrity and sovereignty.
I have adopted such" precautionary meas
ures, and have taken such action, for the pur
pose of affording security to the several transit
routes of Central America, and to the persons
and property of citizens of the U. S. connected
with or using the same, as are within my con
stitutional power and as existing circumstances
have seemed to demand. Should these meas
ures prove inadequate to the object, that fact
will be communicated to Congress, with such
recommendations as the exigency of the case
may indicate. FRANKLIN PIERCE.
Washington, May 15,1856.
-
A Manly Letter.
Mr. F. Bostick, a well known influential
citizen of Yazoo, Mississippi, is out in along
and spirited letter, declaring his withdrawal
from the know nothing organization, and his
determination to battle henceforward and for
ever in the democratic cause. ‘’Prodigal like,’’
says he, “I will return to the noble old demo
cracy!”
Referring to the Philadelphia conclave, its
platform and its nominees, Mr. Bostic deintod
ly says:
“ Their recent convention in February pre
[ sents the South with a new faith. They tell
I them, with the 12th section of the June plat
j form they could carry only three slave States,
I and without it they could earay the whole
| North.
: A new arrangement is made, and the re
| nowned writer of the Erie letter—the arch-ene
my of the South—is placed upon it in connex
ion with Mr. Donelson ; the latter was heard,
in a southern city of this Union a few days af
ter, denouncing the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Sir,
I think the South has no further compromises
to make with the North on the slavery ques
tion.
’ It does seem to me that every southern heart
should be as a unit upon that subject at a time
like the present, for I think we have a more
formidable foe to fight than the foreigners and
Catholics.”
—— —■
Thx Oxyginated Bitters have received the
strongest testimonials of any medicine in the
world for the cure of Dyspepsia. Asthma and
General Debility, and is worthy the confidence
of all who seek a remedy for these complaints.
For the Allanite Daily Examiner.
] ADVERTISEMENT.)
Fahibcrn, Ga., May 17,185 C.
Mr. Editor: A few words only in reply to
Palmetto ” of your last issue. That article
is entirely in character with the whole crusade
against me, base in its inception, cowardly in
its execution ; an ambuscade is truly their le
gitimate style of warfare. The writer of that
article has published a libel upon the town of
Palmetto by signing the article as he did. He
has libeled the council by stating that it
was the council that required me to leave the
Btate. He knows it is false; not more so how
ever, than nearly every other statement he made.
No wonder he declines signing his name to such
a tissue of falsehoods. The public are prepared
for all such efforts as his. He will find that
his effort to set Fairburn and Palmetto at va
riance, will signally fail. “The enlightened
town of Fairburn ” as he calls it, treats such
trash as his letter with the contempt it deserves;
and would treat its author in the same way.—
He seems to enjoy my insignificance with great
complacency. He is welcome to all the satis
| faction he can derive from that source, I never
| sought notoriety. To be an independent free
I man is all I desire, I will be that or nothing.
He makes a perfect Buena Vista charge upon
|my bravery. I hope it eased him, if it did not,
| he got poorly paid for his trouble for I can as
sure him it did not disturb my equanimity in
the least. lam free to say, 1 never fight un
less compelled to. As to his twenty witnesses ;
he had better put them upon the stand if he
expects any body to believe him. lam of the
opinion that his twenty would dwindle down
to one, and that one would be himself. No
doubt there arc few things he would not swear
to for a consideration, but even the mob that
surrounded me would “ most respectfully de
cline ” swearing to any such reckless and fool
hardy statements as his letter contains. He
was fool enough to think- that by signing his
“bantling ” “ Palmetto ” he could make people
believe that it contained the sentiments of the
people ofPalmetto,when,infact, I havefriends
even there. But 1 have already given too much
attention to an article coming from an irrespon
sible source. A word in regard to Mr. Talia
ferro's communitation which appeared in the
1 <st “ Banner.” I at first thought 1 would pass
it by in silence, as I have given the public my
account of the affair and he has an undoubted
right to give his, no matter how false it may
be. But on reflection, I concluded to give it
a passing notice. It carries its own death
warrant upon its face. He says he had con
cluded to “ treat my card with silent contempt,”
Better a thousand times have done so for his
own sake, than to have published such a suici
dal communication as his. He says, “ I as
sailed him it is true upon current report.” In
that short sentence he reveals his first great er
ror, A flying rumor induces him to take up
the weapon of warfare, and he too claiming to
be a Christian. Again he says, “ his denying it
was no evidence in my mind ” thus closing ev
ery avenue against me.
He has let no opportunity slip to fish up
casual remarks made by me, and distort them
in every imaginable way. Not content with
that, he has descended to the superlative mean
ness of dragging my sister into the controversy.
“Oh shame where is thy blush!” “He says
she took an abolition paper. Horrible to tell
what an awful crime, a lady coming from the
North sees fit to take a northern paper for the
purpose of obtaining the local news from her
former home. But even in this I think hi.,
statement false. All the Northern papers I
know of her having, were casually sent her by
Northern friends. Strange too that Lord
Charles should strive to secure her as a tcachc r
again after a trial of one year, and when he
failed in that should request mo to write North
for anather teacher for him. How dangerous
such teachers must be in his eyes. But again
lam “ the friend of Seward.” That I never
said, for I never spoke to Seward in my life
It is useless, however, to attempt to follow up
his rumors. His other statements of my say
ings are equally false and distorted.
But he “ had determined to cane the Esquire.”
What a beautiful illustration of that Christian
spirit which he professes to possess, whose
“ weapons are not carnal but spiritual.” Let
me tell him, no man ever shall “ cane the Es
quire.”
Again he says, “ there was no mob,” but
afterward says “some wanted to prosecute,
some cowhide, some one thing and some anoth
er.” “ O consistency thou art a jewel This
is all in keeping with his letter, one part con
tradictory and condemning another, and the
whole contradicted by his satelite who styles
himself “ Palmetto.” For Heaven’s sake Lord
Charles or rather for your own, fix up the doc
uments so they will hang together better if you
expect people to believe them. Your grwt-I
and-littlc-everybody-else style won’t do, with all
your money and influence. But the iinmacu late
Charles understood I was in the grocery, my
usual place of stay when in Palmetto.” Well
I leave it to cye-witnessess to say which acted,
most like a drunken man throughout the whole
affair. Igoin a grocery when I please and
generally come out sober. He harps upon my
taking to my heels when I had two loaded bar
rels left. If he wishes to know why he did not
get the benefit of the two barrels I can tell him.
they refused to fire. A man who examined
the pisltol after I gave it up, said there was a
piece of cap caught in the pistol which preven
ted its revolving. I am truly glad nobody was
killed. Mr. Taliaferro’s billingsgate epithets
of “ infamous scamp,” “abolitionist,scoundrel,
<tc,” are indeed gentlemanly, and will no doubt
redound to his praise as a Christian and man.
One word more and I am done. He says he
proposed to pay my fine. That also is false.
This is what he dul do-, before we were fined, in
his bullying threatning manner he said, he was
willing to pay my fine so that he could have a
chance at me, or words to that effect, meaning
if he could have a chance to “ wear me out
with a stick ”as he expresses it. But after
we were fined he never offered to pay my fine
that I heard of. Now to test his sincerity on
that point. If be will remit me twenty-five
dollars the amount of fine I had to pay I will
receipt him through the press. We can then
see what his “ blow ” about the fine means.
He is truly a modest man or he would not
have harped such “ dulcet notes ” about his
kindness to the poor. His whole letter shows
him out in his true colors, a bigoted, conceded,
meddlesome, purse-proud, would-be-greal, but
really very small piece of humanity, whose good
qualities are all buried in a dark cloud of an
gry passions lashed into fury by his failure to
disgrace me and whip me like a dog. I shall
probably not reply to further communications.
Respectfully, F. 8. FITCH.
M. Brocehieri, the inventor of the celebrated
antihemorrhagic water which bears }ia name,
has just died in France. He had always refused
to make known his secret, and had, in conse
quence, allowed himself to be twice condemned
for the circulation of unauthorised remedies.—
He has just willed to his widow a fortune of a
million of francs, and his secret to the Faculty
of Medicine.'— Courier des Etats Unis'