Newspaper Page Text
TUESDAY, JUNK 19.
Qtrermor Letter.
We call .attention to thia strong and oc
clusive paper 'which appears in our morn
ings issue. We think that nothing remains
to be said in favor of theunion of all parties
now existing in tho Southern States, upon
the platform, as laid down by the late Dem
ocratic Convention held by the party in
Georgia. ^ .
A disintegration of our strength is a de
plorable thing, and is not demanded and
cannot bo justified by any necessity, that is
upon us. If any man in the Sonth can
place his finger upon a principle included in
that exposition of faith that is not sound
and safe, and to which a reasonable objec
tion could be made by any partisan, we will
then agree that our present political
estrangements are not as criminal as we are
constrained to think now. Let it be shown
if it can be, what is unconstitutional, dan
gerous, inexpedient, unjust, or illiberal, in
the published platform of the party. Who
is proscribed by it that has any affinities for
our cause, or who is excluded from the
fullest and freest participation in the
labors or in the successes of that cause by
anything that is demanded by our creed.—
Wc fear that those who say that they are
excluded and unbidden are malcontents at
heart and would not see the South a unit
upon terms that left us upon impregnable
ground.
“The New York papers are calling pub
lic attention to the great increase of opium
in that city, and suggests that, as its effects
are no less deleterious than those resulting
from the use of ardent spirits, its sale ought
to be repressed by law. In Europe laud
anum and the like dangerous drugs can on
ly be procured by handing to the druggist
nu order from a physician "
So we go. We predicted from the start
of the Prohibition crusade that tho spirit of
the movement would saddle us, after awile,
with the whole code of Blue-laws. After
opium is done for, then look out for your
quids, ye slaves of the weed. The re-action
from al! this sumptuary tyranny will proba
bly not begin till after the pulpit has been
superseded, and the little nost of tyrants and
man-haters who will make up the oligarchy
of tbe majority party, lia^placed burthens
on the masses too intolerant to be borne,
and which our guardinns arc not willing to
touch with their little fingers. Neal Dow,
though, is beginning to turn men’s noses to
the right point of the compass.
[For the Atlnuta Daily Intelligencer.]
A Remarkable Phenomenon.
Messrs. Editors: In your issue of the 15th
inst. you seem to invite communications in
relation to the vorv remarkable phenomenon
that was seen in this place on Wednesday
wight last, l?th inst. As much for your
own gratification and that of your readers
ns that of calling the attention of scientific
men abroad io this curious spectacle, I give
you tho following imperfect description of
it, made up of the writer’s own observations
in part, assisted by the more extended ob
servations of one or two friends who were
watching with him For its general cor
rectness I can safely touch, hut owing to
the iiunatural character of the thing de
scribed, 1 fear that it will not convey a very
exact or intelligible idea to those who were
not eye witnesses.
It was a bright—unusually bright—star
light night, with not a speck of a cloud
visible in all ihc heavens, and with a tem
perature very cool for the season—indeed
so chilly as to render one or two blankets
necessary for comfortable sleeping. At
about 11} o’clock the appearance began, with
two faint streaks starting in the East and
West, at points upon the horizon nearly
identical with the points of sunrise and
Letter Croat Gov. Johnson.
- Executive Chamber, 1
Milledgeville, Geo., June 11th. }
Maji John H. Howard,
Columbus, Geo.
Dear SirI received your favor, enclos
ing me a copy of the “ Meeting at Tempe
rance Hall" on the 26th of May, in which
you beg me “not to oppose this movement.’’
I also received your communication of the
will vote for her admission. But will they
do it. if they find that the South has cut on
all party alliance with them ? Is it to be
expected ? And suppose Kansas, with such
a constitution, should be rejected, as she
probably will, and an appeal should be
made to the non-slaveholding States to re
turn members to the following Congress who
will vote for her admission, what hope should
__ _ „ we then have of a successful appeal, if we
1st inst., written at Montgomery, Ala., sup- .shall have dissolved our party alliance with
porting, by an elaborate argument, the pol- them ? Absolutely none. If the South
— ’ - J —‘ J *—= sectionalizes herself, the North will take a
similar position; and being in the minority,
icy foreshadowed in the resolutions adopted
by the meeting referred to. My nomina
tion, and acceptance of the candidacy for
the office of Governor, by the late Demo
cratic Convention, apprise you more forci
bly than I could express, in words, of my
utter and entire dissent from the line of pol
icy which you urge. Not desiring to be
conspicuous, I should not have obtruded my
views upon the public, but my great respect
for you would not permit me to be silent,
and justice to myself, in view of the posi
tion I occupy before the people of Georgia,
requires that I should bo fully understood,
in order that I may not seem captiously to
oppose a movement 60 specious, and eman
ating from a source so respectable.
Without arrogance, I believe I am as true
a Southern Rights man as any you can find
—as firmly attached tar Southern interests—
we must either submit to dishonor and deg
radation, or dissolve the Union. There is
no avoiding one of these alternatives, and,
therefore, I am standing by our Northern
friends, for the present, as the best course
to maintain our rights in the Union.
In 1850, as before remarked, I was an
ardent but humble member of the Southern
Rights party. It was a sectional organisa
tion, from the very nature of the circum
stances and questions which brought it into
being. I belonged to that party, because
the compromise measures, in my judgment,
were of such a character as to demand firm
and united action on the part of tbe South*
ern States. We had presented to us aprac-
tical, tangible, exciting and solemn issue,
involving the interests of our Democratic
institutions. The two parties that then
as prompt to unite in their energetic vindica-
tion and support, I fully evinced all this in sprung up, grew naturally from the charac-
1850, which grew out of the acts of Con- ter of the question to be decided. But is
gress, known as the “Compromise Mea- j there any such issue now ? Has Congress
sures.” Upon that issue I acted with tbe j committed any over act hostile to the slave-
Southern Rights party. In common with j ry interest? So far from thi^being true,
them, I was in favor of a temporary sever- ! the measures of the last Congress evince
iance of party alliance with the North— j more justice to the South than has been
temporarily until that issue should be set- awarded to her for many years; and what
. r -r, ... t -— -ii js more important, those measures were
sustained by a large number of Northern
and Western Democratic members. What,
then, is to be gained by sectional organiza
tion ? Show me the necessity for it, and I
shall advocate It with earnest zeal.
The “Columbus Movement,” as it is call
ed, is put forward under the specious sug
gestion for us to be “one people and one
party.” This indeed sounds beautifully. It
smacks of a political millenium. But, how
ever desirable, we cannot be “one people
tied. For this purpose I desired to see all
the .slaveholding States ceq$titute “one peo
ple and one party,” and that they should
meet in Southern--Convention, not . to dis
solve the Union, but to adopt a platform
upon which Southern Rights might be main
tained and the Union preserved. I pre
ferred this course to separate action by the
State, because I believed that its moral ef
fect upon the North would be potent for the
accomplishment of our patriotic purposes.—
But the people of this State, by an over-
whelming majority adjudged otherwise.— and one party,” until we shall all think
They decided that Georgia should act for ; alike. In a government like ours, where
herself, take her own position, and lay down ! freedom of thought and debate is tolerated,
her own platform. In sovereign Conven- i diversity of sentiment must needs exist.—
tion, she gave expression to her final deter- j Now, right or wrong, experience shows this
mination in the bold, fearless, and solemn ; to be true. In 1832, it was considered that
language of the 4th resolution, to wit: patriotism should prompt us to be “one peo-
That the State of Georgia, in the judg- | pie and one party” on the Tariff question,
ment of this Convention, will and ought to < In 1850 many of us thought we should be
resist, even (as & last resort) to a disruption j “one people and one party,” on theCompro-
of every tie which binds her to the Union, : mise question. On each of these occasions
any act of Congress upon the subject of j there was a great exciting issue, deeply af-
Slavery in the District of Columbia, or in fecting the rights and interests of the South,
places* subject to the jurisdiction of Con- But bow egregiously were we divided;
gress, incompatible with the safety, domes- you have no such' issue now—indeeed, no
tic tranquility, the rights and honor of the present pending issue. Then, if we could
siaveholding States ; or any act suppressing j not be “one people and one party” in 1832
the slave trade between the slaveholding i and 1850, when there were great subjects
States ; or any refusal to admit as a State j of excitement, is it not utopian to expect it
any territory hereafter applying, because
of tbe existence of slavery therin : or any
act prohibiting the introduction of slaves
into the territories of Utah and New Mexi
co ; or any act repealing or materially modi
fying the laws in force for the recovery of
fugitive slaves.
When Georgia had thus authoritatively
decided to acquiesce in the Compromise
Measures—to act for herself, irrespective of
our sister Southern States, by announcing
solemnly tbe future conditions on which she
would remain in the Union. 1 regarded the
question which gave rise to the formation > _
of the Southern Rights and Union parties ‘ regard the “Columbus Movement as very
as settled, and that, consequently, the lie- j singular. Congress has been adjourned
cessity for their continuance as political or- j ever since the 4th of March ; the Northern
oauizations ceased. I was satisfied with j and Western elections have transpired
the platform, and if a Southern Convention j several weeks ago; no very recent develop-
had been held, I could not have asked it to j ment, hostile to Southern Rights has occurr-
take higher and stronger ground. I would | ed, and yet not a syllable is suggested, as to
have been better pleased with the same j the formation of a Southern party, until two
platform adopted by such a body, for the ; of the most prominent leaders of the Whig
reason only, of its greater moral weight ! party, in Georgia, have thrown bomb shells
with the Northern portion of our Con- into the ranks of Know Nothingism, and the
now, in the absence of any condensing ele
ment in the popular mind ? In action, the
masses of freemen are harmonious ; in dis
cussion, rarely ever. We shall differ in
Georgia, and be arranged into party organi
zations until The time for action shall come.
Then we shall be “one people and one par
ty.” Let the 4th Resolution of the Georgia
Convention of 1850, be trampled under foot
by Congress, and then our people with one
accord, without tho suggestion of prelimi
nary meetings, will rush together, like the
gathering elements of the brewing tempest.
Looking at the circumstances, I can but
federacy.
The Southern Rights and Union parties
of 1850 and ’51 being thus disbanded by
the cessation of causes which brought them
Democratic party of Georgia, has been
aroused and organised, and are about to
meet in Convention. Why is this ? Why
has patriotism slumbered so long ? Why
*' until ‘
raentieai wnn roe po.uu, o. B u U .«e uu U . included, seeing that among the Northern
• , v i „„,;i I Democracy were sound men—ready to stand
sunset, and running up the heavens until , ^ s 0 bth_ready to execute the Fugi-
they met and united in the zenith, lhis 1 - ~ ■ ~ r
formed an arch or belt spanning the heav
ens. This belt iiad the appearance of a
dark thick smoke near the horizon and for
about 25 degrees above; beyond that and
about the zenith it was not so dense or dark,
but still clearly perceptible, and thick
enough to obscure entirely the stars which
into being, it became a question with us all i *™t until the position of certain Whig
—Wlties^and Democrats—whither should j leaders was known ? Why wait until just
we go” The Democrats of Georgia, myself on the Democratic Convention ? Was it to
. , 6 V , xra-tiL,.., be supposed that the Democratic party of
it covered. Near the horizon it resembled
very much iu color and density the black
smoke which issues from the chimney of a
machine shop using bituminous coal for
fuel. This belt—narrow at first—imper-
tive Slave law. and consider the passage of
the “Compromise Measures” as the final
settlement of the slavery agitation—deter
mined to be represented in the then ap
proaching Baltimore Convention, to sup
port its nominees, and bide its action, pro
vided that they would come squarely up to
our position. That body did so. They de-
be supposed that the Democratic party
Georgia, with its seventy-four counties, rep
resented by one hundred and seventy-five
delegation assembled in Milledgeville, ready
for action, flushed with ardent hopes of suc
cess, in a patriotic cause, would disband, go
home and repudiate their organization, at
the bidding of the Temperance Hall meet
ing ? How could it reasonably be expected,
that such a request would be complied
with ? So far from making us “one people
termined to stand by the Compromise meas- j ?nd one party,” nothing hasi ever: occurred
urcs: to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law, jn our State, so calculated to divide and dis
and to resist its repeal or modification.— i tract P U ^J 1C sentiment.
They nominated General Pierce, and with j the known patriotism and character of
him as our leader, and those principles in-j those who lead in this movement did
scribed on our banner, the National Demo- j not rise a presumption against such a mo-
eratic party was thoroughly reorganized, ! ti'e, 1 would conclude, mat schism, and
, I orwi tr.nn.hMl tn viciorv Now I re-Dect- heart burning and angry strite, were the
ceptibly increased m width, and in about , JJJ 1 “ ^ not Gen / ral p ierc ’ e faithfully ! effects they desired to produce. For these,
fifteen minutes it covered an extent in the j can : jed out ti) - pJ i n «iples of that Baltimore j to the minds oi the dispassionate, will be
heavens of from 5* to 10 degrees. It then ! platform? lias he not enforced the execu- ; its legitimate fruits. In the spirit ul sober,
— - but earnest appeal, I would *»arn the people
against it. It is fraught with misetuet, and
mischief only.
1 consider the people of Georgia pledged
to the provisions of the 4th Resolution of
the Ge 0l 'g* a Platform. It speaks the sov
ereign voice of the State, and we owe it the
homage allegiance. The Democratic
Party of Georgia re-united with their Na
tional Democratic brethren in the Baltimore
Convention upon the understanding, that
they would, ou their part, adhere to the
principles of Compromise. Xney have
done so; and bo long as they continue to do
so we are, in honor, bound to stand by them
—certainly bo un d to stand by them until
it shall be*demonstrated, that our alliance
with them is unavailing lor the protection
of our rights under tbe Constitution.—
Therefore,°to re soive ourselves into a sec
tional organization, in advance of any ot
the contingencies enumerated in that 4tn
Resolution is virtual disloyalty to it, and a
practical repudiation oi tue terms on which
the Georgia Democracy weut into the Balti
more Convention. T° do either is incom
patible with good faith an( i sound policy-
In a popular government like ours, two
parties will exist, based severally upon a
strict and latitudinous construction of the
Federal Constitution. Call them by what
names you will, this great touchstone will
indicate their identy. Such parties, in this
country, are co-eval with the formation of
our political system. The one is the Dem
ocratic or Republican, and the other ia the
Whig or Federal party. Their struggle
for supremacy has been continued, with
earnest zeal, throughout our entire history.
The Democratic party has generally been
in the ascendancy. It has originated near
ly all the great measures which have shaped
the policy of the government. Indeed, it
has always, with two or three exceptions,
been emphatically the party of the adminis
tration, and, guided by the rule of strict
construction, has regulated the Tariff, op
posed a system of Internal Improvements,
supplanted a National Bank, conducted our
w ars with foreign powers, and enlarged
platfor
remained stationary for some time in size i tion of the Fugitive Slave law? Has he not
and position, with outlines clearly defined j given evidence of great firmness and sound-
. ‘ , 1 uesss of constitutional construction, in Ins
against the sky. i able and admirable vetoes ? Aye, more—
In a few minutes, a second belt, similar i j n tbe j agt Gon g resS) when one great princi-
to the first, except that it was of less width ! p i e 0 f tl ie Compromise measures, that new
and density, was seen forming—connected j States should be admitted into the Union
with tbe first of the points on the horizon i with or without slavery, as their people
,, „ , ‘ : might determine for themselves, cams to be
and spanning the heavens a little South of 6 applied on the passage of the
the one just uescribed—leaving the space oi . K anaas .Nebraska bill, did not a large por-
a few degrees ali around between the two. i t j t)n 0 f Northern and Western Democratic
Fifteen minutes sufficed io form this one, j members faithfully redeem their pledges?
when a third began to appear in the same ' Did they not aid the South in repealing the
manner-then a fourth, and so on, until Missouri restriction, under which she had
, .,. . . - . P , t | writhed tnirfcv years, as degrading to her
about 11* o’clock, six of these belts were an d violative of the Constitution ?
visible—all joined at the points of conec-1 jf these things be true, why should Geor-
vion on the horizon, and together with the j „i a dissolve her alliance with the sound
intervals between them occupying all tho j Democrats of the North ? What have they
space in the heavens from the zenith to the | done since we marched with them to victo-
'. . ry in the late Presidential election to forfeit
. oiithern horizon. .... , our confidence» I know that all Northern
They diminished gradually in width from ! j) emocrat8 are no t sound, necessarily, upon
tho first to the sixth, the last being but a i the slavery quostion—many of them are
faint narrow streak ; yet all possessed out- | rotten to the heart’s centre. But I do be-
iines clearly defined. The phenomenon re-1 lieve the sound men among them govein
mained in this position for about thirty the Democratic party North ao as topre-
1 . , , , 1 vent a permanent course of policy hostile
minutes. These six belts then began to t , )C interests 0 f the South. They are, at
separate from each other in the following j ; ca9 t ( the exponents of a powerful substra-
mannor;—retaining their connection at the : turn and constitutional conservatism among
two points iu the horizon, they turned upon j the masses of the people of the North, which
these points as upon pivots, until the one * 511 crop out in'times of peril and sta nd
. . * , . , * .X . a j , like a wall of granite against the tide of fa-
originally in the zenith had passed over to ; nat j e j enl Therefore, I think we are bound
the Northern horizon—the others occupying i to stand by them, so long as they are true to
at regular intervals, tbe whole space of the i the pledges to which I have alluded. Let j
heavens to the Southern horizon. In this us preserve the brotherhood of party alli-
. . , , . ....1 ancc between the North and the South, so
position they remained a short time, then , ^ ^ . f affords a hope for the mai ’ nte .
all the belts, still turning upon the original j nauce 0 f our rights in the Union,
points in the horizon, moved over to tho ; Gie preamble to your resolution as-
Nortli, and arranged themselves there, one j ser te “ tnat rhe gallant band of patriots
above the other, in the same order that they j within those States who are friends to the
had assumed when first seen iu the South- \ South and faithful to the constitution, and
tx • i i whom we remember with gratitude, have
ern Hemisphere, or, as one of the watcheis j be£m routcd disbandod and o a i ni0St annibi-
expressed it, “thoy folded themselves up j ] a ted,” and theretore, the Tcunierance
like the ribs of a buggy top!” At this j Hall meeting solemnly resolve “to repudi- __ _
stago, however, the highest belt was only j ate all fellowship with the present national ! our borderejiy territorial acquisitions. - It
Cortli-1 political organizations.” It is even, true ; is a
that these, our friends, have fallen
ancient, fixed and unchanging. Its prin-
But ciples find a response iu the deep intentions
ne party of
largest free-
„ , ndustry and
that the people of new States shall deter- capital, that is compatible with the general
abought forty-five degrees above the North
orn horizon. In this position they were
seen for over an hour, until li o,clock,
M., when wearied with watching, we left
them. . , . u
Now Messrs. Editors, who will ;» ant mine for themselves the question of slavery, j weal. Hence, whoever oppose Rounder
for this'extraordinary phenomenon t front j tZSlfgg. Tt
at the hands of the enemies of the South,
the rapidity of their charges and move
ments, these belts could not have been very
high above the earth. They wore of course,
this side of the stars, and we take it for
grantod they were within the earth’s atmos
phere. That it was possible for them to
have been composed of cL ud or smoke, any
man of common understanding who witness,
ed them, would deny. But what they were-
was a question that puzzles more thnn
one Observer.
Some Oats.
Gen. Brisbane sends to the Mercury office j
banded together in infernal alliance under
the sable flag of Know Nothingism, whipb,
at the North, is hut another name for Free-
soil and Abolitionism. Is it for such a
reason o,s this, wc should abandon them ?—
Southern chivalry revolts at the proposition.
Southern gratitude will not permit it to be
entertained. Ours are not the people to
leave the wounded and dying on the field
when they have received the blows for fight
ing by their side.. They will rather admin
ister to them—succor, aid and encourage
them, that wc may have their services in
the next apd rapidly approaching struggle.
In the next Congress there will bn, per-
party.
spectfully ask you, whether it is desirable for
a sample of oats grown upon Ashley, eight j . a scorc of ' niclubers f rom the free
!1._ C n.. « Lnir Awn* t — *
this party to be overthrown? Is it judicious
to encourage and strengthen the opposition
to it ? Rooking at the great fundamental
principles on which it rests—tiip principles
of popular rights and popular sovereignty
—would not its annihilation lie a public
calamity ? Strike out its history from our
national annals; erase its measures from
our Stale and Federal legislative records,
and what would you have left ? Scarcely
anything to awaken the pride of an Ameri
can, or command the respect of foreign
powers. Yet by the 4th Resolution of the
“ Columbus Movement,” you distinctly seek
to annul the great national party. |s this
wise ? Is pot tlie experiment fraught with
ance Hall meeting,” “that the time has ar
rived when our feilow-citizenj should cease
their dissensions, and forget tbe differences
which have separated them: and that a
common danger anda common enemy should
unite us for our common defence and safety."
So thought the late Democratic Convention,
and for the purpose of effecting this object
as nearly as possible, they did not bring in
to prominence the characteristic measures
ana principles of the Democratic party, as
issues in the present cauvass. But consid
ering them to have “become the fixed and
settled policy of the country/’ they declare
that they, “no longer afford grounds for
continued separation and conflict,” be
tween Southern Whigs and Democrats.—
Hence, leaving them, as it were, in the
background, they asked “the co-operation of
all the citizens of Georgia, regardless of all
party distinctions” upon the “questions of
paramount importance,” which are forced
upon us by recent political developments,
and which involve our common defence and
safety.” Now, if yon and the friends of the
Columbus movement approve of that plat
form, why not stand upon it? If sound,
why should any man oppose it, or oppose
t)io6e who advocate it ? I put these ques
tions to every calm and • dispassionate
man in Georgia. Shall pride of opinion,
shall party prejudice, shall even personal
dislike to men stand between patriotic duty
and our country’s good ?
I mean no disparagement by any of my
remarks, to the patriotism and soundness
of Southern “Know Nothings.” I am in
exorably opposed to the order, opposed to
its secrecy and principles of religious and
political proscription. I would not insin
uate, however, that Southern gentlemen, be
cause they belong to that party, are, there
fore unworthy of confidence, in reference to
the great questions which are now pressing
upon us for action and decission. But I do
think that the suggestion of the “Colum
bus movement” would have appeared more
plausible, and certainly not less modest, if
it had not ventured to put forward a plat
form. If it had been made immediately af
ter Northern Know Nothingism had a-
chieved those victories, so hostile to South
ern rights, and had simply made a call for
all the friends of the South in Georgia, with
out distinction of party, to meet and organ
ize as “one people and one party,” for the
maintenance of the Constitution, it would
have seemed appropriate, even if not re
sponded to. The agents of that “move
ment” took no alarm, however, while Know
Nothingism was cutting its triumphant
march through and over the friends of the
South; but it was after its hosts became dis
mayed in this State by the open denuncia
tions of the Whig leaders. Not only this,
but they lay down their platform to snit
themselves, and ask all Georgia to.rally to
that, and to do so with unanimity.
But it may be asked, is not the platform
very good ? Grant it. So is the platform
of the late Democratic Convention, just as
good—I think far better. Certainly, then,
it is quite reasonable for our Columbus
friends to come to ours, as for all tbe State
to go to theirs. It is easier for Mahomet to
go to the mountain, than for the mountain
to go to Mahomet. But why promulgate a
platform at all, if they wanted to lay aside
all former causes of difference, and bring
about fraternal union among the people of
the State ? Did they not know that it would
engender discussion ? and that discussion
would engender schism ? and that schism
would defeat themilleniums ? In response,
therefore, to their call, I earnestly invite
you and all the friends of the “Columbus
Movement,” and all constitutional national
men, without distinction of party, to rally to
our platform. It is eminently Southern—
eminently national; and if it be impractica
ble for us all to stand upon it, as “one peo
ple and one party,” let us endeavor to ap
proximate it, as nearly as possible.
I have the honor to remain,
Your ob’t serv’t and friend,
Herschel V. Johnson.
[For the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.]
Mr. Editor:—I observe in your paper of
this morning, June 19th, a full description
of the serial phenominon which occurred on
last Wednesday night. The writer, satisfied
with a full and accurate account of its posi
tion in the heavens, does not give his
opinion as to its cause, but invites specula
tion on the subject. Being strongly im
pressed with the plausibility of certain
ideas which have suggested themselves to
my mind, in reference to it, I cannot for
bear communicating them to the public.—
My opinion is, that those dark belts or
streaks, which appeared across the heavens
on last Wednesday night were produced by
starlight; the rays of which came in con
tact with each other in such a manner as to
have produced darkness, the particular
aerial tracks through which they passed,
being in such a state as to favor their devel
opment. I think it possible also, that the
light of the moon, which, at that time,
was a little below the horizon, may have
had something to do with it, though that
fact does not alter the theory of light upon
which the phenomenon depended. Two
waves of the sea, the one being convex, the
other concave, may come in contact with
each other in such a manner as to destroy
their motion—the convexity of the one fill
ing up the concavity of the other, stillness
is produced. So, also, two sounds may
come together as to produce silence, sound
being nothing more than a vibratory motion
imparted to the air, which motion is in
wavelets, or wave-like, and falling upon the
auditory nerve in the ear, communicates
certain ideas to the brain. These wavelets
may so come together as to greatly modify
and even destroy their motion and conse
quently produce no effect upon the ear.—
Silence results. The leave theory of
light which is now considered by all
the learned chemists of the world to be
the correct one, places light upon the very
same ground.
If you take a piece of string or small rope
several feet long, and fastening one end of
it to some object at a distance, and holding
the other end in your hand you suddenly
strike it with the finger, there are two differ
ent motions at the same time given to it—
the one a vibratory, the other an undula
ting or wave-like motion; and this is pre
cisely what takes place with rays of light,
or waveletts of light. Now as in the cases
cited above, these waveletts may so cross
and interlap each other as to produce any
color, or even to produce no color at all,
which is darkness. It is upon this beauti
ful principle of light that all the gay and
gorgeous colors of our earth are produced.
The blushing rose, the pale-blue pink, and
those beautifully delicate and changing tints
upon the breast of the wild pigeon—all pro
ceed from the same cause.
These plastic fingers of light, while they
are and have been since the creation ceas-
lossly engaged in building the grand and
complete structure of our globe, are also en
gaged in the more delicate work of orna
menting this beautiful temple with the di
vine mosaic of beauty and variety, and ma
king it a glorious world,
N- R- Flemming, M. D.
Fulton House, June 19, ’55.
Alabama Politics.—T. H. Watts has
been nominated as the candidate of the
Know Nothings for Congress in the Monti
gomery District. Thos far be has no oppo
nent.
In the Eufaula District, Eli Shorter runs
as the Democratic Southern Rights Candi
date, and Julius C. Alford, (“The War
Horse of Troupe,”) as an Independent.
Both were “fire eaters” in 1850.
WEDNESDAY JUNE 20.
. . Tbe Crops
For the last week, we hnve been visited
almost daily with' the most: refreshing rains.
Never, in our observation, have vre seen a
more cheering prospect for the fanner.—
The wheat crops are now about in, or rath
er we should better say they are harvested,
for here as elsewhere our farmers are im
provident in the trust they have in their
grain shocks, and suffer wheat that is made
often to be lost or seriously damaged by ex
posure in the fields after harvest. Save
what is made is the sure rule.
But we started to say that all are agreed
that such wheat as we have reaped this
year has not been seen in these parts for
five years past, and some say never before.
While the corn is small and in a great ma
ny instances, young for the month of June,
its color and appearance are as good as can
be. The present prospect is that we shall
soon begin to count corn here by the barrel,
as we once did, and not by the peck, as too
many of us do now.
A J, Donalaon.
This mushroom that sprung out of the
grave of General Jackson is in a monstrous
miff. He is mad with the President, mad
with Governor Johnson of Tennessee, with
nullifiers and* the “dangerous factions,”
(meauing Southern Rights’ men,) and in
short, is in that itchy state of feeling that
nothing suits him. Donalson is about such
another patriot as Kenneth Rayner of N.
C., a traitor of that paltry stripe that does
not presume to ask gold for his treason, but
would be glad to sell his country for “old
clothes/”
miles from Charleston, six and a half feet | States, who stood by the South on the Kan-1 incalculable danger?
high! This upon tide water and myrtle- aas-Nebraska bill; and if Kansas applies i I subscribe cordially to the sentiment of
Uud gives us a new idea about oats. with a pro-slavery Constitution, these men ‘ the 3d Resolution adopted by the “Temper-
The Walkeb Fill] busts as.—It is said
the United States ship §t. Ylary, has been
ordered to the port of Rcalqjo, Nicaragua, t
to intercept tue expedition from San F?au- i to be gored by this” young mad bull, I had
cisco, under Walker, M well take ii by tbe borne »t once. Let
[From the Augusta Constitutionalist.]
Letter from tlie Hon. A. B. Longstreet
on Know Nothingism.
We find in the last number of the Nash
ville Union & American a letter on this
absorbing question, from this distinguished
native Georgian, now President of the Uni
versity of Mississippi. The name of Au
gustus B. Longstreet is endeared to the peo
ple of Georgia by many ties in the history
of the past. It is a name we were taught
to revere in early youth, as synonymous
with all that is bold or fearless in the char
acter of the advocate, with all that was pa
rental and dignified in the sage instructor,
and with all that was pure and honest and
upright in the minister of the gospel. The
old men of Georgia have been accustomed
to love him as a brother; the young men
scattered throughout the State, who from
his lips have heard the lessons of wisdom,
continue to revere him as a father. There
is no man in Georgia who will dare stand
up and say thai A. B. Longstreet speaks
from impuremotives. Theindignantfrowns
of an honest people would paralyse the sa
crilegious effort. Judge Longstreet has
been forced from his retirement to come out
and speak upon this question; but having
come out, he has met the issue wtth that
boldness and honesty which characterizes
the man. He speaks to the people in the
voice of warning wisdom, and tells them to
beware of an organization which must lead
to intolerance and religious persecution.
The circumstances which led to the pub
lication of this letter arose from an attack
made upon the Judge by the Memphis Ea
gle and Enquirer, charging him with prea
ching anti-Know Nothing doctrines.
After alluding to the editors of that pa
per, who have atsailed him as the bead of
the Mississippi University, he proceeds to
condemn the order in the terms to be found
below. Let every Georgian read them care
fully, and ponder over them well, whether
he be Know Nothing or anti-Know Noth
ing.
“In July last, I had just heard of a uew
organization in this country—secret in its
movements, and going under the name of
Know Nothings. Its principles, I under
stood to be, opposition to Catholics and for
eigners, to be planed in the dark, strength
enedby oaths, and manifested at the baliot-
box.” It filled me with alarms.
“I saw in it the elements of rapid expan
sion and awful explosion. I exhibited them
to the class that graduated in that month,
and forewarned them to have nothin" to do
with it. Had I been inspired, I could
hardly have foreshadowed its history more
accurately than I did. Of my prediction
nothing remains to be fulfilled but the effu.
sion of more blood. My forecast in relation
to it ought to ensure respect for my judge
ment in and about Oxford at least; but it is
this very forecast which is raising a buz of
discontent against me in this vicinity now.
“This is the sin which brought out against
me the recondite presses which I have
named above. It is called ‘dabling in poli
tics,” but, its true name is ‘Unpalatable
Truth.” This is the sin for which I am
soon, prechance, to be sacrificed. They
that stoned the Prophets of old are yet alive
and why should I expect a better fate than
theirs? Well, I do not know that a better
use could be made of my old carcass than
the offering of it up on the altar of this
American Baal. An incense might arise
from it that would do more to purify the
Church and the State from this modern
abomination, than anything which can em
anate from my poor frostcovered brain.—
The public has now the sum total of my
political sins, public and private. I shall
speak at large of the new order in an appeal
to my Church at some future day, if I may
be allowed to do so. I am committed
against it and I shall oppose it forever—not
in the class room, but every where else—
not as a partisan, but as a Christain. This
the patrons of the University should know.
For all the honors and emoluments of earth
I could not be induced to assume a position
of neutrality in regard to it. If all expe
rience be not a falsehood, and all history a
fable, it will throw this country into cease
less convulsions, if it be not crushed, and
that speedily.
“In my view, every man who has a scru
ple’s influence, should rise against it—now
—immediately, ere it be forever too late.—
Indeed, it allows no neuarality. With all
its professed Americanism, it assumes an
absolute dictatorship' It will allow no man
to question its purity or its policy. It
gathers within its pale, men of dignity,
talent and piety, preachers and teachers,
and with them the most depraved, aban-
donedd, desperate, God-defying sinner upon
earth; binds them by oaths in the bonds of
fellowship and sets them all at work in pol
itics, and nothing but politics. I find a
christain brother among them—I read to
him II Cor. vi.14, and on, and I implore
him to come out from such connections; and
in addresses me in tones of despotic author
ity in this wise: ‘Sir, my name is Politics—
you are a Clergyman, and Clergymen ahould
have nothing to do with Politics!’ ‘Right,’
crise my brother; ‘old man you’ll ruin your
self if you meddle with politics 1’ I say to
him 'your oaths are against the laws of
God and your Church.’ ‘Sir,’ it responds,
‘do you thus denounce the pious of my order
—have you no respect for the Church or
your place?’ I denounce the sinners of the
band, and tbe saints reprove me. I reprove
the saints, and the sinners denounce me!—
The saint shields the sinner, and the sinner
the saint. If such a combination is not
enough to make the Church and State both
shudder, I know not what would.
“On me the O.der bears with intol
erable pressure f t rises before me like the
ghost of Banqm., at my every step in th#
pathway of duty.
“lama preacher: If I preach upon the
sanctity of oaths, it regards itself insulted,
and attacks me accordingly. If I preach
to Christians to come out from the wicked,
it insults me for assailing Know Nothings.
If J preach that tho love of Christ is not
bounded by State lines, it eharges me with
attacking the article of its orced against
foreigners.
“ I am a teacher: If I teach that unlaw
ful promises are not binding, I shall be
charged with justifying the' exposure of
Know Nothing secrets. If I set the lesson
to my pupils wherein J. B. Say says that
every accession of a fean tp a couptry is an
accession of treasure, I am to be published
to'the world as indoctrinating my pupils in
anti-Know Nothing politics. As I am ever
the order keep ita hands off me, the Church
and the Constitution, and I will never dis
turb it. ' :
“ A word to the good people of Mississip
pi and I have done. You have a University
of which you may feel proud. For harmo
ny and kindly feeling among the faculty,
for good order, good morals, gentlemanly
demeanor, study and progress among the
students, and for ardent attachment between
perceptors and pupils, you. may fearlessly
challenge a comparison with any other kin
dred institution m the world. For its age,
it has not its equal in point of patronage
and rank in the United States. In these
respects, it stands at the head of 103 out of
118 Colleges in the United States; and of
those above it, a large majority are over
forty years older than itself, and three aver
one hundred years older. And this rank it
has attained through more adverse fortunes
than probably ever beset an institution be
fore. Fear not that it will ever be a school
of politics. Your sons graduate in politics
before they come to tho University.
“ It is now in its palmiest days, and this
you see is one of Know Nothing vandalism.
It has already, I fear, thrown a fire brand
into its peaceful halls. 1 appeal to you to
come to the rescue. Rise up as one man
against, it when it invades the sanctuary of
literature, instead of requiring your profes
sors to kneel in its presence. I am sure
there are yet more than ten thousand Chris
tians in and about who have not yet bowed
the knee to Baal. I call them to its help.
Honest yoemanry and farmers of the land,
who always mean right, come ye to its suc
cor ! Honest, well meaning Know Noth
ings, who in thoughtless moment have been
drawn into the order, come out of it, and
rally to the support of your University.
“ I regret having been constrained to an
attitude, which may perchance injure the
University for a time; but be the fault on
the head of Know Nothings, not mine.—
Look at their fruits already scattered through
the land, and surely you will approve of my
opposition to it. If you do not your chil
dren will. ‘By their fruits shall we know
them.’ What are they ? Most desperate
and dangerous agitatiqp—churches rending
assunder—pastors and flocks at variance—
Christians losing all confidence in each
other—saints and sinners in close embrace;
E reachers of the same church getting but
alf congregations and half support—one
looking on approvingly, while another is
abused—teachers tottering—their pupils in
FRIDAY; JUNE 22.
FOR GOVKRJfOB,
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN,
Far Congress.—4tb District.
HTRAM WARNER.
Sec Third Page.
Hon. Howell Cobh,
Will address the people of the Sixth Con
gressional District, at the following times,
and places:
Saturday, June 16th, Monroe, Walton Co.
Monday, June 18th, Lawrenceville, Gwin
nett county.
Wednesday, Jane 20th, Cumming, For
syth county.
Friday, June 22d, Dahlonega, Lumpkin
county.
Monday, June 25th, Blairsville, Union
county.
midnight cliques—friendship severing—rage
taking the place of love—father against son
—brother against brother. These things
now are, and they proclaim trumpetitongued
what is coming, if the monster be not crush
ed at once. And for all what ? In honest
truth to get in the outs, and get out the ins
This is the true object of the order
it must take its course until reason resumes
her seat.
“Nations like men, run mad at times,
and nothing but time and blood-letting can
cure them. Still while there is hope, all
good men should strive to relieve them.—
My course is taken—carefully, thoughtfully
taken. I am no Catholic. Put Methodism
and Romanism on field of fair argument,
and I will stake my all upon the issue ; but
I am not such a coward as to flee the field
of honorable warfare, for savage ambush
fighting; or such a fool as to believe that a
man’s religion is to be formed by harassing
his person. Nor am I quite so blind as not
to see, that when the work of crushing
churches is begun in the country, it is not
going to stop with the overthrow of one.
All Protestanism almost will bo against me
—two-thirds of my own church (I judge)
will be against me—the Trustees will be
alarmed for the interests of the College—my
colleagues of the Faculty will be uneasy—
my best friends will be pained ; but I have
an abiding confidence that nothing will be
lost by my course in the end. It will be
madness in men to withdraw their sons from
the able teaching of my colleagues, for my
fault—to attack the College to injure me ;
but these are days of madness, and this is
the way which obnoxious Professors are
commonly attacked. Be it so. I have done
my duty, and I leave the consequences with
God, and here sign my name to what I
deem the best legacy that I could leave to
my children ; a record proof that neither
place, nor policy, nor temporal incerest, nor
church, nor threatening storms from every
quarter, could move their father for an
insta»it from principle, or awe him into si
lence when the cause of God and his coun
try required him to speak.
Augustus B. Longstreet.
[For the Intelligencer 4 Advocate.]
Lrbakos, 11th June, 1855.
S. Laurence, Esq.—Dear Sir—I have been late
ly informed that at a meeting held at Marietta,
where the Rev. Mr. Renean delivered a Temper
ance speech, that you closed the doors, and forbid
any person from replying to him, which is calcu
lated to do you a great injury in this part of Cobb.
I was very sorry to hear a report of that kind
against you. In fact, I have takea the liberty te
deny it, knowing that it would kill you politically.
Tho report has not only been circulated through our
District, but the Gritter [Lost] also, to my knowl
edge, an 1 how much further I do not know. Do
let mo hear from you as soon as possible, and I
think it would be well, if the report is false, to
notice it through tho columns of the Advocate.
Tours, very truly, JOHN W. DUER.
Well, They have Done.
Will our Know Nothing friends stop one
moment for a little self examination? Duty
and good faith to us, the outsiders, challenge
you to this wholesome exercise. What did
you say to us but a few months since, when
addressing to our confidence and trust in
you, arguments of persuasion why we should
go with you in this “American” move
ment ? We remember well, that with
great gravity and with a specious plausibil
ity that were well calculated to win the
hearts of all good “confidence” men,
you gave it as your solemn opinion, if
the Union of these States and the sancti
ty and efficacy of the Constitution, and
what was better than all in the eyes of many
of us, that if rights and safety of the South
were to be preserved, the K. N. party would
do it or no power on earth could or would.
Did you not say this, dearly beloved dark
lanterns ? You well know you said it. You
remember, too, that you promised that the
“ American ” party were resolved to nation
alize the pro-slavery defences. You made
a clever argument to show that this at
tempt was now, if it had not been, a dead
failure in the hands of the old Democratic
and Whig parties. You had liked to have
made good your ground, at least you widen
ed wonderfully the margin of good will and
charitable construction of motives between
j us in the apparent honesty of your assever
ations in the premises. Well, as soon as
Well ! ^ ie ^ rst uiunicipal triumphs gave you
’ 1 assurance and your luck went up b}- the
run, we began to look upon Sam as no long
er a bundle of straw, but a real live man.
When one State after another, with a per
fect rush and fury, came in with their ad
hesion, and Sam swaggered like some In
dian with the “big drunk” on him, in the
midst of these ponderous responsibilities
we stood still awhile and watched Sam to
see if he really intended to make an honest
use of stolen power. Massachusetts struck
out first. She “ nationalized ” the Ameri
can platform with a vengeance, now, did she
not? So much so that now Daniel Web
ster’s defiant boast that “ there she stands
and will remain forever ” has become, alas!
more a pity than a boast. You were not
prepared for the stupendous folly of this
[From the’ Baltimore Patriot,
Ttae Platform or the
The following are the “Platfe^*” 5 ''
Principles of the Organization,” as r a ,^
decided by the American National rT na11 J
tion at a late hour last night vy l® 0-
obtained it with much difficul v ’ at tb hav *
Platform and Principle
I. The acknowledgements of th
mighty Being who rules over the 17V A1
—who presides over the Council. “f Ver , 8e
Nations—who conducts the affairs f ta ®
and who, in every step which we ha Inen '
vanced to the character of an
nation, has distinguished us bv c „J' e , et "
of Providential agency. 7 8 ° toe to ^r,
II. The cultivation and development t
sentiment of profoundly intense Ameri ‘
feeling ; of passionate attachments t<i
country, its history and its institution, ° D, t
admiration for the purer days of our °
tional existence; of veneration for the h ” 4 '
ism that precipitated our Revolution ^
of emulation of tho virtue, wisdom, and ^
riotism that framed our Constitution SS
first successfully applied its provisions ”
III. The maintenance of the unio
these United States as the paramount iy' ^
cal good: or to use the language of ty! 1 '
ington, “the primary object of patriotic 1
sire.” And hence:— us '
1st. Opposition to all attempts to wp»v
or subvert it. Setl
2d. Uncompromising antagonism ^
principle of puliey that endangers it. •
3d. The advocacy of an equitable adiim
ment of all political differences *
threatens its integrity or perpetuity
4th. The suppression of all tendencies
political division, founded on “geotrraph - I
discriminations, or on the belief that th
is a real difference of interests and view”
between the various sections of the rv 3
tu rail n
Marietta, June 13, 1855.
Dear Sir:—Yours of Ilth inst., advising me of
a ridiculously false report, to my injury, in the
First and Lost Districts, was received this evening
—too late, however, (as I am just informed by
the Editor,)for notice in the Advocate of this week.
I pronounce the report unqualifiedly false, and
thank you for denying it. I never heard the Rev.
Hr. Reneau, in Marietta, on any subject. I have
not heard any Temperance address; but Mr. Over-
bv’s, in two years. I am opposed, and have ever
been, on principle, to the doctrine of Prohibition.
Temperate myself, I desire to aee all men Temper
ate. Temporance is a holy cause, and every good
citizen ought to be ready and willing to aid in its
advancement. But I have eve! regarded it more
a question of personal habit than of legal enact
ment ; and extending far beyond the mere ‘liquor
question,’ as it is called. The laws very properly
deal with public drunkenness, disorderly houses,
4c., and if they were enforced as wa have them,
or with slight amendment, are already ample for
the legitimate suppression of this vice. The diffi.
eulty is not in the law, but in public opiniou.
We have indeed fallen upon evil times. Open
and honorably and Democratic modes of warfare
are abandoned, and trick and stratagem, sapping
and underming are the order of the day. It is
well known, I have not sought to direct public
opinion to myself. I have left it tc the intelligence
of my constituency to say when they have been
well served.
This ia not the first time I have been advised of
false reports circulated in remote parts of the
County for the purpose of injuring me before the
people af tho County. I cannot conceive the ob
ject to be only to prejudice me before the Conven
tion, (intended to be democratic,) to meet on the
first Tuesday in next month, to nominate suitable
persons to represent the county in the next Legis
lature. Democratic principles it has always been
my pride and pleasure to maintain and uphold.—
But the county, I am suro, will not endorse this
as democrat;;,
Tho industrious circulation of these reports
among the people, evidently contemplates a wide
field and necessityfor the dissemination of unjust
prejudice against me, than the limited floor of that
Convention, already pre-occupied. I regard it as
an invitation to meet and vindicate myself against
these aspersions before the people. This invita
tion I accept—and authorize and will thank you
to announce me in your District, as I shall have
done in the other Districts, as a Candidate for re-
election to the Senate, in October next.
This reply, with your letter, will appear in the
Intelligencer & Adyacatco{ next week.
Very truly, yours, S. LAWRENCE.
Jno.W. Duer, Esq., Lebanon, Cobb Co., Ga.
Mew York, June 16.—The firowqrk depot
at No. 10, Maiden Lano, was burnt this
morning, and one man was killed and an
other badly injured by the explosion. The
establishment was kept by Messrs. Robins
k Duncan, dealers in fireworks and fancy
goods-
Louisville, June 15.—There is an immense
American meeting being held here to-night.
There are 8000present. Mr. Morehead, the
American candidate for Governor, is speak
ing-
6th. The full recognition of the rights ,,r
the several States, as expressed and reserved
in the Constitution; and a careful avoid
ance, by the General Government, of all in
terference with their rights by legislative or
executive action.
IV. Obedience to the Constitution 0 f
these United States, as tho supreme law 0 f
the land, sacredly obligatory upon all m
parts and members ; and steadfast resistance
to the spirit of innovation upon its pri nc i'
pies, however specious the pretexts. Avow-
ing that in all doubtful or disputed point;
it may only be legally ascertained and
pounded by tho -Judicial power to the Uni-
ted States.
And, as a corollary to the above
1. A habit of reverential obedience to the
laws, whether National, State, or Muni/
pal, until they are either repealed or de
clared unconstitional by the proper auth.
rity.
2. A tender and sacred regard for those
acts of statesmanship, which are to be con
tra-distinguished from acts of ordinary
legislation, by the fact of their being of the
nature of compacts and agreements ; nr,,]
so to be considered a fixed and settled na
tional policy.
V. —A radical revision and modification
of the laws regulating immigration, and the
settlement of immigrants. Offering to the
honest immigrant, who from love of libeitv
or hartred of oppression, seeks an ttsylmL
in the U. S. a friendly reception and protec
tion. But unqualifiedly condemning the
transmission to our shores of felons and
paupers.
VI. —The essential modification of the
Naturalization Laws.
The repeal by tbe Legislatures of the res
pective States, of all State laws allowing
foreigners not naturalized, to vote.
The repeal, without retractive operation,
of all acts of congress, making grants «f
land to unnaturalized foreigners, and allow
ing them to vote in the Territories.
VII. —Hostility to the corrupt means bj
which the leaders of party have hitherto
forced upon us rulers and our political
creeds.
Implacable enmity against tho present
demnralizing systems of rewards for politi
cal subserviency, and of punishments for
political independence.
Disgust for tho wild hunt after office
which characierizes the age.
These on the one hand. On the other-
imitation of the practice of the purer
days of the Republic; and admiration oftl«
maxim that “office should seek the man,
and not the man, the'ofiice, ’’and of the rule
that, the first mode of ascertaining titnes 3
for office is the capability, tbe faithfulness
and the honesty of the incumbent or can
didate.
VIII. —Resistance to the aggressive policy
and corrupting tendencies of the Roman
Catholic Church in our country by the ad
vancement to all political stations—execu
tive, legislative, judicial or diplomatic—of
those only who do not hold civil allegiance,
directly or indirectly, to any foreign power
whether civil or ecclesiastcal, ami who ar>
Americans by oirth, education and training
thus fulfilling the maxim, “Americans oniu
SHALL GOVERN AMERICA.”
Americanized State. Americans ruled this
fraction of Amerieaso insanely that wo pitied
you—said little of this afflictive demonstra
tion of Sam’s love for the South and agreed
to “ watch and wait a little longer.” We
did, and saw liovv Connecticut followed this
hard sample of K. N., “nationality” and how
sheseemed to beonly too sorry that her sister
had left no folly uuperpetrated, and that
she had run off with all the laurels of abo
lition prowess.
But the unkindest cut of all was when your
Sam drove us with heavy hearts from the
Gibraltar of Democracy. Indeed it was a
hard blow that robbed us of our own “best
bower ” in the North, and we ielt when
New Hampshire lost the fight for us that
there was no use in trying or in trusting
either—any more. So we went, and while
these bad fruits came from this tree of
knowledge that Sam planted with such care
and such hope, we lost all concern about our
own course as to the new movement. This
was fully decided on, for long since we
knew that there was nothing hut death in
it, and we were only anxious to see our
erring straying friends reclaimed and safe
folded jonce more.
But after all these bitter disappointments | The protection of all citizens in the l;ga
in Sam’s fidelity and honor, we were put off i aa( l proper exercise of their civil and reli
and told to wait a little longer—wait till the ' S' ous rights and prixeliges ; the mainten-
. . • n , ■%— . • , c . ance ot tho right of every man to the fu l
party met in Grand National Council.— , • , „ ”, „ .. ...
il J . unrestrained and peaceful enjuvnient ofni-
Then we were to see that Sam was Aation-1 awn religious opinions and worship, anda
al, that he was true, that Sam, in short, i je] oa s resistance of all attempts by any sect
was a gentleman. Well, that Grand Coun- j denomination or church to obtain an ascen-
cil met and it exploded, and we know all [ dency over any other in the State, by mean«
about it; and what of it; Who now with ! an y special privileges or exemption, by
unblushing face can defend all that big 1 P»Iiti? a l combination of its members or
°, , v n , TT1 “ | by a division of then* civil allegiance with
promise and short performance? Where , a £ y fore ; Kn pi)wer> potentate or ecclesracm
is your Nationalist Sam ? We pledge our j IX.—The reformation of the character r,
life to make good tlie assertion, if it is ; our National Legislature, by elevating :
denied, that never in the history of par-j that dignified apd responsible position dik
ties in this country was the action 0 f; of higher qualifications, pure morja, sai
the majority so pitifully endorsed by the i m °y e us 1 patriotism.
. X ... / . ! A.—— I he restriction of executive p.ifona''-
vote of the body that ts responsible for it, especially in the m uter of ap P - .Vo* m entsn
as was the platform of the late Know Noth-; office—so far as it m;\y be per<u>\ t ed by the
ing Convention. j Constitution, and consistent their put
We publish this morning that sorry tis- j l* c g” 0 ^-
sue of platitudes called a nlatform, that! CQ * nt ‘, v W“T'** 0 * °. { A t] ? e J 0U , th 1®
are as unmeaning as any milk sop could j which schools she.ll ho common to all, with-
like them, and as week as tavern coffee.— j out distinction 0 f creed or party, and f rtt
What need was there of any set of moral I * roai an y ir.Hu.ence or direction of adenoid-
agents, full grown men, having domestic ! na£ * ona ^ ” r partizan character,
cares upon their hands, to travel all the I n ^ n V’ ‘. nas niuch as Christianity by th-
wav to Phikdelnhin hJwT Constitutions of nearly all the States, by the
way to Philadelphia, to make fools or them-1 decisions of the most eminent judicial ao-
selies atter this sort, by doing nothing or j thorities, and by the consent of the people w
next to nothing, with their faces as grave i America, is considered an element of on:
and solemn as a donkey’s? Men may, if
they choose—for this, thank God, is yet a
free country—make gumps of themselves,
but then for mercy’s sake, don’t let tHem
make such a parade over the performance.
Yet as little as was done by this same
Grand Council, and as no account as it was
after it was done the platform was carried | cannot be held iu any
by a majority of 80 to 59/ We take the j for the obnoxious acts or violated pled?;
figures from the N. Y. Tribune, and sup- j of either. And the sympathetic agitani;
pose they are right. • of the Slavery question by those parin';
o n xu„ n • ... ... i having elevated sectional hostility into a
th f. ’ I 1 ere 1S that .homogene- j positive element of political power, ana
ous, national, conservative party that we! brought our institutions in.o peril, it ha.-
were promised, while it superseded the j heretofore becomo the imperative duty ;•
other “dry-rot” parties of the country, t,1Pl Amwi ™ ''nr or nose, for tw
should do justice to all sections, and in an
especial manner suppress all agitation of
the slavery question.
But the record is a long and sickening
one that holds up to the country the short
comings, the deep political sinning of Sara,
and we will not now pursue it further. We
ask now of our K. N. friends here, as
Southern men, can you iu your consciences
say that you have one hope left that your
party can do us qny good in a sectional point
of vijw? Do you in your hearts believe
that the “ American ” party is as sound as
political system, and as the Holy Bible 1
once the source of Christianity, and tbe de
pository and fountain of all civil and reli
gious freedom, we oppose every attempt t
exclude it from the Schools thus established
in the States.
XII.—The American party having arisen
upon the ruins, and in spite of tbe opposi
tion of the Whig and Democratic part's-
manner respon
ibis
the old Whig party or within one thou
sandth part as soqnd ns the Democratic
party. Wa have no idea that- you do be
lieve that it is, aud having been hasely de
ceived yourselves, ontrapped, we honestly
think, into a sink of the most mischievous
agglomeration of political heresies that ever
offended earth or Heaven, we vote that you
walk out if you can, or crawl out if you
muat, and if you can do no better and will ac-
oept of it, your anxious and weeping Jfriends,
will venture near enough to the slough to f n t e rfmence byCongroVwith'Slavery, as>
lend you a hand to draw you out into tho esiat8 in the District of Columbia, would
luolif^t and place you upon land. 1 he a violation of tha »irit aud jatenQMi«
the American party to interpose, -
purpose of giving peace to the country o'
perpetuity to the Union. And as ex P*. r ''
ence has shown it impossible to recouci e
opinions so extreme as those which separaa
the disputants, and as there can lie n° “ l! ‘
honor in submitting to the laws, the Nation
al Council has deemed it the best guaraaw-
of common justice and future peace, team
by and maintain the existing laws upo
the subject of Slavery as a C .°-J
elusive settlement of that subject, in sp*r
and in substance.
And regarding the highest duty to avo
their opinions upon a subject so import&’V
in distinct and unequivocal terms, >t ’’
hereby declared as the sense of this Nan- 111 -
Council, that Congress possesses no p°' v
under the Constitution, to legislate U P°.
the subject of Slavery in the States, ' vliere
does or may exist, or to exclude any n
State from admission into the Union, - ,eca .'
its Constitution does, or does not recogn
the inst!)ution of slavery as a part m
social system; and especially pernut B.
any expression of opinion upon the pow®*
Congress to establish or prohibit Sluvei) ^
any Territory, it is the sense of the 1
al Council that Congress ought not to j e g
late upon the subject of Slavery within
Territory of the United States, and that an)
• y i r, eiovorv. as It