Newspaper Page Text
SOUTHERN
f txtbtrn
saTurday,
_ . ~ - - '-- - —
Another Proclamatlou fro* the Baboou
Despot.
In this morning'* paper will bo found an
other blast from the lanky, would be-autocrat,
r petui- Ua abate an* oooupo^ Uj
Washington. It is evident that all Constitu
tional Liberty Mid aU respect for Freedom’s
hawl are al an ofcd In the North* Lincoln’#
first proclamation commanding ua to “dis
perse’' and calling oqI75,000 volunteers where
with to forweueto “teilre to otor respeetive
abodes” was deaflyUuconltfldtionsl. He is
authorised by the Constitution to call out the
militia to " suppress fusorreetfcns or repel iu-
tasions ;** but the people of the Bonth have not
been guilty of either of these crimes. No In
surrection among us has taken placs. An in-
surrsotion is the uprising of en armed (action
to racist, by violence end kkodshed, the exe
cution of the lews of the lend, to which the
people ere still loyel. Ours is no insurrection :
it is revolution. It is thecasting off and ab
juring, not simply the laws, but the Govern
ment iteelf, by the people in their msjeety. It
is the highest—the greatest aet of a people in
their sovereign capacity—which right ia inali
enable, and as dear to any people as life to an
individual, and whioh none but knaves, fools
and despots will dtny. .
But if the name of insurrection could be apt
plied to our late revolution, tbe President has
uo authority in the Coustitution and laws to
call out the militia of New Tork to suppress
an insurrection in Georgia. When an insur
rection in one State takes place, the militia of
that State- its Judiciary and tbe Federal Courts
and other authorities within its limits, must be
called upon and resorted to, to put it down.—
Lincoln has the same right to call oat the mi
litia o! England to suppress an insurrection
among us, or to crush out our secession that he
his to call upon the militia of New York sod
Massachusetts. The truth is, there is no pro
vision in tbe Constitution or laws to authorize
the Government to take a single step to put
down secession. It is a thing that never was
contemplated by the framers of the Constitu
tion and law-makers—at least, they have made
no provision to meet such an exigency; and
Lincoln has no authority to move a hand in
this direction, until Congress gives him such
authority. Every movement he has made for
our subjugation is a usurpation, for which he
deserves the punishment of a traitorous usur
per.
But what shall we say of bis last proclama
tion ! If it were anything by which our rights
were to be affected ; if it were anything to us,
we should feel that the despotic hand of a
usurping tyrant had seized upon our liberty. In-
voluutari'y, wo should grasp the sword to rush
agaiust the wretch who would thus dare to as
sume power and prerogatives not his own.—
The size of the Army and Navy are fixed by
law; and Lincoln has no more authority to in
crease or diminish either than he has to con
fiscate private property and apply it to his own
personal use. The President is choseo to exe
cute laws already inade, and not to make new
laws.
But if we kuow not what to say of him who
would thus, in high places, dare to assume
power not his own, how much more are we
lost in astonishment at the besotted and enslav
ed subjects who will thus endure the unlawful
edicts of a usurping Military Despotism ?
Again wo thank God that waare cut loose from
them i
The Knell of Freedom.
We notice that in the investigation of the
case of Mr. Greiner in Philadelphia, one of the
lawyers employed against him, in trying to
sacure a conviction of treason, said that it was
no excuse or justification, that he assisted in
taking Fort Pulaski under the order of Gov.
Brown; that bit duty to the United States as
a citizen, was paramount to that due his State.
It is well that we have escaped from thoae
who seek to fasten upon us a centralizing con
solidating despotism to the utter destruction of
all State rights. Independent of the negro
question, or the tariff, or anything else that wa
have urged in our list of grievances, the alarm
ing extent to which this doctrino of the su
premacy of tbe Federal Government above
State rights and independence, has spresd a-
mong the minds of the Northern masses, would
justify our breaking off from them through ac
cession, revolution, or bloodshed to any extent.
With them, liberty will soon die out. Tbe es
tablishment of a consolidated, crushing mili
tary despotism, under which not even the
white man will have any liberty, Is what we
expect. The foundations of free Government
are being uprooted. Soon it will have no baaia,
and will be ignored and crushed out. Theae
ara our axpactatiooa. We thank God that we
are asperated from them.
Certainly.
Ojr brethren ol the Griflin “Confederate
States” “stand excused,” most assuredly. 7 he
talented and high minded editors of that well
conducted journal are incapable of, intention
ally, copying from our paper, or any other pa
per, without giving credit. We understand
bow such mistakes may occur—they have oc
curred ia our paper io a few instances, which
we regret. We know that suck things ara not
intentional with any editor; bat the frequency
with which we see articles copied in a few of
our exchanges without observing this just rule,
induces us to believe that some of our brethren
are lean cartful on this point than they ought
to be. This was the cease of our mekiag the
remarks wkieh it seems has oalltd oat our
friends ef the "Confederate Stales. 1 *
The Planter’s Weekly.
The proprietors of this Journal, published at
Qreaneaborougfa, Georgia, offer it for sale. They
aey (bey have other business on their hands
whioh pr#roots their giving the time sad at
taetioa to the paper whieh is aeeeesary.
TIM Maatfemery Advertiser.
Oae of the proprietors of this rataabte paper
offers his Interest for sal#.
f the Goldeu Clnliaa
tutionaliat says : Ijf «
*il<
4j
M
have neen
my of the Confederate State*. Two regiment#
ara now being formed in the State to be held
subject to the orders of the Governor. The or
der has now seventeen thousand six hundred
•nd forty-three men in thi0ffn)$, end tbePran-
ident has no hesitation in seeing that tbe num
ber can be duplicaled if necessity requires
thirty four of w!
Mr. Buchanau.
The Augusta “Republic,” in an article on
the defection of Jaruee Buchanan, aayai
“The w|r upon us is dyed ia Infamy. Mr.
Buchan** makes it infamoue by kis own well-
matured declarations. Recent developments
prove beyond the shadow of a doubt, that our
former Northern conservative friends, were base
hypocrites, or ero now base traitors to their fbr-
mcr principles. These facts warn US to pre
pare for tbe worst, and to rely upon our cour
age, fortitude, and patriotic devotion tp our
liberties and rights for protection and safety.
When such men have proven so perfidious,
what may wo not expect of the fanatical lead
ers and their followers? Northern avarice
ripened into arrogance, and haa culminated in
infamy. God will aid us in defending tbe right
—the infamous North will meet with retribu
tive vengeance.”
From Washington.
Tbe intelligence telegraphed to the Northern
press, from Washington, on the 4th instant, is
as follows:
“ It is a-certainod that tbe Committee of the
Maryland Legislature, in their interview with
the President this morning, admitted both tbe
right and power of thegoverment to bring troops
through Baltimore or through the Btate, and
to take any measures for the public safety
which, in the diacretiou of the President, might
be demanded by actual or reasonably appre
hended exigencies. They expressed their be
lief that no immediate effort at secession or
insistence of Federal authority would be at
tempted by the Legislature or State authorities,
and asked that in this view the State should,
as long as possible, be spared the evils of a
military ocoupition or a mere roveugeful chas
tisement for former tranagreaaions. The Pres
ident replied that their suggestions and repre
sentations should be duly considered, but that
he should now say no more thao that tbe pub
lie interest and not any spiritof revenge should
actuate his measures.”
The Baltimore Exchange says :
“The above is tbe dispatch of the agent of
the Associated Press. It is needless to say that
the facts are wilfully distorted. The Hon. K.
M. McLane was the spokesman in the inter
view with Mr. Lincoln, and we are assured
that the dignity and honor of our State were
fully sustainod by him."
Hellish Suggestion.
The Westchester Democrat reminds the Penn
sylvania volunteers that Baltimore “has al
ways been celobrated for the beauty of its
women that “ the fair were ever the reward
of the brave’’ and, that “ Boauty and Booty
was the watchword at New Orleans.”
Hon. John Forsyth.
This gent’eman, says the Montgomery “Con
federation,’’ left the city on yesterday for Mo
bile. As everything connected with his visit
has been effected, it will not now be out of
place for us to speak of it. The citizens of
Mobile being thoroughly aware of tbe unsafe
condition of their city a^-inst an attack from
the fleet, held a p ivate meeting a few days
ago, and appointed a committee to make known
to the Secretary of War and the Governor of
the State, tbe state of things which existed
there. This has been done by Mr. Forsyth,
and on yesterday 200 kegs of powder, several
oannon and other things in this connection,
were forwarded by tbe steamer. Mobile will
be hereafter able to defend herself effectively
against all hostile comers.
High-Handed Measures!
Alt Take* the Law-Making Power into hie own
Hand*—lie Increase* lhe Army and Navy,
Without Authority from Congress—Another
Proclamation—Thousandt of Volunteer* and
Regular* Called for.
Wasiiinotox, May 3, 1861.
By tub Pkksidknt or the Uhitkp States:
Whereas, existing exigencies demand imme
diate and adequate measures, for the protection
of the National Constitution and the preserva
tion of the National Union, by the suppression
of the insurrectionary combinations now ex
isting in several States, for opposing the laws
of the Union and obstructing tbe execution
thereof, to which end a military force, in addi
tion to that called forth by my Proclamation
of the fifteenth day of April in the present
year, appears to be indispensably necessary,
now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President
of the United States and Commander in Chief
of the Army aud Navy thereof, and of the Mi
litia of the several States when called into ac
tual service, do hereby call into the service of
tho United States forty-two thousand and thir
ty-four volunteers, tossrvs for a peiiod of three
years unless sooner discharged, and to be mus
tered into service aa infantry and cavalry —
The proportions of aaeh arm and the details
of enrollment and organisation will be made
through the department of war; and I also di
rect that the regular armv of the United States
be increased by the addition of eight regiments
of infantry, one regiment of cavalry and one
regiment of artillery, making, altogether, a
maximum aggregate iucrease of twenty-two
thousand seven hundred and fourteen, offi
cers and enlisted men, the details of which
increase will also be made known through the
department of war; and I further direct the
enlistment for not less than one nor more than
three years of eighteen thousand seamen, in
addition to tbe preeent force, for the naval ser
vice of the United States. The detaile of the
enlistment and organization will be made
known through tbe Department of the Navy.
The eall for volunteers, hsreby made, and the
direction for tbe increase of the regular army,
and for the enlistment of seamen hereby giv
en, together with the plan of organisation adop
ted for the volunteers and tor the ragalar forces
hereby authorized will be submitted to Con-
f ress as soon as assembled. In the meantime,
earneetly invoke the cooperation of all good
citisem t* the measures hereby adopted for
the effectual suppression of unlawful violence,
for the impartial enforcement of constitutional
laws, and for tbs speediest possible restoration
of pease and order, and, with thoae, of happi
ness aad prosperity throughout the eountry.
Ia testimony whereof, I have hereunto set
my hand and ceased the seal ef the United
States to be affixed.
Done at the City af Washington, this third
day af May, In the year ef oar Lord one thou
sand eight hundred and slxty-oaa, and of the
Iedspsndenoe or the United States the eighty-
fifth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
. Bbwaib, Secretary of State.
pm- Five dollars will pay fbr th^ Dally
Confederacy aa* jeer ^
NFEDERACY.
Important Correa pom
Our mtlmUmrnt Kit It
/•a.llner't *lttrtui «
f/ Mmuttr Dtftoa*. lnuruetum—TU t.nd to
Won 10 f> i OAffjpmm*. by causing the
riTMLi >>rids X Mas a.
mperfect statements of Mr. fft
terview with Mr. .ThOtitftMVftfr* French
istsr for Foreign Affairs, nonenraing (he ap
plication of lbs Commissioner* Of the Mont- t
gotnery Confederation, having found their way j
into the Press, the Department of Stats has
dualled that Ik. correlpaadtica ahall/ Jbi |
ao io tho aaaertioo of ibalr j The way o«r Cetloi la to bo Driven aet af
aaporale •ovw.lgnlj. M. Tbou« ‘be World’. mirbot, the--- -
voaai aapraaaad tka opinion that tho otaplo,
of ferae Would be unwise, and would
of tbs Confederacy
j Southern States L
Ith tho Stales which
dsv u. 0MBBM
Jfn la had already
I am, j
published.
[No. 119.]
Legatim or thb Uririo 8tat»h, )
Pams, April 16,1801. /
1/on. Win. It. Seward, Secretary of State:
Sin > 1 celled to-day upon M. Tkouveaei at
tho Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was
promptly adinftted to an interview. Agreea
bly to your request, I banded him a copy of
the Inaugural Address of President Lincoln,
and added that I was instructed by you to say
tobim that it embraced the views of the Presi
dent of the United States, upon (be difficul
ties which now disturb tbe harmony of the
American Union, and also an exposition of
tbe general policy which it was the purpose
of the Government to pursue, with a view to
..be preservation of uouieslio peace and the
maintenance of the Federal Union.
Here M. Tbouvenel asked if there was not
some diversity of opinion in tbe Cabinet of the
President as to the proper mode of meeting
the difficulties whioh now disturbed the rela
tions of the States and General Goverament?
I replied, upon that point 1 had no informa
tion ; under our system the Cablaet was
an advising body ; its opinions were entitled
to weight, but did not neossiarily compel tbe
actiou of the President. Tbe Executive pew
er was, by tbe Constitution, vested exclusive
ly in the President.
I said that 1 was further instructed to as
sure him that tbe President of the United
Slates entertains a full confidence in thespee
dy restoration of harmony and unity of the
Government by a firm, yet just and liberal
polic *, co operating with the deliberate and
loyal action of the American people.
M. Tbouvenel expressed his pleasure at the
assurance.
I further said that the President regretted
the events going on in tbe United Slates might
be productive of some possible inconvenience
to the people and subjects of France, but he
was determined that those inconveniences shall
be made as light and transient as possible, and,
so far as it may rest with him, that all stran
gers who may suffer any injury from them
shall be indemnified.
I said to him that tbe President thought it
not impossible that an appeal would be made
before long by the Confederate Slates to for
eign Powers, and amongst others to the Gov
ernment of France, for the recognition
of their independence ; that no such ap
peal having yet been made, it was prema
ture and out of place to discuss any of tbe
points involved in that delicate and important
inquiry, but, the Government of the United
States desired the fact to be known, that
whenever any such supplications shall be
made, it will meet with opposition from tbe
Minister who shall then represent that Gov
ernment at this Court. 1 said to him that my
mission at this Court would soon terminate,
and I should have uo official connection with the
question which it was anticipated might arise
upon the demand of the Confederate States
for recognition of independence; that my
place would soon be supplied by a distinguish
ed citizen of New Jersey, a geutlernan who
possessed the confidence of the President, who
would doubtless come fully instructed as to
tbe then wishes and views of the Government
of the United States; and that the only request
which 1 would uow make, and which would
close &U I had to say in the interview, was
that no proposition recognizing the permanent
dismemberment of the American Union shall
be considered by the French Government until
after the arrival and reception of tbe new
Minister, accredited by the United States to
this Court.
M. Tbouvenel, io reply, said that no appli
cation hud yet been made to him by the Confed
erate States in any form for the recognition of
their independence; that the French Govern
ment wa* not in the habit of acting hastily upon
such questions, as might be seen by its tardi
ness io recognizing tho new Kingdom of Ita
ly ; that he believed the maintenance of the Federal
Union in it* integrity tea* to be detired for the
benejlt of the people of the North and South, as
well as for the interests of France, and the
Government of the United States might retl
will assured that no hasty nor precipitate action
would be taken on that subject by the Emperor.
But whilst he gave utterance to these views,
he was equally bound to say that the praotice
aud usage of the present century had fully c|-
tablished (be right of defacto Governments to
recognition, when a proper cate was made out,
for the decision of Foreign Powers
Here the interview ended.
The conversation was then further protract
ed by an inquiry from M. Tbouvenel when .he
new tariff would go into operation, and wbe
ther It was to be regarded ns the settled poli
cy of the Government.
I told him that the first day in the present
month had been prescribed as tbe period when
the new duties would take effect; that I had
not yet examined its provisions with such
caro as would justify me in pronouncing an
opinion upon its merits ; that it was condemn
ed by the commercial classes of tbe coun
try ; and that I had no doubt, from the dis
content manifested in several quarters, that
the subject would engage tbe attention of Con
gress at its next meeting, and probably some
important modifications would be made in it.
The finances of the Government were at this
time temporarily embarrassed, and 1 bad no
doubt the provisions of the new tariff were
adopted with a view, although probably a mis
taken one, of sustaining the credit of the
Treasury, as much as of reviving the protec
tiva policy.
11c then asked my opinion as (o the course
sf policy.that would be adopted towards the
•eosdiog Slates, and whether 1 thought force
would be employed to coerce them into sub*
mission to the federal authority.
I told hiui that l could only give him my
individual opinion, and that f thought farce
would not be employed ; that ours was a Gov
ernment of publio opinion, and although the
Union unquestionably possessed ail lbs ordi
nary powers necessary for its preservation, as
had been shown in several partial insurrec
tions which bad occurred in cur history, yet
that tbs extrema powers of tbs Government
could only ha used in accordano* with public
opinion, and that I was satisfied that the sen
liaisnt of the paopla was opposed to the em
ployment of fores against tha seceding Staisa.
Bo sincere was the daftrsnse felt ia that coua
try for Ike great priaaiplee of self govern
ment, and so grant tbe respeet for the notion
af the people when adopted under the impos
ing forms of list* organisation and State sov
ereignty, that I did not think tbs employment
•f fores would bo teiersted for a moment, aad
I (houghs eke only eolation ef oar difficulties
would ho found U such modifications of oar
cciotftuttasal compact as would invito the at-
States back IS to tho Union, sr a poaco- |
Death to Slavery 1 Bast I:
“ ithegji Confederacy 1
lflon
ury givgg a forcible ill
as ofT
rets tojfnt an end" to Coi
Slavery fti the South, as follows :
“The 'Cotton Lords’ are men of buslossa,
and are * practical man ’ besides, sad will ueo
any article that may be rendered profitable
aqd from which (he largest revenue can be ob-
_ j’—"'" •• 'r-* • turned. Any article of Cotton that ia ebaap
Sin: The dispatches of your predecessor, ^ ..
... m; m .oJi2o, Biwtow -
•n sn tha snbjeet.
servant,
J. FAULKNER.
SKCMXTABY 0V STATE TO MB
No. 7.
DKTA
WaithA
AHTMiNtyFaTATK. 1
AffNnroTbx, March4, ISffl y
Nc4,
Tbe latter aokpowledgiog tbe receipt of our
letter of recall, and announcing big intended
return, require* ao special not km. No. lit
bears the date of the 5th of April last. It
contains only an exposition of Mr. Faulkner's
views of lbe policy which ibis Government
ought to pursue In regird to the disturbed
condition of affairs at home, but at the same
time gives us no information concerning tbs
state of affairs in France.
Tbe instructions heretofore transmitted to
you will ebew you tho President’# view on the
subject Mr. Faulkner has discussed, and these
will be your guide, notwithstanding any dif
ferent opinions your predecessor may have
expressed, or left on record at Paris.
No. 119 bears date of the 16th April last,
and oentains a report of an official conversa
tion, and also of an unofficial one, held be*
tween Mr. Faulkner and M. Tbouvenel. In
the former conversation, M. Tbouvenel asked
Mr. Faulkner whether there is not some diver
sit j of opinion in the Cabinet of the Presi
dent as to the proper mode of meeting the dif
ficulties which now disturb the relation of
tbe States and the General Government. Mr.
Faulkner, in reply, said that he had no infor
ination on the subject. The matter is of do
great moment, yet it is desirable that there
be no misapprehension of ths true state of the
Government in tbe present emergency. You
may, therefore, recall that conversation to M.
Thouvenel's memory, and then assure him ex
plicity that there is no difference of opinion
whatever between the President and his Con
stitutional advisers, or ainoug those advisers
themselves concerning the policy that has been
pursued, and which is now prosecuted by the
Administration, in regard to the unhappy dis
turbance existing in the country. The path of
Executive duty has thus far been loo plainly
marked out by stern necessity lobe mistaken,
while the solemnity of the great emergency
and the responsibility it involves, have extin
guished in the public councils every emotion
but those of loyality and patriotism. It is
not in the hands of this Administration that
this Government to come to au end if at all,
much less for want of harmony in devotion to
the country.
M. Thouvenel’s declaration that the United
States may rest well assured that no hasty or
precipitate notion on the subject of the appre
hended application of the insurrectionists for
a recogniiiongof the independence of the sj-
called Confederate States is entirely satisfac
tory, although it was attended by a reserva
tion of views concerning general principles,
applicable to cases that need not uow be dis
cussed.
In the unofficial conversation, Mr. Faulkner
says that be himself expressed the opinion
thAt force would not be resorted to, to coerce
the so called seceding States into submis
sion to the Federal auihority, aud the only
solution of the difficulties would be found
in such modifications of the constitution
al compact as would invite the seceding
States back into the Union, or a peaceable ao
quiescence iu the assertion of their claim to a
separate Sovereignly. The time when theae
questions had any pertinence or plausibility
haa passed away. The United States waited
patiently while their authority was defied
in turbulent assemblies, and insidious prepa
rations, willing to hope that mediation^ offer
ed on all sif'es, would conciliate and induoe
the disaffected parties to return to a better
mind. But the case is now altogether chan
ged. Tbe insurgeiils have instituted’ revolu
tion with open, flagrant, deadly war, to com
pel the United States to acquiesce in tbe dis
memberment of tbe Uuion. The United Slates
have aooepted this oivil war as an inevitable
necessity. The constitutional remedies for
all complaints of the insurgents are still open
to them, and will remain so. But on the oth
er hand, the land and naval fcrces of the Un
ion have been put into activity to restore the
Federal auihority, and to save the Union from
danger.
You ennuot bo too decided or too explicit in
making known to tho French Government that
there i* not now, nor ha* (hire been, nor will
there be any—th* least idea existing in this
Government of suffering a dissolution of this
Union to take place in any way whatever.—
There will be here only one nation and one
Government, and there will be tbe same lie-
public and tbe % iame 'constitutional Union
thU have already survived a dozen national
changes of Government in almost every
country. They will stand hereafter aa they
are now, objects of human wonder and bum-
man affection. You have seen on the eve of
your departure, ths elasticity of tbe nstional
spirit, the vigor of the national Government,
aud the lavish devotion of the national irsas
ures to this great cause. Tell M. Tbouvenel,
then, with the highest consideration and good
feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of this
Union, jyeaceably or by force, has never entered
into the mind oj any candid statesmen here, and
it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen in
Europe. I am, 8ir, respectfully,
Y’our obedient servant,
(Signed,) WM. II. SEWARD.
To Wm. L. Daytox, Esq., &c ,
Obituary.
Wa regret to learn of the death of Win. Ho
gan, Esq , of Hogsmville. He was well known,
a good eitisen, and universally respected. He
was buried ou the evening of tbe 7th instant.
Proclamation by the President of the
Confederate states of America.
Wuxbkas. a Treaty, or Convention of Alli
ance, offensive and defensive, between tha Con
federate States of America and the Common
wealth of Virginia, was concluded and signed
at the city of Richmond, on tbe 24th day of
April, 1861, whieh Treaty or Convention ia,
word for word, aa follows;
[Here follows a copy of tha Convention be
tween Virginia and tha Confederate States, as
ooneluded by the Commissioners of that State
on th3 one part, and Mr, Stephens on the oth
er, which we have already published.]
And, whereas, the said Treaty, or Conven
tion of Alliance has been duly ratified on both
partes
Now, therefore, he it known thet I, Jrffer-
iob Davis, President of the Confederate States
of ▲ morion, have caused Iks same Treaty, or
Convention of Alliance, to be made public, to
be obeerved and fulfilled with good frith by tbe
Confederate States and the citiseos thereof.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto
i T a I set my hand, and cause the seal of the
1 " J Confederate Bute* to be eilxed. alike
pity ef Montgomery, tbia eighth day of
Mar, A. D..lbSt JEFFERFON DAVIS.
ef fKpte
judice,' and io reason otherwise would simply
be nonsense.
The objections lo Sural Cotton compared
with the Cotton of the Soul hern States of Amer
ica, have been £iveo to me by a large spinner,
and are am follows :
In the first place, it yields more waste, ». e.
it looses more in process of spinning. This
arises from tbe fact that it generally has more
dust and dirt in it, and the dual and dirt ara
of a weightier character than that of Aiger-
ioau. It has also a very short fibre, and in
order to make it into equally aa strong yarn it
requires to be harder twisted—say one quali-
ity requires twelve turns per inch, while the
other nfedson)y eight turns. Tbe consequence
Is, fbaMhe machinery will give out from fif
teen lo twenty per oent. more of American
yam than of Surat yarn.
The work people prefer the American qual
ity. Tbe yarn spins better, and the spinner
can turn out more of it ; it breaks less, conse
quently the weaver can weave more of it;
and the operative can earn batter wages, and
they have a 1 prejudice’ for the best quality.
The Cloth made frera Surat, though of a
beutlfol oolor, does not take the finish so Well,
and when once washed looks 'poor’ and Mbin.’
Tbe reason is that the fibre of Surat is drier
and less silky than American, and does not
absorb the bleaching matter so thoroughly ;
and being shorter aud less tenacious, is more
easily washed cut.
Tbe tru h is in ail respects (except color) the
Indian Cotton is an inferior article, and as
such can only find purchasers at such
a relatively low priof aa will compeusata for
tho various disadvantages of using it. 8urel
is largely consumed, and will always be eon
sumed, whenever it is thirty perosnt. cheaper
than American.
The imports of Surat Cotton into the Uni
ted Kingdom in 18tiOwa9 about 580,000 bales;
aud the amount taken for consumption was
3,255 bales per week, or l‘J9,2G0 bales for tha
year, equal to 13,000 bales American. Nearly
tbree-fourihs of all the Sural Cotton imported
is exported to the Continent.
The consumption last year, per week, as
compared with i860, was :
1801.
SALMONS k S1MM0N8,]
FOIElfiS & DOR DKlfi
>. |Vo.lB| *d<1 'f ^Gorn.r of miuh.ll tad
Atlanta, Georgia.
NEW SPRING STOcl
O KB of our firm h.rin, relumed In
k.t, wh.reb. h.iJuMcomplei*.,
lit. pnre&u. of oor Spring Sioek 0 |*
1900.
1956.
Hales.
Dales.
40,854
86,6*9
8,065
2,027
Egyptian ami West Iudlea
1.862
hast Indies
Weekly Consumption
49,186
44,128
This shows that over 85 per cent, of all the
Cottou uaed in England is of the production
of the Southern 8tafev. The consumption on
the Continent amounts to 95 per oent.
Who is afraid of India ?
MANCHESTER.”
l£uglisli Recognition of the Confederate
State* Government Considered.
The London coi respondent of the Charles*
ton “Mercury,” writing on the 20th of April,
says:
Some little time ago, Mr. Gregory gave no
tice of his intention to put a question to Lord
J. Russell, ns to the probability of a recogni
tion of the Southern Confederacy by tha Brit
ish Government. That notice, however, has
been postponed for a fortnight; but ths mat
ter will be precipitated, perhaps, by the arri
val of your Commissioner or Envoy ; it will be
a kuock at the door of the Cabinet that must
be answered. As it is as well to look things
fairly in the face, I will attempt to describe
what will be the probable results of the appli
cation. First, you must expect some delay.
The case, you will be told, is without prece
dent. The practice of English Ministries,
whatever their party composition, is to ac*
knowledge all de facto governments. We have
recognized every successive sovereignly in
France, from that of old Charles the Tenth,
downwards. We shall soon acknowledge the
sovereignly of Sardinia over Italy. But, di
plomacy will tell you, that in all these cases,
the previous government had uttarly destroy
ed, by insurrection and barricades, or the sov
ereign had abandoned and cancelled all by ab
dication aud flight, like the late Italian Dukes ;
or bad lost hi* kingdom by being beaten in
batile, like Austria and the King of Naples.—
These casci were o’.ear. No choice was left;
thete was either the de facto goverament or
nothing. And as diplomacy rather delights io
soruples, and cau sometimes assume the pos
session of a political conscianee, you may cal
culate on its making a ground for delay out
of the still existing claim of the Federal Gov
eminent at Washington to exercise its federal
authority in the 8outh, dsjure. Here will be
tho pinch of the oaso for the European Pow
ers. They will say that the question of two
Confederal ions, or one, is not yet decided.—
And there ara only two ways in which the de
cision can bo arrived at. The first is, that the
North acoept the seoession, as the best policy,
and make no attempts to coerce, collcot duties,
or occupy forte, in the manner of absolute ru
ler* (for after all these things do kings and
daapots seek :) in short, lo renounce tbe rights
it cannot enforce without wat^. Then the is
sue would ba clear. Tke second course is to
stake all on the results of a war. Tbe issue,
then, would be clear also; but when it would
come, who can predict ? And while it ia pend
ing, the Powers of Europe will dtf«r the re
cognition of (ha political indepaadaaoa of tbe
South. Tbe question must be completely set
tled on American soil, first; we only hope here
that this settlement may be effeoted without
the hidcou* calamities of a civil war. The re
lative conditions of North and 8euth, one#
clearly defined, I believe that there would be
no unwillingness lo recognize the Southern
Republic, to salute ita flag, and motive its
Ministers. Theae are tha opinions, on the aub
ject, of ao eminent diplomatist; and I give
them as I Lave heard them ; with a protest
against (hat e«<nHJt ef werel obliquity they
involve, by excluding any judgment except
that from the event. It (i tbe original iln ef
diplomacy, and utterly InourabU- Tbe rve
rods you have bad for seceding will not weigh
at all in procuring an acknowldgaaanl of the
change, unless it ia euceeteftil. But military
men here think that, aa to material prepara
tions, you heio tka bast aud of tka staff. Fort
Sumter, h*ipg held, only by sqffareapa, tke
UfAe af Its tv sedation doe* hot depend ee musk
on orders from Washington aa oo the decision
of Charleston
HYMENEAL.
I LAW.—
on Thursday, May 0th,
baa, Mr. I. C Mrarav.«« m
AJWvfliirtir *****
MURPHY—LAW—Married, at OeinoevUle,
1th, by tka Rot. R. W.Bta-
DJtY GOOD$
wo fake this method of advieide ths •
ika same. Our stock of 1
STAJ’LE & FANCY GOO Da
won never more attractive. The i
BLEACHED AND BROWN SHEETlMOli
SHIRTINGS, to.,
ia ample.
Crepe IN Anglais,
Barege Anglais,
french rhinlt,
Aioiambiyus,
ftredid
and a splendid assortment of
Plain g Pnucf |
Silk JBantleo,
Dusters, Me.,
may bo found among our assorts
Ladies*
ALEXANDER KID GL0VK8, SILK J
Every variety of Ladies’ andMiaaei , |
manufactured in Philadelphia axpi
our trade. A more beautiful lot of
CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS AND Mg*
wo have never displayed in this market I
All of which we will sell low for CAi
Orders promptly attended to.
SALMONS 4 ME
Atlanta, March 28, 1861.
SILVEY & DOUGHERT
NORCROS8’ BUILDING,
Junction Whitehall Sc Pe
Streets,
Atlanta, G-oorg
H AVE just rooeivad. and i
tha largest stock > f Goons they k_
offered in one season. Their stock wa k
exclusively for Cash, and will be prieeli
figures. m
They have every variety ef
DRY GOODS,
from Brown Homespuns to th* I
Silks; all kinds of fresh LADIES'i
GOODS; b large assortment of
• Get
including Linens, Lawns, Piece Goods,0
Ginghams, Ac.; all kinds of H081ST
FANCY ARTICLES. Also, a larva a
of
JEWELRY, WATCHER (
In their Basement Rooms, they havta
gant and full supply of
Ready-Made Clothing,
and GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING <
TRUNKS, UMBRELLAS, Ac. Al*i
$16,000 worth of
SHOES, BOOTS, i
embracing all sises. and a great variety,!
dies, Misses, Men, Boys and Children.
They repeat: their atock ia vary full]
they ara determined to cell.
The publio are respectfully invited I
and examine their atock and price* b *
chasing elsewhere,
march8 SILVEY 4 D0UGHK
Me NAUGHT, HEARD A I
Commission and Forwarding J
BAY STREET
Bavaiiwah, « - « • •
( Wm. 11
mar20 (Joasl!
OR2I. IRA n. FOSTER.
FOSTER & QUEEN]
GROCERS
—AMD—
COMMISSION MERCHI
MARIETTA STEIBT,
Atlanta, OeorflA I
K EEP constantly on hand all kioBdl
visions and Family Supplies. ba/Mj
all kinds of Tennessee and CoustgfW
also, sell Goods consigned to the ben i
tage, and render accounts cf ialepw*r
Patronage respectfully solicited.
A fine lot of Pure Country Cor*
hand, and for sals by FOSTER 4 QU
may 6.
CONFECTIONARIES.
F. M. JACK, Ag
K«XT DOOR TO W. r. RiRRIH • «.
Whitehall BU Atlanta <
K EEPS conaUDtljoD hind an» :
of CONFECTIONARIE8,
FRUITS,
CAKES,
NUTS,
CANDIES, _—
PRESERVE]
JELtlir -
PI(»
Also, Fioo Imported WINEfO
TOBACCO, CIGARS, Ac.. Ao. ..
Alio, a gnat Yiri.lj ol Ttocj Art."
kata, Toys, Ao. . iv g
Tha Ladies and the Public genvrsiij^
spectfully invited to call.
DANIELL & McENT
Wholes.1. De.len ii
BHDCERIES, PHOBIC 1
PMch- Trto
Atlanta,
A FINE iopply of Corn, Baton •
ways on hand.
WRIGHT * JACL .
FOR WAR DINS RE/iCh
BAT STREET. BAVANNI
allbr a. waioae. -*■
R efer to oapuin
ranoah, 0..; Cl.ghorn A '
Savannah, Oa.i Boilon A
aa, Ha i Btitoa A Caaorn,
ILL, Hart, a, Fnlatta, Flat
Il.wkla.v0la, Oa. . j
Agwat hr iba EnrglU. Li«f»
*f» »» RnvaaaSIna, aad 8«*—
aad Oak, h» BawkiaivWa.