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•*«u*oJ>ceW4>i p«rt tfta* tan, rang*
Ml opeq tbe stde of those who smiga t£*
conductor Ocorgi*, tapogn the motive* ef
her LemshUomeud otter pubtlu efletrt,
oT qtieJioo the soundness of the principle
•he hut assumed, ihyi ee independent sov
ereignty cue exist oitM* her limits, and
liiu couijm i, <u iiiat trwiai uwii entire
sovereignty, and all their rights, If they did
not then surrender that sovereignty and those
rigb's altogether, they mutt have designed in
reserve to fbttmtelve* the talk: of protecting
them. A cute may very well ante, in which
an aueonvlilutional law may affect the rigtua of
a eingle State only; and It would be a pinching met her law* within those limits, subject
ol the very name of Slate Rigl^t* to tty that, only to ibe laws and treatiei of the United
roeuch cate, the ewy not protect bortelf. In' States, mutt prevail and be enforced; and
what other eoufte cap her ‘••safety" be that we may not be tmaaoderatood, we for*
provid* d ferl If tweety-tfneo Stella thou Id tber distinctly my that we do not cmsidor
unite in -cotting up every right which hpporlamt the treatfet made betweee the Government
to the the twemy-fourili, ha* teat Stale no re- and ibt Indians a* partaking, in my detree
dreat escept what a “mujorprltj w ol her bppree. in a national leeee, of the character of ire*-
»ort may choose to gram I If tbit bethtimeen-
leg of the resolutions, to far from affirming and
protecting Statet right*, they affirm that no tingle
Slate haa any right*, at nil, Besides, the reso
lution* tpeak only of tbe resented rights of the
Statet, among which reMtvdd righti, it that
Which authorises State iuterpoiitioo, to arteti
the uiurptihmt of the Federal Government.
Now, how ere them rtghU”r*ser*edf" Due,
one Siam “reeerve" lu own righti to another
State, or any number of other States? Thu the power to mako n treaty which should
tewna to me to be n gi ant, and not a reservation conttitnie or recognise an independent tov
ofa right. Each State, then, retervet in own ereignty, within one of their Statet. You
’!(.*? *»d fhe rotoluticot affirm that will not undarttand ut u admitting, or even
the right to refuao obedience to. an unconttiio* for one moment tuppoting, that thin bat
1 i mV" ■' n00 8 reverted righti. A- been either done or uttemmed by those
gtin: If the State m»y not act upon iti own do- authorities; but we are tbui explicit, that
cition until the majority hard sanctioned it, the oo doubt at to our opiniout may weaken
right to to decido, in, at to til practical remits, the force of the suggestion wo are about to
in that majority, **d not. iuSipte. The State make..
bat only the right fo ttprtttiS opinion, which Thus much being said at to the impret-
Opinion, although involving hdr “ safety," and — — 1
hor very existence, goes.for, AOihmg, until ap
proved by others. 'Mil* I* Indeed, ■ meagre
Stain right, Mr/ RfMn*.‘' Besides, Sir, it there
not tome contradiction in the positions! that a
Stale may declare a law to be unconstitutional,
aud yet that it it bound to tubhiit .o that law, for
tome given time\ Whit difference m there, in
principle, between in obligation to submit to
an uncootHluiionsl.ltw for one dty, and an ob-
ttgatk*!} 1? Hftrvno vear, or foreved
iioa with independent nations, but rather
bold I bam at cootrucia or articles of agree
moot, tubject iq all cups (o the Contthn
don of tbe United Statet and Ibe Taws of
Congress; and we consider it inenntitu-n-,
wholly and absolutely Inconsistent, with
(bat provision of the Cottituliou, which
guarantees to all the Stum of this confed
nraoy a republican form of government,'
that the President and Senate'should have
jy u **' t » *‘fh adK«u u iu
obT servants.
sRffij 0 "'
R. HYDE WALWORTH,
GREEN C. BRONSON.
SIMON DEWITT, I
5: f.km. 1
S. VAN REN3SELEA&
DAVID SUTHERLAND,/
JOHN SAVAGE, 7-
AB. VAN VECHTER,
JOHN LUDLOW,
WILLIAM B. SPRAGUE.
J. W. CAMPBELL.
WILLIAM L0C.KHEAD,'
ISAAC FERRIS,
H. BLEECKEIL
Albany, December, 17, 1832
liont we entertain in relation to file law
and the right of the cate, wo now speak as
politicians. From tbn unpleasant agita
tion! which, at iltn present time, are con
vulsing, to an unuauRl maimer and to an
unusual extent, another of Ibe independent
Statet of tbe Union, wo feel the deepest
interest that All danger of conflict be-
ttttien the authorities of Georgia and any
or the authoritiaaof the Geuerel Govern
ment should be put atrest. This, w « believe,
I confess thst I can see none 'at all. Finally, | may be done by the pardon of these mis’
Sir--;or tbe subject was really not worthy t-f! guided men. Our reasons for this bt liuf
must-‘ban lubi with levefa; ucustjfi^goliiunid-, ubiUU.
’version nod dnapprobmioa from a large
and respectable portion of iIm people of
tbe United States. ^loreovae, I am np-
prixed that the political opposition which
has been arrayed againet ns, has received
even these practical sod popular views of it—
suppose that tbe other States should refuse to aty
whether tbe pqflictilar State which undertakes
to pronounco a law unconstitutional, is right ot
trroogl Theta are uo means o(compelling them
to decide, snd, of eourie, a majority of the
States, upoo yo*tr supposition, (it it bo yours,)
have only to stand mute, ip outer to deprive alt
the other States, uiul constitutionally too, nfeve-
ry right which Appertains to them. Nay, eveu it
tin other Statet should be disposed to set upou
the subject in good (uilh, the right which the
individual Statu interpose to protect, mny be;
such as to bo lost forever, unless Ube promptly
asserted. Our slave population will at once
suggest to you such a case. The very delay,’
therefore, of this previous tpparf, may pe fatal
<0 the very existence of the right. I can scarce
ly think that it was the intention of the resolu
tions of 1798, t* produce any such result us
this.
And now. Sir, let me briug you buck to my
dilemma. The Resolutions of 1796, appi tsved
by you, acknowledge the right of South Carolina
to pronounce Jiia ,)or)f .Ihf*.. uftcpiutiiutionsl;
tod do not roqttjre that the shall foibear to act
grow oui cf thu late election. No subject
wut more fully submitted to the people,
pending that centos!, than the course ol the
administration in relation to tho Indians
and the opinions entertained by the Presi
dent; which opinions, It was well known,
would be carried out in practice, in case of
his re-eleotien; nud wo feel safe in saying,
that no question involved in the canvass
was laboured to assiduously and so ingen
iously on the putt of bis opponents. Still
tho result has overwhelmed them with as
tonishment and shame,-if not with convic
tion of their errors. That same result bat
furnished your patriotic State with n judg
ment in her fMVor,’paraniountteall others
undtw this Government, the clearly express-
dojudgmem of the American people.
Under those circumstances, we cannot
but behove that the exhibition of magna
nimity ou the part of the State, by the par-
nun of the imprisoned missionaries, would
have the most happy effect upon the public
Fxscunvg Depaxtment, Ga. )
MilledgtvMe, January 5, 1833. j
To Messrs. Silts Wright ir. A. C. FI
John A. Dix, William L. Marcy, Elrp-
thtlet Noli, Stephen Van Rensselaer, .R.
Hyde Walworth, Green C. Bronson, Si
mon De Witt, B. S. Welch, B. F. Butler.
Jatoh Sutherland, John B. Savage, Abner
V»0 Vechter, John Ludlow, William B.
Sprague, J. N. Campbell, William Lock-
bend, Isaac Ferris, arid H. Bleecker.
Gxnti.hhp.k—Your -communications,
bearing date the 17th and 18th ultimo,
have been dnly received; and I have giv
en, in them that earnest arid deliberate con
sideration which their intrinsic merit and
importance, and the .highly respected
source from wbieh they rminalo, demand.
Your commtfntcaliens, dlthosgh on differ
ent papers, and in some respects different
in matter, nevertheless exhibit such inden-
tity of subject,, and coincidence of general
views, as to justify, in my opinion, giving
you a joint reply.
And permit nte, gentleman first to
assure you, that I highly appreciate the
honorable, patriotic, nnd philanthropic mo
tives which, I fuel convinced, have influ
enced -you* to offer 1 your medita
tion to allay .existing ezeijeritegfs, which
disturb tho repose,v and even threat
en tho stability ot\ the admit able civil
institutions of our cosimon cout. .ry, And
suffer me to return you my. grateful
acknowledgements liir the desp. interest
which you mnnifest for the welfare and
tejiose of my own favorit* State, in regard
to her present local difficulties growing out
of her Indian relations. In regard.to
some of yon, at letisi, I entertain the most
grateful recoHoetions for your, past ox-
ertions in defending the rights and charac
ter of Georgia ‘against unjust and illiberal
aspersions.
As patriots and Christians, I trust and be
lieve, our objects and ‘ ends are the same.
While your communications are primarily
directed tn a singla object, to wit, the case
nf the missionaries, Messrs. Worcester
iV Boiler, whose' immediate release from
Penitentiary confinement you recommend,
you guardedly avoid eittering upon tho dis
©quire that
oa that decision, until it shall brt. Itfll'rmed by
majority oftlte other Statu*. South Carolina
has pronounced those laws unconstitutional; and
you hsvo over and over again declared mm,jA<
ft right in tiiaf refpect. Iloto con you coun
tenance tht President and Congress, in subjec
ting the people to the sward, for not obeying
those latve l I would, if • regard for decorum
did not forbid.lt, defy vou to the answer. You
ought to give It, and plainly, and satisfactorily
too, or else you ought to change ynur course.
You are oncouraging the President to m»k* war
•poo South Carolina. It is war, Sir, however
you may disguise it; civil war, with ell its un
numbered traiu of sufferings, tsars and sorrows.
A husband and a father who contemplates this
result, must have e nature mote callous than 1
take yours to be, if lie cun sdutlt into hie calcu
lation, either the “ feelings” nf * political
favorite, the success of party objects, or Urn
poor pride of opinion. You can, if you choose,
arrest it* wide spreading desolation with which
our whole country is threatened. 1 oeseech
you to reflect that it is at least poosibK you
are permitting innnoceni blood 10 be 'hod,
whoa it Is io your power to prevent it. Shell il
not hereafter, ho requited at your handat
I know, Sir that you have too much-respect
for public optoion and for decency, th urge on
the aaad measures of this administration, with
out, M least, an attempt to justify vour course.
I read your paper coostamly, yet seldom, of
lara,*whhoot mortification tutd sorrow. 1 have
Men Upon what grounds it Is, that you are
willing to consign to the swerd—a sword that
was uevor known to spare; u people of at geoe-
root and lofty a character es tho whole world
cap ahow. ‘The P resident bat profited by your
•uggoMlona, end has founded hie proposed meat-
urns of violence and carnage, upon roteoos with
with which you have fiurnished him. The
history of that mao'* pall life, afford* full nud
terrible proof, that ho never wools excuses, good
or bud', for any outrage which lie may propose
to perpetrate upon the lews aud Coueiitutiou of
hie count! y. Posterity will do him justice,
although .this ego looms determined to
bo blind to hie ml character. I cannot
cloao theta leueit without an attempt to
chow, that there it uo treeioo whatever which
cue justify or extenuate the sanguinary purpose
which W now outer! aios. I have mu yet, how
ever, quite done with the tubject of nullifica
tion. It will bo continued in my next letter.
mind ni thu whole Union, while it would j mission of various subjects connected with,
laltn away the ground of (tending litigation and which hav'e led to their present con-
wbich desperate men may try to push to j (moment. I fnHy appreciate and approve
nn tmpleasant result; and wo venture to
nsk tltis exorcise qf tbe impotiptu preroga
tive resting in your hands, because we are
convinced that yuur patriotic felluw-cili-
ssiuis would, after tho events which have
transpired within the last few weeks, sus
tain you in tne act,for the sake of the State
ilsolf. We are sure they would dose for the
quiet nud peace of the Union.
Excuse us for this unauthorised intrusion
upon your notice and your official duties;
aud believe us, with the highest respect,
your obed't. sorv’ts.
SILAS WRIGHT, Jr.
A. C. FLAGG,.
JOHN A. DIX.
Tram tbs Foderat Union, 4 h iest.
fftate •/ Not York, Albany, Dec. 18,1831
Hit t/eetteney Wilton pumpkin,
Governor of the State of Georgia'
Dxau {St*.—Wo beg leavo to addms you
upou >t subj- rt w th which, we confehs, we have
uo tight to interfere, aud in reference M which
your ft'elitigs must, long era this lime, have been
msAeieutly hirrustod. We refer to iherofmc-
’ tory mtssiunaties now toufined in the Periiieu-
liary ef your State, in pursuance of a sentence
of too Courts of your state, and upon coovictkM
for • deliberate snd unjustifiabi* violation of
<hi lawsfuf year State.
It is act our object to rulttr either into
exemihrittoq of (he tacts of their csseor into a dis
cussion ofthe law which governs it, but tofmake
10 yhu friendly suggestions, proceeding from the
host of motives, aid which, being communicated
ealy to yourself, tea do no bum. If they do no
•eod Still it is proper, thst we should prece
de d o*o wggMtioM with such of our dourly
eat'Hataa I fairies in relation j£ the |q-
ttttue ffieriiT «f th* pending 4PWomt;
Hit Excellency Wilson Lumpkin,
Governor of the State of Georgia.
Tho undersigned, citizens of the State
of New York, having bestowed much at
tention on the proceedings in ibe catu or
Samuel A. Worcester aud Elixur Butler,
end viewing those proceedings us likely to
affect Ike welfare of the other States and
the whole Union, feel it their duty to sub-
UHt to your consideration, tho result ot their
reflections on the subject. As this ex.
pressiott of their opinions and wishes,
spring* from uo feehuga adverse to Guor-
ia, but on tho contrary is prompted solely
iv a regard to what they sincerely believe
to be .the true iuterest of nil parties, they
flatter tlieinvelves yon wilt not deem it
either obtrusive or improper.
Fermit us then to state, that, under all
existing circumstances, we doom it a mat
ter of grant moment, that the prisoners
ryfured to, should be set at liberty, without
delay, which a* wo suppose, can only be
-done by discharging them uuder a pajdou
emanating from the State authority—and
auch a pardon wo earnestly recommend.
Tho result of tho recant election must
render it apparent, that the removal of the
Cherokee*, is deemed expedient by the
Nation; and undar this impression, the
undersigned ere of opinion that very many
parsons, who have hitherto counteracted
their removal, will now- deem it their duty
to co-operate in bringing it about; and
they have reason to believe and confident
ly hope, that an influence will be applied
to reconcile tho tribe to such a result, by
those very persons who navo hitherto la
bored to prevent it,
Undar such a change -of circumstances,
the undersigned cannot tee aoy possible
advantage in the further confinement of thn
missionaries. Ou the contrary they con
ceive that since it is apparent that the In
dian* must be removed, the release of the
missionaries may be of use ia reconciling
the Indians to that measure. For we can
not believe, alter what bat taken place,
that'the missionaries, any more than our
selves, caii doubt tho expediency of acqui
escing in tbe> policy of the General Gov
ernment tus tamed, aa it teems to bkve
been, by tho decMon of tho American peo
ple. In tho present state of this question
and of our piflilic affairs, every cause of tr-
ritation should bo removed as speedily as
possible; and a« we eineereiy believe that it
ia in your powurby adopting thu comae
of your motives in thus delicately present
ing the subject, strqit of uil controversy and
excitement. Novertheless. it must occur
to you, that the peculiar duties and respon
sibilities in the performance of the official
act which you recommend, require that it.
should be preceded by a fair and full con
sideration on my part, of all thecircnwiltaii-
ces connected with this peculiar case.
However, 1 have neither lime ntJr dispo
sition, nor do I deem it necessary, to pre
sent to you nil the considerations, which
must necssarily have s bearing on my mind
in making up a decision in regard to my
duty in this missionary case. I will say.to
you however, that m the time, I deeply're
gretted these men forcing ihumsclvris into
the Penitentiary of Georgia,that their con
tinuance there has been contrary to my
wishes ;-nnd lltut the very first moment I
can send litem ttwtiv, consistently with tny
duty to God and my country, tbey 'shail
nut remain lu prtsion a tingle day. Tho
act bf tho Legislature of Geotgin, making
it penal for u while mutt to reside on the
Indian territory within the limits -of the
State, without first taking an oath, to sup
port the Into and constitution thereof, was
jsrcdicHted dn the belief that mischievous
while men were the prime causes of all Our
controversies and difficulties with the rem
nant Tribes of Indians residing within our
State. -Before the law was enforced a-
gainst these missionaries, they wore advised
and admonished by the Governor of the
State to leave the State peacably or obey
the law. They not oniy refused to do ei
ther, but a tied in a spirit ot defiance to the
authorities of the State.
After they had arrived at the prison
gate under sentence 'of the lata a free par
don was offere.' tp them, if they would mer
ely promise not to aettle again on the Indi
an Territory of Georgia. This they alio
refused. From the day they entered the
prison until usv ; they might at duv rime
have been discharged, by relieving the
State from the throats nnd tnenacta of kb-,
iog (breed to discharge them aud by ma
king respectful application tot the tmbori-
tivs of the State. Jfltru than whut I have
named has never been required by Geor
gia, and less never will be deemed Wislac-
tory.' The ground which Georgia lias ta
ken on this tubject can never be abandon
ed without dishonor to herself—la vital
stab to the palpable constitutional rjghtt of
the Stale, to enact and eoforce law*,for the
Government nf their own population with
in their admitted jurwdictiooal limits—and
a degradation of the present ExccUt
ministration ol tho Federal Govon
which haa coincided with the
Georgia in every important step wl
has taken hi ibis matter. The
eonttiratioeal right* ofthe States, vinlica'
ted by the preteat Executive of the Ur
eoggeaed, to render eu immense service
totLe r
Nation, without injuring in the least
tlm iuterest of your own Statu, ww moat
respectfully solicit to the subject your
qrjy tad favorabl* cop-tiduraiioo.
grout ttftbgih,zealous aid sod co-operation
from a highly talented and influential por-
ln conclusion, portnit me 'agatut to
odvert to tho cose of tho missionaries, bud
to aisore y<A, gbodemen, that 1 1 w> win
triWM anv thin0 but nrinciulrs whic 1) i
lion of the Uhrisilto community of our
country.' JodDed the ‘opposition hat been
such, and so ably dtaokged, that its prepon
derating influence 'would have paralyted
nhv cause, not bbsedori 'Ihe'etttnel 'priu-,
tuples Of truth, justice And gobil -drill to
wards ntan.
Six years ago, as tome o( yqn can wit
ness, when (humble a* are my pretensions)
I had the honor to propose and urge upon
the consideration or the. American Con-
gross the expedihney'ahd propriety of pro
viding by law, for the removal, of the
wkoleof the remnant tribes of Indians, their
remaining in Ibe Stares and Territories of
the Union to ae eligible country West of
the Mississippi, I was’considered by a ma
jority of thaj, kplightaned assemblage ts
premature and Visionary in 'my plan—and
was accused of the dishonorable motive of
Keeking popularity at the expense oT (lie
lives and best interests of the unfortunate
remnants of the aborgioals of North Amer
ica. But now, as you intimate, the wis
dom, the expediency and thd practicability
of the plan have received the teal of ap
probation from three fourths of the poeple
of this Union. ” Truth it •mighty and
teill prevail." Now under the flattering
prospects of tbe consummation of this de-
lirnblo object, is it wise, prudeot or expe
dient, thst the authorities of one ofthe sov
ereign States of this Union, thus sustain
ed in her course, should make humiliating
concessions to the very individuals and
public functionaries who have, upon mista
ken grounds, to say the least, contributed
so much to excite*aud agitato our beloved
country t No, gentlemen: Georgia can
never abandon the gruunJ which she has
taken and defended on this subject The
pt'ople of Georgia understand llteir rights,
and such as they deem to he of vital im
portance they will defend at every Inns trd.
They are Ardently attached to the.Federal
Union, and they believe its preservation
depends upon the Federal and S.ate gov
ernments being strictly confined within
their respective, constitutional spheres of
action—and that Georgia has beoo sustain
ed in acting upon these principles, in tdi her
unpleasant conflicts with tho different de
partments of the Federal Government has,
in my opinion, beeu clearly established by
the verdict of the grand inquest of the A-
merienn people. It wifi be remembered
that Georgia has upon several occasions
received the sentence of condemnation hv
Presidents and Judges of the supreme
Court, but tho sovereign people of the
Union imve, upon the appeal boiog brought
before them, reversed these verdicts. 1
am, therefore, continually strengthened in
the belief, that tho peopelo of these U.
Stales are not only capable of Self-Gov
ernment, but of foitr Self-Government.
And I trust that a kind Bnd indulgent
Providence designs, through thu instru
mentality ot a virtuous people, to perpetu
ate the blessiogs of our good system of
Government to the end of lime.
I am fully aware of the various efforts
which have been made, and are still in pro
gress, with o view to identify Georgia with
her. Sister State, South Carolina, in her
new theories And novel proceedings. This,
.gentlemen, is u delicate subject ; but we
have fallen on times which demand patrio
tic plainness. The integrity of the Utiini;
is jeopardized, «nd consequently theiiber-
tdaneefed.
ties of the people «re eudangered. 1 am
sure you have too much intelligence tu be
lieve* that the conduct of Georgia in the
Missionary case is identical—a parallel
caso—with that of South Carolina and
her scheme of nullification. It cannot be
believed; that any honest man of common
sense can be at a loss to draw the proper
distinction. South Carolina has not only
avowed Iter deter minutioit'io resist the exe
cution of the revenue laws of the country,
but lias openly assumed a position |>repar-
atory to disunion, and has actually com
menced the organization of u separate and
distinct government; based upon belliger
ent and warlike principles. Her new
form ot proposed government is not euiy
founded in principles of hostility to her old
confederates, but is Arbitrary, despotic and
(yrennir.il in the extreme, towards the mi
nority of her own citizens, who are still
disposed to adhere to the Union. Now,
because the people of Georgia are united
ly resolved at all hazaids, to maiutain and
defend their own local laws enacted for
tne punishment of offences committed a-
gdititt them within her acknowledged jur
isdictional limits, shall she, therefure, be
identified with South Carolina 1 I trust
not. 'While tho people of Georgia bad
reason to believe that Sooth Carolina wot
honestly contending against the unequal
snd unjust burthens of the Tariff system,
even her errors and iaordistte seal were
viewed with forbearance rod a kindred
feeling waa indulged towards her, even
when her theories could not receive our
sanction. But the ippoaraoce of the
South Carolina Ordinance, and other sub.
sequent acts of bet State authorities, have
caused the great body of ibe people of
Georgia to respoud to the words contained
in a late Resolution of the Legislature of
llm StatP, ” wg ABHOR NOLLWICATION.**
But while 1 thus deprecate the proceed
ings of the ruling party io South CArolina,
I trust you will boar with my frankness io
expressing the opinioon, that 1 most seri
ously mtoriain io regurd- to tho proveca-
vont of the Southern Stales. The
people, in some .sections of this country,
assume tojthetuselves uot only ihecqpaci/jr,
hut tbe right to judge and determine ulul
measures will most effectually promote the
interest of the South. In other words,
yield *ny thing bat principles whit i»
deem to be inseparably connected with the
best intefeit of ou: common country,, to
gra'ify the wishes and promote the view w of
yourselves, us well as very many other val
ued frieudt. But it ,is my deliberate and
settled opinion, that, in the- present po# tore
of affairs, it woujd be destructive to t *ital
constitutional principles aud deeply injt «ri-
ous to tho character nod reputation of the
State.
It may be true; as you suggest, t hat
liberating these men at the pres, snt
'moment, might contribute to the accele ra
tion of making an arrangment with t ItO
CliorokeCa tor their lands in Georg in.
But, desirable Its this object is to tbe cit fl
uent of tbit Stale, 1 would greatly preh ir
another thirty years’ painful eontrovers U
to dishonorable compromise. Admittio g
I could ut this moment content for Geor -
gia to abandon the ground which she ha t
occupied in regard to this cate, what wouh I
be the inevitable effect 1 We should no t
only be justly accused of yielding our priu >
cipiet in regard to State Rights, but tb< t
false chtirgohrooghi against the President ,
(oo account of his late Proclamation,) thu t
he is disposed to ptatstrate the rights ol'
the States, would receive strength attdj
countenance. It would be ttlledged that*
had yielded up the vital rights of Ueorgra
to aid hint in exerting a despotic sway <W<$"
the State Governments aud to wreak his 1
vengeance against the political men oi
South Carolina. The President’s Course,
from first to last, io relation to our local
Indian questions, arid the cases which have
arisen out of them, affotds tbe most conclu
sive defence of the correctness of his
opiuiotts in regurd to the rights of the
States, and no act bf mine shall ever
Contribute to tarnish his reputation on this
subject.
After all that I have said, I trust, gen
tlemen, that you will perceive, that, with
kind aud tespeciful teelmgs towards you,
aud others who tire not so intimiilely
identified with tins missionary, case us
myself, I am bound to say, that I cannot
yield to tho assumptions of thu Supreme
Court in this matter. Tito permanent
prosperity ot our beloved common country
forbids my yielding - Let these moil dis
miss tho proceedings now pending belure
the Supremo Court Against Georgia, uud
let shern apply to the proper authority of
the State, iu a respectful and becoming
manuals and they shall go free, and uot till
then.
With high cotttderation and regard, 1
am, your most ob’t servant.
WILSON LUMPKIN.
mtta. ’ tael ho! no! j ou mm. your way jhsi
now, and avery disagreeable way it was.
This is mine and a most disagreeable one.
But yon must excuse me; it is my way,”
Thus be continued amidst the laughter
of all present, stopping tho fellow’s mouth
with a nul-shell every time he attempted
to speak, till he fairly pelted him out of the
room, at tho door of which he emptied his
hat upoo thu critic’s heady exclainiirtg 4 you*
mast excuse me: it is my way.”
on questions of controversy growing eit ol they seem to think they understand our
this inditn subject, will do immortal honor true situation, circmnstattcto, nod interest
to t|»o ntmo or Andrew Jackson ; andjviH belter tbao wo do ooreelve* Theee ire
afford materials tor thn future iitstonafi to assumptions which will “over bo quietly
vindicate his feme from thn cnlommas ol endured bv freemen. Wo know that
the present moment—wherein he is chsrg- those at a distance atm wholly ignorant of,
ed with a disposition to trample upon tin nnd unqualified to manage and direct oar
right* Ofthe State*, awd'cbnage.thoFod loetd affair*. I have kuown for year* that
oral into n consolidated Government. theVotnctivo Tariff system most be aban-
I am felly aware, ns well lu yourwlves dooridor tbe Union would be destroyed.
that the eround^aken by Georgia, and tht Measures whith are considered iutol-
rhich has beet ‘ ■■
policy
been pursued bv her an arable hv whole sections of our cuum y.
From the Traveller uud Tune*.
YOU MUST EXCUSE ME; ITS
MY WAY.
Dining nt tho Yutk hotel, where a mini
orous party were assembled, S—K——
the comedian, and several ol Ins brothers
uf the sock and buskin grouped themselves
towards tho end of tho (able.
This arrangement was quickly perceiv
ed by one ot tho amateur critics, wuuld-be
literarins, who ure tho pest of all public
companies, indeed of till companies ipto
which they c.au get admission. Fellows
with no more brums than a sqtiuezed tur
nip, and-who gabble ’monstrously.
Now this follow, who yielded neither in
folly nor assurance to any of his taste, uo
sooner perceived the arrangement, than he
determined [though utterly unknown] To
tiiuke one ol llto party. In this he suc
ceeded, was politely revived, and all went
on well till tlto fruit came on the table.
lie thou preluded a discourse, with
Which it was liis evident mutation to aston
ish, if not to enlighten his auditors, by one
pr two gross remarks upon actors iu getter-
»l. Against this violation ef decorum a—
R—remonstrated, but in the mildest
terms. Tho remunstrunco, -however,-*
seemed to take effect, lie was quiet for a
time, and Sag), who is known to be nue ol
the best dinner companions iu Euplaud, be
gan as asu-tl toj play The lirst fiddle.
Iutreed, considering the convivial talents
of R. ■ -■* we ure uot susprised lie sat still
for some hours, when the small beer begae
to phiz, out flow the cork, and an explosion
took place. Leaning across the table, in
tones by nti means modulated, to the pur
pose of privary, our would-be (bus ad
dressod R—-.
“By God, Mr. R— ., you aro one of
the most facetious, 1 (and agreeablo, pleasant
fellows, I ever toot in my life. (R——
bowed; the room became silent) How
is it then that to clever a man cac be such
a damned stupid actor (attention became
intent.)-^—-Excuse me: it’s my way; But
i *
you are without exception, t think, the
worst actor I ever saw. You must excuse
me; it's my way. There’: t your* famous
Jerry Snakt’tis no more iike Jerry Snak
then I am. You tee I tel I you my mind'
freely. But you must excu te me; it’s my
way.” •
Thus he went on for a' lot jg time, inter,
larding his comments with *"i tau must ex
cuse me; it’s my way,” untill those present
began to suspect Sam inlet t ied to play
Jerry in real life. It is tree Ute critic was
one of the six-foots; but Sam was thought
to be a- man who never rt tspected the
thews or sieews of au *aut- tgonist. At
length, the discourse being « sided,, Sam
called for hit hat. and having (died it with
the nut-shells ho,could obtain u rithoul leav
ing Ins seat, he addressed the aelfereatod
critic. “Pray, Sir, would you t be pleated
to let me have vour uut-sbells.’'' These
were accorded. When Sam fin sling his hat
heaped, placed it Au the t ilile. Then
taking one of the shells betwv ran his finger
end thumb, he discharged it si the tip of
the critic's nose, where it t» ok immediate
effect. This was followed by i eight or ten
more, in saeh rapid Success!* m, as to pre
clude for the moment,' the p. ossibilhy of a
remonstrance. Routed rq length, by
the shower, which Sam nev er allowed fur
an inslam to cease, the> fell. »w roared out,
“t’death, Sir, you are peltin t me with your
Mt-shelis.'" “He he! hot if know I am,”
says R . “But you most excuse me,
it is my way." Thm entic aow rase from
his chair, and got into the centre of tho
room, followed by R , still keeping up
a cloao and wall directed fire, as oar de-
tkoritfet, qud Mistaiaad by the P.esidoo yWiitu ivd or imaginary mutt bg aban jtpstcfiea have R. u ]ff\rat n the matter,
' A Proposition.—The subjoined propo.
tition, from a very respectable contempo
rary of ours, has the air ol commopdabie.
Every word is true of the argument by
which it is supported; apd it cornel with
peculiar propriety from one <»ho has
demonstrated of epistolary communica
tions of intelligence to the public, through
the medium of lire Newspaper Press.
Who, thst has read Mr. Broor’s Lettes
from the Creek country, from New
Orleans, from Louisville, from Cincinnati,
but will allow that the writer of such let*
ters for tho Public ought to he exempt
from taxation for postage.
National Intelligencer.
From the Portland Daily Ado., June 14
Postagx; Letters; Editors. A*
this is a time when all political feeling js
subsiding, and one can be beard for hi*
arguments, and not for hit partizsnship, ’
iv a are Induced to recommend to the con.
sideralion of our Legislators and our
brethren of the. corps editorial, the letter*
postage. .
We waive all argument upon the propri
ety of abolishing newspaper postage,
dr letter*postage in general, though all -
agree in acknowledging that tho Charge*
upon what ere termed double and treble
letters, are absurd aed Utqust—for we do
not hope to make An Impression upon the
public ou subjects In'whiclt ait are uot con-
cm-ned. But we will recommend to tho
S tibtic the means of amelioteting the bur-
An of postage so that the public may be
generally benefittod, and the income of
the Post Office Department ho but slight
ly affected.
First. Whatever aid* the newspapers
in obtaining information, is of great advan •
luge to the public in general—an advan
tage not only to the merchant iu furnishing
him with “ Prices Current,”the slate of
trade,” “ Commercial Letters,” ^tc. Ac.
but to the newsmongers iu general.
Second.—A serious burden aud a heavy
clog upon editors of newspapers desirous
of furnishing lltoir readers with the earliest
nnd best news, in the heavy tax upon letters.
Probably all of the principal newspapers
would have correspondents in all of the
larger cities, ware it uot for tho heavy lax
upon letters.
Third.—Exchange newspapers cannot
bo depeuded upon as certain communica
tors ot intelligence, for the mail carriers,
very often in httd going, and often in,good
going, are in the habit of leaving the news*
paper bags behind, and taking only thn
letter mail.
Fourth.—Correspondence is more in
teresting, more valuable, more minute, na
we li as more certain.
We propose then to recommend that
editors of newspapori be allowed to receive
letters free of postage. Wo can imagine-
no serious objections to this plan; aud we
see no serious abuses of which they cau bo
guilty, Il'tliqy receive subscription letters
thus, is it not an advantage to the subscri*
ber? For the subscriber always does, or
always ought to pay the postage. ‘Thua
the public is benefited. They can bn
guilty of no great abuse, for the franking
postage is not allowed them, but simply
the privilege of rereiving letters sent.
Newspapers are established for the pub
lic good, They are indispensably necess
ary to every man of business—iu short,
they must be classed us among the necessa
ries ofltfe iq a free Cuuntiy. I I tiie people
encourage them, the enterprise ofthe pre
sent day is such that the encouragement
will t>« returned in their superior value.
It is nn axiom in onr systenf, that whatever
aids The rapid transmission of news and its
wide dissemination, is an advantage to tho
whole system.
Editors of newspapers have aa much
right to receive tree loiters as members of
Congress. Whatever arguments they can
Urge in their behalf, wo can urge with re
doubled force. We are workers for tho
public as well as they,
t Congress gave us the privilege of receiv
ing free - newspapers. Thus this project is
no new one—and now Congress will bo
liberal, just,jaud consistent,Jf to newspapers
it adds letters. .
j We suggest these brief arguments to onr
brethren of the quill. There are many
mrife nt hand, which their;goad sense witf
call up. This is no party question. Wo
all are interested; the public at A interested;
and let us*give it afair discussion.
From the Portland Courier.
To uncle’ Joshua Downing, Post Master
up in Downingville, State of Maine, tri
be sent in the Portland Courier with
core and speed.
New York City. Friday’evening, >
June 14, 1833. f
Dear uncle Joshua,—Here we are
amongst an ocean of folks, and cutting up
CR|>ers as high as a cals 'back. I spot*
you will see by tike papers how we all like
to got drowned yesterday going across a
little bridge between the castle and tho
It was a peaky narrow sqeak for me nnd
tho President,' Ho was riding over on a
great fine hois and I was walking along by
lha side of him and trying to dare the way
a little for they crowded upon ut so there
was uo gottiug along, and hurdly a chance
to breathe. When we got uador the arch
we stopped a little bit for the crowd to
dare atsrny, when all at once I thought I
heard something crick. Says, I General,
you belter go a head, I am afread there’s
mischief britiog here. At that ho giv»
hit host a lick and pushed through thw
crowd, but we had’nt got more than a rod,
before crash went the bridge behind us all
down in a heap, and two toll houses on top
of H anil *t many •• « hundred folks splash- 1
ed into the water, all mixed op togothor oow j
lop of tother. The President looked over ■
Mi shoulder, and seeing I eras safe behind,
him, called ouj for Mr. Van Buren, and.
asked tnd 'to-Vanned see ifhe WAs hurt. I
told bio* he ‘ bud forgot himself, for Mr.
’
•ri.