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net to the name, but to that which it proposes j
to effect. That, tho Southern States hold to
b? unconstitutional, unjust, inconsistent with
tluir equality as members of the common
X. nion, and calculated to destroy irretrievably
the equilibrium between the two sections. —
These objections equally apply to what, for
brevity, I will call the Executive Proviso. —
There i3 no difference between it and the
Wilmot, except in the mode of effecting the
object, and in that respect I must say, that
the latter is much the least objectionable. It
goes to its object, openly, boldly and distinct
ly. It claims for Congress unlimited power
ever the Territories, and proposes to assert it
over the Territories acquired from Mexico,
by a positive prohibition of slavery. Not so
the Executive Proviso. It takes an indirect
course, and in order to elude the Wilmot Pro
viso, and thereby avoid encountering the uni
ted and determined reristance of the South,
it denies, by implication, the authority of Con
gress to legislate for the Territories, and
claims the right as belonging exclusvely to
the inhabitants of the Territories. But to ef
fect the object of excluding the South, it takes
care, in the meantime, of letting in emigrants
freely, from the Northern States and all other
quarters, except from tho South, which it
takes special care to exclude, by holding up
to thorn t.ie danger of having their slaves lib
erated under the Mexican laws. The neccs-
Ba-ry consequence is to exclude the South from
the Territory, just as effectually as would the
ilmot Proviso. The only difference in this
respect is, that what one proposes to effect
directly and openly, the other proposes to
effect indirectly and covertly.
But the Executive Proviso is more objec
tionable than the V* ilmot, in another and
more important particular. The latter, to
cifect its object, inflicts a dangerous wound
upon the Constitution, by depriving the South
ern States as joint partners and owners of
Territories, of their lights in them; but it in
flicts no greater wound thau is absolutely
necessary to effect its object. The former,
on the contrary, while it inflicts tho same
wound, it inflicts others equally as great, and
if possible, greater, as I shall next proceeed
to explain.
In claiming tho light for the inhabitants,
instead of Congress, to legislate for the terri
tories, iii the Executive Proviso, it assumes
the sovereignty of the Territories so vested in
the former, or to express it in the language
used in a resolution offered by one of the Sen
ators from Texas, (Gen. Houston, now ab
sent,) they have “the same inherent right of
self-government as tho people in the States.”
The assumption is utterly unfounded, uncon
stitutional, without example, and contrary to
the entire practice of the Government, from
the commencement to the present time, as I
shall proceed to show.
The recent movements of individuals in
California to form a Constitution and a State
Government, and to appoint Senators and
Representatives, is the lirst fruit of this mon
strous assumption. If the individuals, who
made this movement had gone into Califor
nia as adventurers, and if, as such, they had
conquered the Territory and established their
independence, the sovereignty of the country
would have been vested in them, as a separate
and independent community. In that case
they would have had the right to form a Con
stitution, and to establish a government for
themselves, and if, afterwards, they thought
proper to apply to Congres for admission in
. to the Union as a sovereign and independent
State, all this would have been regular, and
according to established principles. But
such is not the case. It was the United
States who conquered California, and finally
acquired it by treaty. The sovereignty of
course, is vested in them, and not in tire incii
viduals who have attempted to form a Con- j
stitution and a State without their consent. — j
All this is clear, beyond controversy, except
it can be shown that they have since lost or
been divested of their sovereignty.
Nor is it less clear, that the power of legislating
over the acquired territory is invested in Con
gress, and not, as assumed, in the inhabitants of j
the Territories. None can deny that the Gov
ernment of the United States have the power to !
acquire Territories, either by war or treaty; but j
it the power to acquire exists, it belongs to Con- j
gress to carry it into execution. On this point i
there can be no doubt, for the Constitution ex- i
prcssly provides, that Congress shall have povv- \
er“to make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper to carry into execution the foregoing I
powers,’’ (those vested in Congress.) “and all j
other powers vested by this Constituti on in the
Government of the United States, or in any de
partment or office thereof.” It matters not, then,
where the power is vested; for, if vested at all
in th? Government of the United States, or any
of its departments, or offices, the power cf car
rying it into execution is clearly vested in Con
gress. Biit this important provision, while it
gives to Congress the power*of legislating over i
the Territories, imposes important restrictions |
on its exercise, by restricting Congress 10 pass- [
ing laws necessary and proper for carrying the l
power into execution. The prohibition extends, j
not only to all laws not suitable cr appropriate to |
the object of the power, but also to all that are ;
unjust, unequal, or unfair; for all such laws,
would be unnecessary and improper, and, there- j
tore, unconstitutional.
Having now established, beyond controversy, j
that the sovereignty over the territories is vested !
in the United States—that is, in the several I
States composing ihe Union—and that the
power of legislating over them is expressly
vested in Congress, it followes, that the 1
individuals in California who have undertak- i
on to form a Constitution and a State, and to ;
exercise the power cf legislating without the i
consent of Congress, hare usurped the sover
eignty of the States and the authority of C( n- :
gress, and have acted in open defiance of both, j
In other words, what they have done is revolu- j
tionary and rebellious in its character, anarchical j
• in its tendency, and calculated to lead to the j
most dangerous consequences. Ilad they acted 1
from premeditation and design, it would have
been, in sacs, actual rebellion ; but such is not
the case. The blame lies much less upon them !
than upon those who have induced them to
take a course so unconstitutional and danger
ous. They have been led into it by language :
held here, and the course pursued by the Ex- ;
ecutive branch of the Government.
I have net seen the answer of the Executive
to the calls made by the two Houses of Congress,
for information as to the course which it took, or
the part which it acted, in reference to what was
done in California, I understand the answers i
have not yet been printed. But there is enough ;
. known to justify the assertion, that those who
profess to represent and act under the aurhority j
of the Executive, have advised, aided and en
couraged the movement, which terminated in !
forming, what they called a Constitution and !
a State. Gen. Riley, who professed to act as civ
il Governor, called the Convention, determined
on the number and distribution of the delegates,
appointed time and place ofits meeting, was pre
sent during the session, and gave its proceedings
his approbation and sanction. Ifhe acted with
out authority, he ought to have been tried, or at
least reprimanded and disavowed. Neither hav
ing been done, the pret u nption is, that his course
nas been approved. 1 his, ot itself, is sufficient
to identify the Executive with his acts, and to i
make it responsible for them. I touch’ not the 1
question, whether Gen. Riley was appointed, or I
received the instructions under which he pro
fessed to act, from the present Executive, or its I
predecessor. If from the former, it would im
plicate the proceeding as*well as the present Ad- i
ministration. If not, the responsibility rests ex- j
ciusiyely on the present.
It is manifest from this statement, that the !
Executive Department has undertaken to j
perform acts preparatory to the meeting of
the individuals to form their so-called Con
stitution and Government, which appertain ex
exclusively to Congress. Indeed, they are
identical in many respects, with the provis
ions adopted by Congress, when it gives per
mission to a territory to form a Constitution !
and Government, in order to be admitted as
a State into ihe Union.
Having now shown that the assumption
upon which the Executive and the individu
als in California acted throughout this whole
affair, i* unfounded, unconstitutional,and dan
gerous, it remains to make a few remarks, in
order to show that what has been done is
contrary to the entire practice of the Govern
ment trom its commencement to the present
time.
From its commencement until the time
that Michigan was admitted, the practice was
uniform. Territorial Governments were first
organized by Congress. The Government
of the United States appointad the Governors,
Judges, Secretaries, Marshals, and other of
ficers, and the inhabitants of the territory
were represented by legislative bodies, whose
acts were subject to the revisions of Congress.
This state of things continued until the gov
ernment of a territory applied to Congress to
permit its inhabitants to form a Constitution
and Government, preparatory to admission
into the l. nion. The preliminary act to giv
ing permission was, to ascertain whether the
inhabitants were sufficiently numerous to au
thorize them to be formed into a State. This
was done by taking a census. That being
done, and the number proving sufficient, per
mission was granted. The act granting it
fixed all the preliminaries—the time and
place of holding the convention, the qualifica
tion of the voters, establishment of its boun
daries, and all other measures necessary to
be settled previous to admission. Tho act
giving permission necessarily withdraws the
sovereignty of the United States, and leaves
the inhabitants of the incipient State as free
to form their Constitution and Government,
as were the original States of the Union af
ter they had declared their independence. At
this stage, the inhabitants of the territory be
came tor the first time a people, in legal and
constitutional language. Prior to this, thev
were, by the old acts of Congress, called in
habitants, and not people. All this is perfect
ly consistent with the sovereignty of the
United States, with the powers of Congress,
and with the right of a people of selt-govern
ment.
Michigan was the first case in which there
was any departure from the uniform rule of
acting. Hers was very slight departure from
established usage. The ordanance of ’B7 se
secured to her the right of becoming a State,
when she should have 00,000 inhabitants.—
Ow it)g to some neglect Congress delayed tak
ing the census, in the meantime her popu
lation increased, until it clearly exceeded
more than twice the number which entitled
her to admission. At this stage she formed
a Constitution and Government w ithout the
census being taken by the United States, and
Congress w aived the omission, as there was
no doubt she had more than a sufficient num
ber to entitle her to admission. She was not
admitted at the first sessison she applied, ow
ing to some difficulty respecting the bounda
ry between her and Ohio. The great irreg
ularity, as to her admission, took place at the
next session, but on a point which can have
no possible connection with the case of Cali
fornia.
The irregularities in all other cases that
have since occurred are of a similar nature.
In all, there existed territorial governments,
established by Congress, with officers appoin
ted by the United States. In all, the territo
rial government took the lead in calling Con
ventions, and fixing the preliminaries prepar
: atory to the formation of a Constitution and
| admission into the Union. They all recog
nized the sovereignty of the United States, and
the authority of Congress over the territories ;
and whenever there was any departure from
established usages, it was done on the pre
| sitmed consent of Congress, and not in defi
ance of tliis authority, or tho Sovereignty of
| the United States over the territories. In
this respect California stands alone, without
usage, or a single example to cover her case-
It belongs now, Senators, for you to decide
what part you will act in refererence to
this unprecedented transaction. The Ex
ecutative has laid the paper purporting to be
the Constitution of California before you, and
ask you to admit her to the Union as a State,
and the question is : will you not admit her ?
it is a grave question, and there rests upon
you a heavy responsibility. Much, very
much will depend upon your decision. If
you admit her, you endorse and give vour
sanction to all that has been done. Are you
prepared to do so ? Are you prepared to
surrender your power of legislation for the
territories; a power exclusively vested in
Congress by the Constitution, as has been
fully, established? Can you, consistently
with your oath to suppport the constitution,
surrender the power? Are you prepared to
admit that the inhabitants of the territories
possess the sovereignty over them, and that
any number, more or less, may claim any ex
tent ot territory they please; may form a
Constitution and government, and erect it in
to a State, without asking your permission ?
Are you prepared to surrender the sovereign* i
ty ot the United States over whatever territo
ry may be hereafter acquired to the first ad
venturers who may rush into it ? Are you
prepared to surrender virtually to the Execu
tive Department, all the powers which vou
have heretofore exercised over the territories?
If not, how can you consistently with your
duty and your baths to support the Consti
tution, give your assent to the admission of
California as a Stale, under a pretended Con- j
stitution and government? Again : can you j
beiieve that the project of a Constitution j
which they have adopted, has the least validi- ;
ty ? Can you believe that there is such a j
State in reality as the State of California ? !
No: tire re is no such State. It has no legal;
or constitutional existence. It has no validi- ■
ty, and can have none, w ithout your sane- !
tion. How, then, can you admit it as a State, \
when according to the provision of the Con- !
stitution, your power is limited to admitting i
new Stales. To be admitted, it must be a j
State, an existing State, independent of your |
sanction, before you can admit it. When
you give your permission to the inhabitants of
a territory to form a Constitution and a State,
the Constitution and State they form, derive
their authority from the people, and not from
you. The State before admitted is actually
a State, and does not become so by the act
off admission, as would be the case with Cal
ifornia, should you admit her contrary to con
stitutional provisions and established usage
heretofore.
The Senators on the other side of the
Chamber must permit me to make a few re
marks, in this connection particularly appli
cable to them, with the exception of a few
Senators from the South, sitting on that side
of the Chamber. When the Oregon
question was before this body, not tw r o years
since, you look (if I mistake not) universally
the ground that Congress had the sole and,
absolute power of legislating for the territo
ries. How, then, can you now, after a short
interval which has elapsed, abandon the
ground which you took, and thereby virtual
ly admit that the power of legislating, instead
ot being in Congress, is in the inhabitants of
the territories ? How can you justify and
sanction by your votes, the acts of the Exe
cutive, which are in direct derogation to what
you then contended for ? But to approach
still nearer to the present rime, how- can you
after condemning, little more than a year
| since, the grounds taken by the party which
j you defeated at the last election, wheel round
! and support by your votes the grounds w-hieh,
as explained recently on this floor by the
candidate of the party in the last election, are
identical with those on which the Executive
has acted in reference to California? What
are we to understand by all this ? Must we
conclude that there is no sincerity, no faith,
in the acts and declarations of public men,
and that all is mere acting or hollow proses-
I sion ? Or the exclusion of the South from
: the territory acquired from Mexico is an ob
i jeet of so paramount a character in your es
i timation, that Right, Justice, Constitution,
I and Consistency, must all yield, when they
stand in the way of our exclusion ?
But, it may be asked, what is to be done
with California, should she not be admitted ?
I answer, remand her back to the territorial
condition, as was done in the case of Ten
nessee, in the early stage of the Government.
Congress, in her case, had establisheh a terri
torial government in the usual form, with a
Governor, Judges, and other officers, appoint
:ed by the United States. She was entitled,
j under the deed of cession, to be admitted in
i to the Union as a State as soon as she had
sixty thousand inhabitants. The territorial
government, believing it had that number
took a census, by w-hich it appeared exceed
ed it. She then formed a Constitution, and
applied for admission. Congress refused to
admit her, on the ground that the census
should be taken by the United States, and
that Congress had not determined whether
tho Territory should be formed into one or
two States as it was authorized to do under
the cession. She returned quietly to her
Territorial condition. An act w-as past to
take a census by the United States, contain
ing a provision that the Territory should form
one State. All afterwards was regularly con
ducted, and the Territory admitted as a State
in due form. The irregularities in the case
of California are incomtnensurably greater,
and offer much stronger reasons for pursu
ing the same course. But, it may be
said, California may not submit. That is
not probable; but if she should not, when she
retuses, it will then be time for us to decide
what is to be done.
Having now shown what cannot save the
Union, 1 return to the question with which I
commenced: How can the Union be saved ?
I here is but one w-ay by which it can with
any certainty, and that is by a full and final
settlement, on the principle of justice, of all
the questions at issue between the tw-o sec
tions. The South asks for justice, simple jus
tice, and less she ought not to take. She has
no compromise to offer but the Constitution;
and no concession or surrender to make. She
has already surrendered so much that she has
little left to surrender. Such a settlement
would go to the root of the evil, and remove
all cause of discontent. By satisfying the
fcouth, she could remain honorably and safe
ly in the Union, and thereby restore the har
mony and fraternal feelings between the sec
tions, which existed anterior to the Missouri
agitation. Nothing else can, w ith any cer
tainty, finally and forever, settle the question
at issue, terminate agitation, and save the
Union.
But can this be done? Yes, easily : not by
the weaker party, for it can of itself do noth
ing—not even protect itself—but by the stron
ger. The North has only to will it to ac
complish it—to do justice by conceding to the
South an equal right in the acquired territory
and to do her duty by causing the stipula
tions relative to fugitive slaves to be faithfully
tulfllled—to cease the agitation of the slave
question and to provide for the insertion of a
provision in the constitution, by an amend
ment, which will restore in substance the
pow-er she possessed of protecting herself, be
fore the equilibrium between the sections was
destroyed by the action of this Government
There will be no difficulty in devising such a
provision. One that will protect the South,
and which at the same time, will improve and
strengthen the Government, instead of impart
ing and weakening it
But will the North agree to this ? It is for
her to answer this question. But, I will say
she cannot refuse, if she has half the love for
the Union which she professes to have, or
without justly exposing herself to the charge
that her love of power and aggrandizement is
far greater than her love of the Union. At
all events, the responsibility of saving the
Union rests on the North, and not on the
South. The South canuot save it by any act
of hers, and the North, may save it w ithout
any sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice,
and to perform her duties under the Constitu
tion, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice.
It is time, Senators, that there should be
an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to
what is intended to be done. If the question
is not now- settled, it is uncertain w hether it
ever can hereafter be; and w-e, as the Repre
sentatives of the States of this Union, regar
ded as Governments, should come to a distinct
understanding as to our respective views, in
order to ascertain whether the great questions
at issue can be settled or not. If you, who
represent the stronger portion, cannot agree
to settle them on the broad principle of jus
tice and duty, say so; and let the States w-e
both represent agree to separate and part in
peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to
do, when you reduce the question to submis
sion or resistance. If you remain silent, you
will compel us to infer what you intend. * In
that case'Califomia will become the test ques
tion. If you admit her, under all the difficul
ties that oppose her admission, you compel us
to infer that you intend to exclude us from
the whole of the acquired Territories, w-ith
the intention of destroying, irretrievably, the
equilibrium between the two sections/ We
would be blind not to perceive in that case,
that your real objects are power and aggran
dizement, and infatuated not to act according
ly-
I have now, Senators, done my duty, in ex
pressing my opinions fully, freely, and can
didly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so
I have been governed by the motives which
have governed me in all the stages of the agi
tation of the Slavery question, since its com
mencement. I have exerted myself during
the whole period, to arrest it, w-ith the inten
tion of saving the Union, if it could be done;
and if it could not to save the section where
it has pleased Providence to cast my lot; and
which I sincerely believe, has justice and the
Constitution on its side. Having faithfully
done rrvy duty to the best of my ability both to
the Union and my section, throughout this
agitation, I shall have the consolation, let
what will come, that lam free from all re
sponsibility.
SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 13,1850.
1 aterYrom Europe.
The Steamer Atlantic has arrived, bringing
Liverpool dates to the 29th uIL The trade of
Manchester was in a healthy condition, and pri
ces were a shade better than those brought by
the America, though the quotations were un
changed. On the 28th the sales amounted to
7000, bales, about one half of which was taken on
speculation.
STILL LATER !
ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA,
With three day’s later dates than the Atlan
tic.
Advance in cotton of one fourth of a Penny in
Liverpool.
We are indebted to an extra from the office of
our neighbor, the Times, containing the follow
ing :
Charleston, June 12th )
9 o’clock, 30 mP. M. {
Baltimore 11th, 10 o’clock at night—Steamer
Canada arrived at Halifax this morning. At
Liverpool on June Ist Cotton advanced one
quarter of a penny during the week. Fair Or
leans quoted at 7 |d. The week’s sales were
65,000, speculators taking 20,000, and Expor
ters four thousand.
Mr. Calhoun’s Speech.
We republish to-day, the last and one of the great
est speeches of Mr. Calhoun. We regard it the ablest
paper w-hich has been written on tho subject of which
it treats, and the additional solemnity which has been
imparted to its weighty reasoning, by the death of its
illustrious author, has induced us to spread it again be
fore our readers. While Mr. Calhoun lived there
were those whose minds were too bitterly prejudiced
againtt him, to appreciate properly anything which
originated with him. Such men read his speech when
it was delivered, predetermined to find in it, additional
food for their hatred of its author. Now that he is
dead, that great redeeming trait of man, which buries
with hi 6 fellow man, all recollection of his faults, has
not only disabused the public mind of prejudice, but
the remembrance of those preeminent virtues, which
placed Mr. Calhoun's fame far above almost any oth
er public man of his day, has invested e cry thing
connected with his brilliant career, with mo. a than
ordinary claim to the respect and admiration of his
countrymen. Whatever else may be said of him, the
world will accord to him, unquestioned devotion to the
South. Since his connection with the politics of the
country, almost every public act of his, discloses the
impulses of a heart, that beat always true to the inter
ests of the South ; not that he sought to distort the
action of the Government to an undue devotion to the
South, but with one hand upon the constitution and
the other upon his own section, he constantly endeav
ored so to steer the course of public affairs that the
honor, the equality ami tho- rights which the former
guarantied to the latter, should never be for a mo
ment disregarded. If the man ever lived who was
entitled to the unreserved confidence of the South up
on the questions which now dcstract the country, that
man was Mr. Calhoun. The great speech which clos
es the history of his connection with the public affairs
of the country, gives the lie to the foul charge of dis
union, with which traitors at the South have endeavor
ed to impair his ability to shield her interests. Mr.
Calhoun loved this Union, as truly and as honorably, as
any man who had ever lived under it, but he loved
it only while it continued a Union of justice ; and when
by the combination of Northern injustice and Southern
treachery there was danger that its power to protect
might be converted into a power to destroy, then he
was prompted by that spirit, which knew no such thing
as submission to wrong, to declare that between dis
union and dishonor he should not hesitate to choose
the former. The torguc that can denounce him for
the choice, would poison with any tiling that
deserved the approbation of an honest mind.
We ask every one of our readers, who feels any in
terest in the controversy now pending between the
North and South, to give this speech, a careful peru
sal. Examine his premises, weigh well his arguments
and we have no fear that his conclusions will be disput
ed. It may be that our devotion to the memory of this
great man, the greatest in our opinion, who ever ap
peared upon the stage of public life in America, inca
pacitates us for a true estimate of his opinions, but we
admi twe see nothing but truth from the first to the
closing word of this immortal production.
The Missouri Compromise.
The question which above all others now engages
the public mind, is, how are the differences which
distract the North and the South to be healed, and
the Union preserved? That the issues that now di
vide the country must be determined, is evident.
If they can beadjUßted consistently with the Union,
all good patriots will rejoice at it; but if their settle
ment necessarily involves the overthrow of the Gov
ernment, no honorable mind will shrink from it. The
paramount consideration is to settle the question—to
restore quiet to the public mind; and, we repeat it,
this must be done, in the Union if possible, out of the
Union if necessary. The dissolution of this confed
eracy may involve consequences, to be deprecated by
the South; wc do not say it would not, but lamenta
ble as those consequences might be, they could not
prove more destructive to all the best interests of the
South, than is the ceaseless agitation of questions,
whose determination, involve the well-being if not the
very existence of her peculiar institutions. This Union
may confer great blessings to the South, beyond our
powers of enumeration, we will not question it; but
innumerable as those blessings may be, they yet fall
short of those which result from the undisturbed and
secure enjoyment of our property. We recur then
to the all-important position with which we set out:
this agitation must cease, the South must be secured.
Can this be done without sacrificing the Union ? We
think so.
Since our brief connexion with the press, we have
known but one principle in our political creed, that
has been the honor, the equality and the interests of
the South. In the sincerity of our devotion to these
ends, and in our ignorance of the blind tenacity with
which men cling to party, we looked alone to what
we believe the best Interests of the South demanded,
in the advocacy of this, or the denunciation of that
particular policy. Planted upon this basis, wc de
nounced every effort at compromise, as treason to the
South, and recommended our rights under the Con
stitution as the only position which we could assume
consistently with our honor or our interest*. And in
vindication of that position, we appeal now to the
common sense of any man who appreciates the rights
and obligations growing out of our federative system,
whether, looking alone to the ultimate good of the j
South and the salvation of the country, it would not
be the safer and the wiser policy, to stand at the very’
tbreehhold of our rights, and firmly turn back at once,
or be overrun by, the spirit of invasion. This teas
our position, and it is the position which we love yet,
but the people have not sustained it, and we must now
fall back upon the line at which we believe the South
will make a stand.
What is the state of the oase to-day ? This Union
is in danger, and there are three plans now oefore
the country by which it may be preserved. What
are they ?
The first in order, is the executive recommenda
tion of non-action, which proposes, the admission of
California and nothing more. The second is the
Committee r or Clay Compromise, whioh embraces,
the admission of California, the formation of Territo
rial governments for Utah and New Mexico, the sub
division of Texas, the cession by Texas of 125,000
square miles of her territory to the Union, a provision
for the recovery of fugitive slaves, and the abolition
of the slave trade in the District. The third plan is,
the Missouri compromise, which runs the line of 36
30 to the Pacific, giving the North all north of that
line, and the South, all south of it.
These are the three plans which have been sugges
ted for the settlement of this controversy, and of the
three, which will the South take ? Without debate,
the last. We presume no southern man hesitates in
saying that by this plan, the South gains more than
she would by either of the others.
But, asks the faint hearted Southerner, can we get
the Missouri compromise? Most unquestionably, if
the South will demand h. What has the North to
lose by the compromise? what right does she surren
der ? what concession does she make by it ? Does
the South gain by it any more than she is entitled tc\
or does she receive even all she is entiled to? We
find men in our own midst, who are so devoted to
the Union, that sooner than endanger it, they avow
their willingness to surrender Borne of the rights of
the South ; and is it to be supposed that the North is
less attached to the Union than the South ? Will
Southern men make larger sacrifices for its preserva
tion than Northern men ? We can see no'good rea
son why they should, but on the other hand we do
see many aDd powerful reasons why the North should
outstrip the South in her anxiety to maintain the Un
ion. Lot us suppose then that the issue is presented ;
either the Missouri line must be run to the Pacific, or
the Union must be severed ; and suppose the North
is impressed with the determination of the South to
insist upon this alternative, is there any question as to
the result ? The Missouri compromise will be adopt
ed if the South demands it. Will the demand be
made ? This remains to be seen. But if we are to
make a stand any where short of absolute submission;
if Southern men have not made up their minds to
put up with any thing for the sake of the Union, we
ask in all sincerity, when and where will that stand
be made ? Are we to proclaim to the North, that we
will not resist any thing this side of an actual inva
sion of slavery in the States ? Can nothing short of
palpable ruin arouse us to a sense of our danger ?
Wc put the question to our readers, and we wish
them to consider it; if it has been determined that
this question is not to be settled on terms of perfect
justice to the South, shall we not insist upon that plan
which is least violative of our rights ? Weigh well
the propositions embraced respectively in the three
plans of settlement, now before the country, and if
your rights are to be determined by one of the three,
which will you accept ?
Our Book Tabic.
’ Graham's Magazine. —The July number of this
1 Magazine, which commences anew volume, is, we
* think, the most splendid periodical, which has ever
! been issued from the American press. In the exqui
! site perfection of its engravings, and the beauty of its
; typography, not less than in the taste and excellence
! of its original contributions, it surpasses anything of
the day. Taken altogether, it is a magnificent mon
‘ ument to the talent and taste of Its worthy propri
■ etor.
Hunt’s Merchant’s Magazine. —The contents of
the June number are as follow s :
. Artl. Trade: with reference to its origin, laws,
and its influence on civilization, and on the
( industrial powers of nations.
Art 2. Money - : its history and philosophy and its
use and abuse.— Part I.—of the history
and philosophy of money.
! Art 3. The trade and commerce of theN. York
Canals.
Art 4. Currcncy-Interest-Production.—No 111.
Art 5. Free trade vs Protective Tariffs.
, Under the head of Mercantile Law Cases , are
embraced all the recent important decisions in com
mercial law. The Commercial Chronicle and Review
embraces a financial and commtrcial review of the
United States, etc. illustrated with tables &c.
These together with various other less prominet ar
ticles make up a summary of invaluable intelligence,
to be found no where else than in the pages of this
Review.
• • STAY AT HOME.
There is no doubt that interest forms a very con
siderable element in the politics of most men. An ap
peal to the pocket quickens the apprehension, and
sharpens the wits, of many a man who had before been
unable to discover a point in the argument addressed
to his understanding. Fortunately for the South,
such appeals are as ready for her use. as are the more
abstruse reasons of constitutional law, in this sectional
controversy. There may be and doubtless is, a great
deal of mutual dependence between the North and
and the South, but it would not take the political arith
metician lor.g, to determine on which side of the line
there is the greatest dependence-. The North knows
this as well as the South. We say, let the appeal be
made; not as was suggested at our last legislature, by
the enactment of non intercourse laws, but by the
voluntary acts of the people. There are several modes
in which this can be effectually done. The following
which we extract from the South Carolinian contains
some valuable hints to those families who are in the
habit of leaving home during the sultry months of
summer. Substituting, a few words, to adapt the re
marks of the Carolinian to our own State, that paper
says: The usual season for summer travelling and
pleasure migration is at hand aud already are the
Northern papers anticipating golden harvests for their
hotel keepers and hosts of watering places. One says.
‘‘Southern families, like the birds, must make their
annual migration North when the time comes.” Our
advice to Southern families would be to stay at home
the present summer—just to try it for once. Let
them fashionise their own “springs” and watering
places just for this “one season,” and in all probability
they will be inclined to do so again.
W e are all crying out for “equality or independence.’ I
There are a thousand ways in which we can secure
the latter at all events. Be independent of the North
in building up places of summer resort at home—give
madam fashion the mitten, rather than allow her to lead
you off from your own delightful clime, its green shades
and charming scenery—to introduce your daugh
ters to the dissipation and frivolity which reign in the
saloons of Saratoga, where whiskered and moustachoed
weather-beaten roues and fortune-hunters make it a
business to lead silly women captive—where your sons
are decoyed to the gaming table—and where host,
hostess, man servant and maid servant, from the obse
quious master to menial “boots,” are all engaged in
fleecing you out of yonr dollar, not stopping to inquire
whether they are the “products of slave labor” or
not—where you are plastered with “blarney*'—import
ed, improved, and patented by yankee enterprise and
ingenuity—to your faces, and laughed at as fools when
your backs are turned—where your sons are admired
as the flower of chivalry, and yonr daughters adored
as “lovely Southern belles,” when the evidence is
conclusive that the plantation and negroes are in the
back ground ; in short where every species of dissipa
tion, profligacy, fraud and humbuggery, keep time to
the music of the orchestra in the ball room, and your
character, the length of your purse, and the charms of
the ladies, discussed over iced mint juleps and brandy
toddies in the basement. We say throw fashion to the
dogs rather that commit such foolery.
The money spent in one summer at such places by
the visitors from our own State, would make the wa
tering plaaes of Georgia, equal to any in the Union but,
above all, it would be kept it here among us, add to the
wealth of the State, develop her resources, and fill the
cup of social enjoyment with pure water drawn from
our own fountains, unpolluted by the nauseous mixture
of pride, folly and vice, drank with so much gusto at
the haunts of fashion alluded to, but which invariably
s:cken when the draught is swallowed and paid for.
Georgians would know each other better, and oonse-
tie of friendship and mutual interest
would be strengthened. In whatever light it can be
viewed, the advice we give at the head of this article
carries with it its own recommendation—stay of home!
M e are indebted to Hon. 11. W. Hilliard for a
oopy of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
The growing crop. —Our exchanges cont in
ue to represent the prospect of the cotton crop
as extreemly gloomy. The Western papers
particularly are filled with accounts of the most
unpromising aspect. The N. Orleans Price Cur
rent of the 9th says:
The accounts from the interior respecting the
growing crop continue to be very unfavorable,
and we can safely reiterate the substance ofpre
vious remarks, to the effect that, what with the
extensive overflows (which still continue) the
late spring, and the subsequent unseasonable
cold weather, the prospects are thus far even
less flattering than at the same period last year.
A correspondent of the Mobile Tribune writes
under date of June Ist:
We know that as a general thing throughout
the State, the plant is not three inches in height.
Letters received yesterday from Lowndes coun
ty states that planters in that county are plowing
up their fields and replanting even at this late
day. One of our most respectable and influen
tial citizens returned yesterday from his planta
tion in Pickens county, can scarcely discern that
the cotton has sprouted. Another large planter
from Augusta county, is willing to bet that there
will be no blooms in his fields until first July*
The Mississippian of June 7th says:
Since publishing our last statement of the
crops of Mississippi, we have received letters
from about fifteen additional counties. We are
sorry to say that we have never in our life known
a more gloomy prospect. We shall not make
250,000 bales in the State—the number ought to
be 700,000 bales at least.
The same paper in speaking of the prospect
in Louisana says:
The news from the river parishes brings us
the painful intelligence that the crop is wholly
cut off by overflow. In Madison parish, there
is not over one thousand acres above water, and
in Tensas, propably not 600 acres. Several
Louisana planters are employing their force in
raising crops in our and adjoining counties ; be
ing as the common saying is “ drowned out'’ at
home.
The Huntsville Democrat of the 24th ult., in
speaking of the prospects of the crop in North
Alabama says:
There is a general apprehension among the
farmers in this section of the country, as to the
prospects of the present cotton crops. There
have been such frequent and heavy rains, that
the crops in the low lands have been flooded and
destroyed in some instances, and those on high
land have been greatly injured. Cold nights
and winds have greatly increased the injury.—
Some planters express the opinion that they
have not half a stand, and we have heard of
none who expects to make a full crop.
Avery intelligent gentleman writing to the
Memphis Eagle from East Tennessae says:
•‘The stands of Cotton are very bad above
here (Moore’s X Hoads.) Many have planted
their cotton fields in corn.
[tankee correspondence.]
Boston, June 3, 1850.
The Anniversaries—The Garrison Convention —
The Boston Trainbands—The Havana Troupe,
4' c - — Lopez — The Weather — Business — The
Mummy—Webster and Mann—The Census —
Mr. T B. Lawrence and his lady.
Our several religious and other anniversaries are
come and gone. Great was the company of the prea
chers and the gathering together of the philanthro
pists. For the time of their stay, the citizens, male
end female, run about from one place of congregation
to another—like the Athenians of the time of Paul,
all on the qui vice for “some new thingand the
gay summer fashions felt the influence of the revivals,
and ventilated themselves considerably in our chief
thoroughfares. All the societies were pretty well at
tended, but the anti-slavery convention seemed the
best attended of any. For very good and valid rea
sons, the people found it as good as any play to go
there. The meetings of the Garrisonites here did
not exactly exhibit all the turbulence of those at New
lork; but they were very attractive nevertheless, in
the extraordinary declamation and general features of
them. The chief themes of denunciation were Dan
iel W ebster and the churches. On these, all the
speakers, male and female, rung changes infitite and
reiterated. Garrison brought forward a series of res
olutions, devoted almost entirely to the evil renown of
the pacific Senator for Massachusetts. Jackson, Par
ker, Pillsbury, Mrs. Foster, Abby Folsom, and all
spiritedly upheld the old fame of the Abolition Con
vention. Their attacks on the various churches, for
not coining out like desperadoes on the slavery ques
tion, deepened and sharpened into language concern
ing the B.ble, the Testament, and the God understood
in both, which was as like blasphemy as any thing the
French Encyclopaedists evtr said or could say. There
have been many vehement and obnoxious societies
before now, and they liave been hissed and hated;
but there was never one which did not divide public
opinion—which had not some popular countenance,
one way or the other. But this anti-slavery society
of Massachusetts seems to stand alone, without a
breath of the aura popularis to waft it on. It is the
Ishmaelite of all societies ; its hands are against every
man, and every man’s hand against it. Hisses, up
roar and laughter, are the food it seems destined to
feed on; a windy diet, on which it cannot prosper.
It is a curious thing to see how anti-slavery Masaehu
setts holds in contempt her anti-slavery society ! At
this last convention, all the
hissed, but one poor creature, a black woman, named
Isabel Truth, whom they brought forward to detail
tl*c cruel circumstances of her slavery. Isabel ram
bled a good deal and was evidently carefully prepared
for the occasion, with a large amount of the usual
stereotyped phraseology of scripture. Altogether,
the convention was miserably unpopular. I should
have mentioned that the press of Boston was under
the fierce ban of the plxilanthropists, as well as Web
ster, the Bible and so forth. I did not read a single
report of the Garrison business that was not deprecia
tory, sarcastic, or done into caricature. A reporter
for a New York paper, when offered copies of some
resolutions, refused them, saying he did not come
there for the resolutions, but the jokes ! If the 533--
•ng, ‘ blessed are ye when all men speak ill of you,”
&c., be taken as a premise, then it must be concluded
that our anti-slavery convention is in a perfectly boat
ified condition. I hope, in a fervent overflow of char
ity, that it may never be less qualified to enjoy it. At
this moment the feeling that public op'nion is agairr
them in a most unqualified manner, is maddening
th< se furious philanthropists beyond even their wont.
They ti e in the predicament of fishes who are them
selves about to be stranded on the receding of the
tide, and they make a desperate floundering and foam,
accordingly. As lam on this theme, I may as well
inform you, that Mrß. Abby Folsom, as garrulous and
sincere an abolitionist as any of them, was cheeked in
her harrangue the other night by the chairman and
others, who despotically thought she was wandering
from the point 5 and, as she cried aloud and spared
not, in consequence of the interruption, they pulled
her out by the petticoat and took her to the police sta
tion. She never made a better battle, but two or
three stout men overpowered her, and kept her pris
oner for an hour or so. She denounces Jackson and
endall Phillips, as a pair of shocking tyrants, and
thinks she would not meet with worse treatment
among the terrible men of tbe South.
Our trainbands have been airing their uniforms
during the past week ; all good men and true, and
capable of making the finest war material in the
world. To be sure, one who has seen the march and
ordered line of a British regiment, is apt to disparage
the loose, extemporaneous look of our repulican
landwehr; the difference is striking, but it is in fa
vor of the latter. The English soldier is a machine—
portion of a huge machinery ; the American soldier is
a man, and of course, carries with him, even in a regi
ment, some of that independence which is the nerve
of his arm and the breath of his nostrils. There is
more true glory in the associations which gather
around die half drilled and somewhat inexact citizen
soldiery of Massachusetts or Carolina, than belongs t<r
the finest regiments in the service of Great Britain,-
far more. So, get along there! Step to the drum,
gentlemen ! and, fifer, sound that fife ! And so
“Stepping in music and thunder sweet,
Which the drum tends before them alone street,’
the several companies bend their way to the Com- 1
mon, where there is an imposing parade and review,
after which, the train-bands diverge to their different
localities, covered with the peaceful laurels of the day !
The Havana Troupe have closed their engagement
here. On the whole, they have not, musically speak
ing, left so favorable an impression as that made by
Maretzek’s company. Steffanoni’s refusal to king
the mad part, in “Lucy of Lantmermoor,” offended
us a good deal, and her assurance, conveyed in “a
card,” that nothing but absolute impossibility to go
through the part, could induce her to disappoint you ”
did not mend the motter. A night or two after, there
was no performance at the Howard Atheneum, hy
consequence of the illness of Signor Salvi. The fact
> s —ft word in your ear—people acquainted with the
festivities of the Revere House, wink and speak very
much in allegory, when they wish to clear up the
matter. “There was David, for instance—he fixed a
sling and gave it to Golioh—a strong man with a
weak head—and Goliah got slewed with it ” —and so
they talk, with the most facetieus obscurity in the
world. But the Havana company closed well. They
gave a parting concert, the proceeds of which they
handed over for the poor of this city.
Max Maretzek and Signora Bertucea are mrrried,
and rusticating at Clifton, Staten Island. They will
open the season at the Aster House in October—
dreadless of Willis and the Home Journal—redonbt
edly hostile to Max and his company. Mad. Biscae
cianti was recently in Cincinnati, where Ralph Waldo
Emerson has been latterly lecturing. Miss Cushman
and Miss Davenport are playing at Philadelphia. Mrs.
Frances Kemble is to give readings from Shakca
poare, in Reading, Pa.
The failure of the Cuban expedition has taken
aback all the friends of liberty and liberation here, and
we are very much disposed to believe that Lopez is a
r.tsh, feeble and incompetent leader of any such en
terprise as that which was lately directed against Cu
ba. He has made the cause of the people of that is
land a by-word—like the Irish insurrection of 1848,
and their redemption is now further off than ever.
This is the coldest season in this place that we have
known for very many years. Within the last fort
night fires and top-coats have been very generally in
use. The chill of the weather seems to be upon our
monetary affairs. Workers in stocks stand with their
hands in their breeches pockets and whistle, as sea
men are said to do, for a breeze. A plentiful lack of
confidence has been lately realized, by the abuses and
losses which have occurred in the railway business.
The natural results of enterprises too hastily underta
ken or too inefficiently carried out, seem to be at work
just now. The stock market is undergoing a reac
tion, and people must wait for the turn of the next
tide. In the meantime, the people of New York are
as busy as bees, driving a rattling trade in all sorts of
stocks. But there are some philosophic speculators
here who pluck the flower of safety from this nettle.
They think the people of the Empire State are going
too fast, and that they run the risk which always at
tends too vehement a course of proceeding. Money
is tolerably easy with us, at from 7 to 10 per cent on
good six months paper. The mint has commenced
paying out coin for their receipts, and the depositors
of gold will have money for their dust, as soon as it
shall have been assayed. This will put a million and
a half or so of money in circulation, and clear up the
general monetary atmosphere.
Mr. Gliddon’s Mummy, Miss. Anck — ph —will be
undressed in the course of this day, (Monday.) I
shall drop in to see this delicate piece of business, and,
in my next, you shall hear—what you shall hear.
Os course you have seen the Hon. Daniel Webster’s
reply to the letter of his Newbury Port friends, com
plimenting him upon his efforts to heal the divisions
that unluckily exist between the North and the South.
Tile Hon. Senator shows that the right of a jury trial
in- the case of a runaway slave, arrested in the North,
was never contemplated by the maktrs of the consti
tution, and treats the Hon. Horace Mann to a con
temptuous and flooring paragraph, as he gets along.
The lion. Horace, they say, is about preparing a re
joinder, and so the political ball is kept moving.
The people of the United States are about to be cat
echised at their own doors ; in other words, the cen
sus of the Republic is to be taken immediately—the
business of it commenced yesterday, (Ist June.) It
is intended that a vast amount of statistical informa
tion shall be gathered on this occasion—as regards
population, profession', occupation, color, places of
birth, marriages, deaths, the deaf, dumb, blind, insane,
land improved and unimproved, value of each farm
and all its appurtenances, stock, and so forth ; num
ber of schools, churches, libraries, periodicals, crimi
nals, wages and cost of all kinds of labor; the exact
state, in fact, of everything forming a part of our so
cial civilization, of whatsoever character or denomina
tion.
The differences between Mr. T. B. Lawrence, son
of our minister at London, and his wife, have been
lately making a noise at Louisville, where they were
discussed before the lion. W. F. Bullock and a jury.
In the course of tbe investigation, it was shown that!
Mrs. Lawrence left Boston in company with her fath
er, with the consent of Mr. Lawrence, who promised
to go to Louisviile to meet her, after a time, and that
his advertisement, refusing to be responsible for his
wife’s expenses, was the next thing liis wife and her
family beard from him. It was complained, on the
part of Mrs. Lawrence, that her husband did not allow
her sufficient pin-money—which seems to show that
she always had an idea of regulating her expenses in
dependently of his advice. Isl was also stated that
Mr. T. B. Lawrence was well advised, before he mar-
ried, that Mrs. L’s. own family considered the climate
of Boston too severe for her health. All this proves
clearly enough that such a marriage could not hare
been otherwise than a miserable one. In this, as in
every other matter in the world, a great deal may bo
said on both sides, and it is accordingly said. In cer
tain of our coteries here, the whole matter pro and
con, is argued with heat, volubility and shrillness.
But the Louisville jury have decided that Mr. Law
rence badly treated the lady, and that his advertise
ment had slandered her. The gentleman did not!
move in the matter, at all.
YANKEE DOODLE,
[correspondence of the southern sentinel ]
San Francisco, California, April 22, 1850.
Dear Sentinel —My last was addressed to you pre
vious to leaving Panama. I there informed you that
I should leave on the steamship “Tennessee,” in com
pany with a Columbus and Russell county delegation.
Previous to our leaving Panama, I witnessed an a
eute between the Americans and: Grenadian soldiers,
which was so characteristic of Anglo Saxon blood,
that I will briefly allude to it. Some drunken sailors
had been guilty of an offence against an English house,
and the city guard (consisting of thick liped, buck ne
groes, with a red cotton epaulet and striped breeches,)
were called to arrest them. The sailors retreated oat
the wall for their boats, but were overtaken in, th,e
water, & like the tiger at bay, showed fight. To all as
sembled, (and there was a large crowd,) the enter
tainment became very rich, considering the play and
the smallness of the entrance fee. I witnessed one
sailor, with his knife and fist hold at bay and finally pat
to route six of the Grenadian sons of valor. The tail
ors were at length captured and like prisoners of war,
were surrounded with much pomp and parade. At
the sight of Americans in the custody of negroes, the
Anglo Saxon blood boiled, and as they entered the
gate of the city, a shower of rocks greeted them from
all sides. The natives, a fresh supply of soldiers and
the already war honored veterans united and made
war on the Americans generally. Tho scene then
became deeply thrilling, and the mighty God Mars,
let fly his thunderbolts in the shape of brickbats,
“dornics,” and poles, until the Waterloo retreat of
the uegro fusileers, gave the victory to sailors and
their allies. Such scenes aro very frequent, and I