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not shrink from the contest We have too
much staked upon it to shrink or to tremble—a
property interest, in all its forms, of incalculable
amount and value; the social organization, the
equality, the liberty, nay, the existence of four
teen or fifteen States of the Confederacy—all
rest upon the result of the struggle in which we
are engaged. We must maintain the equality
of our political position in the Union ; we must
maintain the dignity and respectability of our
social position before the world; and must main
tain and secure our liberty and risrhts, so far as
our united efforts can protect them; and, if
possible, we must effect all this within the pale
of the Union, and by means known to the Con
stitution. The union of the South upon these
vital interests is necessary, no) only for the sake
of the South, but perhaps for the sake of the
Union. We have great interests exposed to the
assaults, not only of the world at large, but of
those who, constituting a majority, wieid the
power of our own confederated States. VV e
must defend thos* interests by all legitimate
means, or else perish either in or without the
effort. To make successful defence, we must
unite with each other upon one vital question,
and make the most of our political strength.
We must do more—we must go beyond our
entrenchments, and meet ever, the more distant
and indirect, but by no means, harmless assaults,
which are directed against us. We, too, can
appeal to public opinion. Our assailants act
upon theory; to their theory we can oppose ex
perience. They reason upon an imaginary state
of things; to this we may oppose truth and ac
tual knowledge. To do this, however, we, too,
must open avenues to the public mind; we, too,
must have an organ through which we can ap
peal to the world, and commune with each other.
The want of such an organ, heretofore, has been,
perhaps, one of the leading causes of our pres
ent condition.
There is no paper at the seat of government
through which we can hear or be beard fairly
and truly bv the country. There is a paper here
which makes the abolition of slavery its
main and paramount end. There are other
papers here which make the maintenance
of political parties their supreme and con
trolling object, but none which consider the pre
servation of sixteen hundred millions of prop
erty, the equality and liberty of fourteen or fif
teen States, the protection of the white man
against African equality, as paramount over, or
even equal to, the maintenance of some political
organization which is to secure a President, who
is an object of interest, not because he will cer
tainly rule,or perhaps ruin the South, but chiefly
for the reason that he will possess and bestow
office and spoils. The South has a peculiar po
sition, and her important and interests are
objects of continued assault from the majority;
and the party press, dependent as it is upon that
majority for its means of living, will always be
found laboring to excuse the assailants, and to
paralyze all efforts at resistance. How is it
now ? The abolition party can always be heard
through its press at tho seat of government, but
through what organ or press at Washington can
Southern men communicate with the world, or
with each other, upon their own peculiar inter
ests? So far from writing, or permitting any
thing to be written, which is calculated to defend
the rights of the South, or state its case, the pa
pers here are engaged in lulling the South into
a false security, and in manufacturing there an
artificial public sentiment, suitable tor some
presidential platform, though at the expense of
any and every interest you may possess, no
matter how dear or how vital and how moment
ous.
This state of things results from party obliga
tions and a regard to party success. And they
but subserve the ends of their establishment in
consulting their own interests, and the advance
ment of the party to which they are pledged.
You cannot look to them as sentinels over in
terests that are repugnant to the feelings of the
majority of the self-sustaining party.
In the Federal Legislature, the South has
some voice and some votes ; but over the pub
lie press, as it now stands at the seat of Govern
ment, the North has a controlling influence.
The press of this city takes its tone from that
of the North. Even our Southern press is sub
jected, more or less, to the same influence. Our
public men, yes, our Southern men, owe their
public standing and reputation too often to the
commendation and praise of the Northern press.
Southern newspapers publish from their respec
tive party organs in this city, and in so doing,
re-produce—unconscious, doubtless, in most in
stances, of the wrong they do—the Northern
opinion in regard to public men and measures.
How dangerous such a state of things must be
to the fidelity of your representatives, it is need
less to say. They are but men, and it would
be unwise to suppose that they are beyond the
reach of temptations which influence the rest of
mankind.
Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to alter
this state of things, so far as the South is con
cerned. We have vast interests, which we are
bound, by many considerations, to defend with
all the moral and political means in our power.
One of the iirst steps to this great end is to es
tablish a Southern organ here, a paper through
which we may commune with one another and
the world at large. We do not propose to med
dle with political parties as they now exist; we
wish to en’ist every Southern man in a Southern
cause, and in defence of Southern rights, be he
Whig or be he Democrat. We do not propose
to disturb him, or to shake him in his party rela
tions. All that we ask is, that he shall consider
the constitutional rights of the South, which are
involved in the great abolition movement, as
paramount to all party and all other political
considerations. And surely the time has come
when all Southern men should unite for self
defence. Our relative power in the ‘Legislature
of the Union is diminishing every census; the
dangers which menace us are daily becoming
greater; and, the chief instrument in the as
saults upon us, is the public press, over which,
owing to our supineness, the North exercises a
controlling influence. So far as tho South is
concerned, we can change and reverse this state
of things. It is not to be borne, that public sen
timent at the South should be stifled or con
trolled by the party press.
Let us have a press of our own, as the North
has, both here and at homo—a press which shall
be devoted to Southern rights, and animated by
Southern feeling; which shall look, not to the
North, but the South, for the tone which is to
pervade it. Claiming our share of power in
Federal Legislation, let us also claim our share
ol influence in the press of the country. Let
us organize in every Southern town or countv,
so as to send this paper into every house in the
land. Let us take, too, all the means necessary
to maintain the paper by subscription, so as to
increase its circulation, and promote the spread
of knowledge and truth. Let every portion ofj
the South furnish its full quota of talent and
money to sustain a paper which ought to be j
supported by all, because it will be devoted to
the interest of every Southern man. It will be
the earnest effort of the committee, who are
charged with these arrangements: to procure i
editors of high talent and standing; and they j
will also see that the paper is conducted without
opposition, and without reference to the political
parties ot the day. With these assurances, we
feel justified in calling upon you, the people of
the Southern States, to make the necessary et
forts to establish and maintain the proposed
paper. A. P. BUTLER.
JACKSON MORTON,
R. TOOMBS.
J. THOMPSON.
The Wag’s Logic. — A fat old gentleman
who had been bit in the calf of his leg by a dog,
came to Jonas in a towering passion, declaring
that it was the joker’s dog that had bitten him.
Expecting an action for damages, the wag drew
up the following article as his ground of de
fence :
“ I. By testimony in favor ot the general good
character of my dog, I shall prove that nothing
could make him so forgetful of his canine digni
ty as to bite a calf.
11. He is blind, and cannot see to bite.
111. Even if he could see to bite, it would be
utterly impossible for him to go out of his way
to do so, on account of his severe lameness.
IV. Granting his eyes and legs to be good he
has no teeth.
V. My dog died six weeks ago.
VL I never had any dog.”
SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA :
THURSDAY MOENESTG, GOT. 3, 1850.
IT Ilona. J. M. Berrien, Pierre Soule and
E. C. Cabell, have our thanks for public docu
ments.
The Southern Quarterly Review— Dc Bow’s
Review for tiie Southern and V, estern States.—
We have received the September numbers of these
sterling Southern periodicals. The content* of the
I former area* follows:
Art. 1. Wordsworth’s Writings.
2. Summer Travel in the South.
3. Topics in the History of South Carolina.
4. History of Spanish Literature.
5. The Government and the Currency.
6 Bolter’s Anne Boleyn.
7. Law Reports and Law Reporter*.
8. The National Anniversary.
9. The Southern Convention.
10. Bailey’s Angel World.
11. Critical notices.
The following is the table of contents of Ds Bow:
1. Some thoughts on political economy and the
government.
2. The Baron Humboldt's “Cosmos.”
3. The government of British India.
4. Slavery and the Bible.
5. Historical and statistical coilections of Louisi
ana.
6. Southern modical reports.
7. Submerged lands.
8. Mississippi valley.
9. Progress of the Western and Southern States.
10. Department of agriculture.
11. Department of manufactures.
12. Department of internal improvements.
13. Department of commerce.
14. Department of literature.
For the Southern render, these works are unri
valled by any published in America. They are both
imbued with a true spirit of devotion to the rights
and interests of the South, and their pages arc rich
ly adorned with the productions of our ablest writers.
Either of the numbers before us is well worth the
subscription price for the year, and we cannot too
earnestly recommend them to the patronage of our
readers. We talk of non-intercourse and independ
ence ; let us begin the work lu re. Let us patronize our
own quarterlies, monthlies and weeklies. We ought
to do it from a spirit of independence, and vve sacri
fice nothing in doing so, for the North does not pub
lish any periodicals so well worth our patronage as
those which we may find at home.
Whitaker's Magazixs ; the Rights or the
South. —We have received the first and second
numbers of this work, and hail it as an acquisition
to the armory of the South. Mr. Whitaker is an
I able writer, and wields his pen effectively in defence
of our rights. Ilis lady, widely known as an author
ess, is associated, with him in the editorial department,
and he now has among his contributors many of the
ablest writers of the South. It is the design of this
work to combine a genuine Southern literature with
sound Southern polities, and, accordingly, each num
ber contains one or two strong political articles, to
gether with a large store of sterling literary produc
tions. We have needed such a work, and, if well
sustained, it will prove a most invaluable auxiliary to
Southern independence.
Funeral Honors.
The military, benevolent societies and fire com
panies of the city, united with the citizens, yesterday,
in doing honor to the memory of our late Chief Ma
gistrate, Gen. Zachary Taylor. The procession
marched at eleven o’clock, and at twelve an eulogy
was delivered by Hon. Robert B. Alexander, at
the new Temperance Hall. The oration was one of
the most elegant and appropriate we have ever heard,
altogether worthy of the speaker and the occasion.
The Convention. —lt is possible that we shall have
some notable characters in this body. Mr. Hamil
car Toombs and Mr. Gkavedigceii Stephens, are
already in the field, and we presume the friends of
Mr. Esau Cobb will attempt to honor him with a sim
ilar candidacy. If there are to be any of that ilk in
the convention, these are tho very men of all others
whom we wish to sec there. They have been the au
thors of all this mischief, and it is proper that they
should thus meet with the chastisement which honest
men will there administer them.
A Suggestion to the Merchant* ol Broad Street.
Our advertising friends have no doubt frequently
been puzzled in describing their stands. One adver
tises, “under the St. Mary's Bank,” another, “one
door above J. Ennis & C 0.,” and another, “next
door to Hill & Dawson,” and still another who is
next door to nowhere, lias to leave his customers to
guess liis whereabouts. All this can be remedied at
very little cost and trouble. Any one of our numer
ous sign painters could, by a week’s labor, number
every door on both sides of Broad street, and the
difficulty would be at an end. Our country friends
would then meet with no trouble in finding any
store in the city, and our merchants would be equal
ly relieved of embarrassment in describing their po
sitions. Me suggest, therefore, either that the eity
eouneil, or the merchants privately, move in this
matter, which nobody would oppose and every body
be read)- to second.
Late and Interesting From California.
We are indebted to the publishers for the San
Francisco Daily Journal of Commerce , of the 15th
nit. ITe are still more indebted for the patriotic
and liberal tone which pervades its leading editorial on
the polities of that country, from which we make
the following extract. After enumerating the causes
which have contributed to make, and which,in the
opinion of the editors, will perpetuate, free soil of the
mining district, they go on to say :
“The Democracy of Alta California, we believe, are
sincerely attached to the Union, and wit! make no ob
jection to the existence of slavery in any Southern terri
tory, which may be set apart for the erection of a slave
State: but we believe at the same time, that sooner than
expunge from the State constitution of California the
anti-slavery clause, they would rather remain as they
are. unadmitted but not disunited —the lone, but inde
pendent star of the American constellation! And now
as to
COMPROMISE AND ADMISSION.
Let the south, therefore, look to the south for their
share of the inheritance, where a climate and field for
slave labor, of the richest nature, exists. The south
will then have her mineral wealth as well as the North ;
their incompatible institutions will not conflict, by any ‘
attempt to mix them, and they will find in the rich agn- \
cultural products oi those lower latitudes, a richer mine
of wealtn than the precious pursuit of gold-digging can
ever afford. Let them, in short, be content with a fair
and liberal compromise on an independent footing and
territory of their own,and, for the sake of our common
country and the blessing of God, let us have peace and
harmony restored throughout the Union, and delay no
looser the admission of California.
We solemnly and earnestly appeal to the good sense
and better feelings of our Southern brethren. and to the
sense of common justice and reasonable expediency of I
Americans from North to South, and from Last to West,
to remember that our Union was fir-t based on compro
mise. and that for its preservation and prosperity the spirit
of mutual forbearance and of generous compromise, must
still be carried out. The abstract question of slavery !
has nothing to do with the settlement of the great mat- j
ter now m issue. M ake a* many States as vou ulease •
to maintain the balance of powerbut. for mercy’s sake, i
do not let us suffer any longer from delays occasioned j
by your unseemly and needless dissensions.”
Two ideas are very prominent in these remarks :
first, the contemplated probability of forming a slave
State in the Southern portion of California, and, second,
the remarkable adaptation of that country to slave
labor. “No objection,” say they, “will be made to
the existence of slavery in any Southern Territory,
which may be set apart for the erection of a slave
State.” They are unwilling to have the anti-slavery
provisions of their State constitution expunged, but !
they have no objection to a division of the territory i
between the North and South, giving to the respec
tive sections the right to exercise within their several
districts the rights peculiar to each In other words,
they are willing that a line should be run through
the country from East to West, leaving the State of
California, with her anti-slavery constitution, North of
it, and organize a territorial government preparatory
to the erection of a slave State South of that line.—
Tills is exactly the position which the Southern
Rights party new occupies, and to which it has been
objected, that if such a division is made, the effect
will be to make two free States, instead of one. on our
Pacific coast. This objection is answered likewise by
the extract. The question of the adaptation of that
country to slave labor has long since been deter
mined by those who have examined it, and the
Journal of Commerce adds the influence of its opin
ions to the weight of authority in the affirmative. Its
rich mineral wealth, and its still richer mines of ag
ricultural resources, present the most inviting field in
the world to the introduction of slave labor. And
there is no question but that the moment the re
strictions which now prevent its introduction are re
moved, there will be an immense immigration of slave
property thither. There is no doubt than an effort
has been made by politicians and submission presses
to allay the excitement at the South by concealing
the real value to the South of the territory in dispute.
The day may come when these misrepresentations
will be exposed, or the South may be kept in ig
norance of her interests until they have been ir
reparably destroyed.
The Premium Agricultural Song.
It will be seen from the announcement of tho Cor
responding Secretary, Mr. Peabody, that a prize of
a beautiful silver cup is to be awarded, at the ap
proaching Agricultural Fair, for the best original
song, appropriate to the objects of the Associa
tion, to be sung by the Glee Club on that occasion. It
is requested that competitors accompany their pro
ductions with a sealed envelope inclosing the real
name of the author, which will not be opened until
the prize has been awarded. The communications may
be addressed to this office.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS ASSOCIATIONS.
We should be pleased to sec our friends in the ad
joining counties moving in the formation of these so
cieties. This campaign is to be fought and won, not
with clap-trap demonstrations, or appeals to the pas
sions of the people. We have truth and justice on
our side, and all wo ask is, that the people of Geor
gia be aroused to a sense of tho real danger which
threatens their rights. To this end let associations
be formed, speeches made and facts presented. The
peace which many of our people arc hugging to their
bosoms is delusive, and there is danger that some
may slumber until it is too late. Let us, then, to ac
tion, vigorous, untiring action. The issues at stake
are too momentous for apathy on our part. The
price of liberty is vigilance.
The Southern Address.
We re-publish, to-day, the address prepared bv a
committee of Southern gentlemen at Washington,
recommending the establishment of a Southern organ
at Washington. We do so to show our readers the
light in which some of their representatives at one
time viewed the dangers which threatened our rights,
that they may be better prepared to understand the
consistency of those who now think we have no
cause of complaint. The name of Mr. Toombs will
be found appended to that address, and we make an
especial request of those who see no variableness
or shadow of turning in the course of that gentle
man, that the}- will give that document a careful pe
rusal, and then compare it with the speech which he
made Ine day after the passage of the California bill,
in which he said the South had no grievances to re
dress. Mr. Toombs will, we dare say, claim to have
been uniformly devoted to the rights of the South,
while those who have alternately praised and de
nounced his course are charged with change.—
So to the chaise-bom traveller’s eye,
He stands still, while trees and stones rush by.
“Speech or llox. Wm. ll. 'Seward on Emanci
pation in the District 01 Columbia.”— Such is the
title of a pamphlet which Wm. 11. Seward, a Sena
tor from New York, has had the impudence to send
us under his own frank. Os all the despicable mis
creants whom chance has elevated to honorable posi
tion, this same Senator Seward is chief. We think
that some of his compeers in the scheme of abolition
are the honest victims of infatuation; but this man
adds to all his other sins, that most odious of all oth
ers, hypocrisy. Mr. Seward is not an abolitionist
from principle, but from policy. He knows, for he is
by no means a fool, that the shortest and surest road
to power, where he lives, is by pandering to the fa
naticism of his constituents, and he has accordingly
determined liis political career, not with reference to
the good of the country, but with an eye single to his
own emolument.
The Issue.
A subscriber, whose opinions tve respect, objects
that in making the issue of abolition or disunion,
we have placed him and others in a false position.—
We think our friend is in error, and still insist that
the issue is as we have made it. Not that those
who oppose secession are abolitionists; it was far
from our intention to intimate such a suspicion, for
we know that there are those who oppose us on this
question who are as much identified with, and as
much devoted to the. institutions of the South, as we
are. But while their purposes may be, and doubt
less are, as honestly intended to serve t!i South as
are ours, wo do believe that a settlement of these
questions on the basis to which they propose to sub
mit, must inevitably lead to that most dreadful of all
events to us, tho eventual abolition of slavery in
our midst. And what are the evidences by which we
are brought to this conclusion ? First that the com
promise to which we are forced, is the result of abo
lition demands. Who has created the excitement
which must be allayed by this adjustment ? The
history of the country, as well as the dictates of
common sense, clearly demonstrates that from the
formation of this government, the Seuth has been op
posed to agitation. The disturbances on the slavery
question have in variably originated with the North, i
It was thus in the Missouri difficulty. It was thus on
the reception of abolition petitions by Congress. It j
was thus in the settlement of the question of slavery \
in the territories. The demand has uniformly been
made by the North, and the successive concessions |
which have satisfied these demands, have as uniform- I
Iv been made by the South. So it has been in the !
dispute now pending. The South has been content
to stand still; the North has insisted upon action.—
The demand has been once more heeded, and again
we are called on for further concessions as a satisfac
tion for that demand. Will it stop here ? Who so
blind, who so short sighted, as to believe it ? As
well might the bleeding South have congratulated
herself that her wounds were healed in 1821 by the
Missouri Compromise, as to hope for peace now. As
well might she have dreamed of quiet from the con
cessions she made to appease the abolition petitioners
by permitting them to introduce their fire-brands into
Congress, as to indulge the idea that the compromise
now demanded will settle her difficulties. No, no. j
As Mr. Chase said, all these are but steps in the
onward march of abolition. The day has not yet ar
rived, but it is coming, and wc shall yet see it, if wc
submit now. when the grand consummation of all
their hellish designs will have been attained. And
oh, bitterest ingredient in that cup of gall, our own
people are helping to hasten on that doom, ignorant
ly, it is true, but not less certainly on that account.
In the next place, we are satisfied of the correct
ness of the issue as we present it, because our sub
mission now is taken as evidence of our submission
to-morrow. Our acquiescence in this scheme of
fraud, guarantees success to our oppressor* in any
subsequent assaults they may make upon onr rights. !
What is all history for, nay what does the brief record !
of our own national existence teach us, if we do not |
learn from it, .the folly of seeking redress for ,
the grievances of the past and security for the future, i
in a policy of tame submission to wrong ?
And, again, we are warranted in this conclusion,
by the rapid accession of strength to those who we
know have the disposition to oppress us. California.
New Mexico and Utah will add to the Union ten or
a dozen free States as large as Georgia. Maryland,
Kentucky and Missouri are gradually becoming free
States ; indeed, we can not now look to their Repre
sentatives for any aid in the contest between the
1
North and South. Less than a quarter of a centu
ry will have rolled round ere they have acquired that
majority in Congress which entitles them to a change
in the Constitution. They will then have the pow
er, and what sane man doubts they will exercise it ?
Ah ! but say our infatuated friends, we will be ready
to join you, then, in resistance. Some of you,doubt
less, will, but others will not. But in what a position
will the South then find herself 7 Her own strength
diminished, and that of the North fearfully augmen
ted. The day for successful resistance will have
I passed, and the alternative then will be far more aw
j ful than that which we present to-day. Slavery or
extinction will then be the doom of tlio South.
The last and most lamentable evidence of the truth
of this issue, is the alarming spread of Northernism
jin the South. We appeal to those whose recollections
extend twenty-five years back in the political history
of this government. We ask you, what would have
been the spontaneous burst of feeling throughout the
South, had the scenes of this Congress been enacted
then t Wc ask you whether Southern men would
have fired guns in honor of the passage of any mea
sure which is embraced in the Omnibus Bill ? We
ask you, whether a Southern Representative would
have dared to vote for a bill abolishing the slave trade
in the District ? We ask you, whether you heard
Southern men openly admitting the power to Con
gress to abolish slavery in the District, and to prohib
it it in the Territories? You know you did not.
You know that a feeling of indifference to our
rights exists among the people of the South now,
which would have been despised twenty-five years
ago. And you know, too, that this feeling is growing
every day, and if your devotion to party lias not
blinded your perceptions, you know, that in less than
twenty-five years hence, there will be a large party
found at the South, which could submit to any thing
rather than resist. And do all these things mean
nothing ? Close your eyes to the truth, if you will,
but if heaven spares your lives, and your infatuation
commits the South to submission, they will one day
be startled by the dreadful reality of the issue—Abo
lition or Disunion.
Resistance.
There are two questions for the people of Georgia
to determine in this campaign :
First.—Has the South been wronged ?
Second. —Will she redress that wrong ?
Six months ago there was notan intelligent man
in the State who did not admit that the passage of the
bills embraced in what was known as the Clay Com
promise, would work wrong and injustice to the
South. Men differed as to the measure of the wrong,
but all agreed that injustice would be inflicted there
by. Now, however, a representative from Georgia,
has declared, in his place in Congress, that the Soutli
has no cause of complaint, and submission presses, at
home, have taken up the cry. The various measures
of that compromise have become laws, and Southern
men congratulate us on their passage. But are the
people of Georgia prepared to endorse the verdict of
their representatives ? Is it true that the South has
no cause of complaint? Let us see. It is not de
nied that we share equally in the burdens of this gov
ernment, and that vve are entitled to an equal
participation in the benefits of its legislation. It is
not denied that we contributed more than our propor
tion of men and money in the Mexican war, and that
justice would accord to us our share in the fruits of
that war. It is not denied that we are excluded from
every inch of territory in California, N. Mexico and
Utah. It is not denied that twenty thousand square
miles of Southern territory lias been purchased by
Southern money and turned into free soil. It is not
denied that the general government has branded as
an unchristian and inhumane traffic the trade in ne
gro property. It is not denied that that trade has
been prohibited in the District of Columbia. It is
not denied that Senators have threatened the ulti
mate abolition of slavery in that District. And are
none of these wrongs ? Has the South no cause of
complaint in all this? Gentlemen at Washington
may think not, but Georgians think otherwise, and
we expect to see the day when these same champions
of our rights may bo made to feel their error. We,
then, have grievances to redress, and the next ques
tion is, shall we demand that redress ?
Why not ? Why should Southern men submit to
wrong ? Is there any thing in our obligations as
Americans and good citizens which forbids an honest
demand of our rights ? Is our faith so plighted to a
Northern majority in Congress that itis treason for
us to complain of their iniquitous legislation and in
sist upon redress for'grievances ? We have never so
understood tho nature of our allegiance. We know
it is a popular maxim, in some countries, that the King
can do no wrong. We know it is treason there to
t*lk of outraged rights and violated trusts. But it i*
otherwise here. It is the proud prerogative of Amer
icans to guard their liberties, and when they arc in
vaded, it is a duty which they inherited with those
liberties, and which they owe to their posterity to
discharge, to vindicate and maintain them. We are
not traitors, then, to talk of wrongs and remedies.—
Well, is there any danger in making the demand ?
Realty we feel that we owe an apology to freemen, for
considering it necessary to answer this question. Wc
feci that it is enough for men to know they have rights,
and that they have been disregarded. The spirit which
achieved our independence did not pause to calculate
consequences ere it struck for freedom. Had it done
so, we might to-day have been the vassals of the
British throne. No ; the men of that day knew that
they were wronged, and they turned their plough
shares into swords and resolved to be free, and the
result of that sanguinary struggle proved that the
battle was not always to the strong. Who does not
laud their disinterested devotion to their rights ?
England, the proud mistress of the seas, with an army
almost equal to the entire population of the colonies, ;
and a fleet for every American port, defied them to
action. They were weak in men, but powerful in the
justice of their cause. They braved the power of
their oppressors, and so should we. But is there
danger in the demand vve propose to make ? Will
war ensue? Os course, we cannot undertake to say,
how far Northern temerity, or Southern indignation,
may urge on the respective parties, but vve may pre
dict as certainly as we can of any tiling in the future
that there will be no resort to arms. In the first
place it is to the interest of neither party to go to
war. The South has nothing to make, and the North
every thing to lose by such a course. Victory would
make us no more independent, and defeat could not
make us more submissive. To them, victory would
be barren, and defeat bankruptcy. Secondly, the
North could not make war on us if it choose to do I
so. It could neither enlist the men, nor command |
the money, to carry it on, and, above all, a warlike at- j
litude would at once involve all New England and :
the middle States in ruin. And, last of the causes
which vve shall mention now, the world would not al
low us to fight. A civil war in America would bank- |
rupt England. Blockade our ports for a twelve j
month, and starvation would stare every throne in
Europe*. We shall, then, have no war; nay, but for
the distempered imaginations of old women and
timid capitalists, such an idea never would have been
dreamed of. There is, then, nothing wrong, and there
is no danger in making the demand. W ill the de
mand profit the South? It can do us no harm ; will
it do us any good ?
We answer yes, and whether that demand results
I in the establishment of our rights, in the Union or
out of it, our answer is the same. If in the U nion,
it will secure to us those blessings which our fore*
! fathers wisely foresaw would result front an equitable
1 administration of trie government; if out of it, we
shall obtain that quiet and undisturbed enjoyment of
, our rights which we are now denied in it. Let the
issue be as it will, it must prove a blessing to the
South. We should hail with joy a restoration of the
South to her position of honorable equality in the
Union, but we do not intend to flatter our readers
with a hope which we believe is destined to disap
pointment. We see no remedy for the wrongs of the
South in the Union, and determined as we are to
i secure that remedy, we do not hesitate to seek it out
of the Union. Others think differently. Some of
our friends indulge the hope that we mav secure our
rights without disturbing the Union. The mode of
redress is one thing, and may be a subject of differ
ence among Southern men, but some kind of re
dress is another matter, and about that we agree.—
Resistancb is our watchword, and under that ban
ner every man who is determined upon redress must
rally. There are but two parlies in the field ; the
one is for Resistance, the other for Submission, and
between the two Southern men must choose.
The Umou.
It is natural that men who received their first im
pressions of this government in its better days, ere it
; had been polluted by the sin of abolition, should re
j gard it with an almost idolatrous veneration. It is
natural that they should recoil at the bare mention of
its dissolution, and without waiting to test the propo
sition by reason and common sense, should at once
denounce it ns monstrous and treasonable. This
biind devotion to the institutions of our native land,
if, indeed it may be called a weakness, is one
of the most pardonable to which we are incident;
but at the same time, it becomes men who are the
rightful heirs of freedom, to guard well that heritage
from the insidious inroads of its destroyers. We
should at least not venerate the Union as more sa
cred than the rights which that Union was formed
to secure. We have heard of a blood-bought Union ;
of a Union sealed with the sacrifices of our forefath
ers. Kota blow was struck for that Union ; not a
drop of revolutionary blood was shed in its defence.—
The sun of peace had arisen to dispel the clouds of
war from ottr shores long before the first line of the
constitution, by virtue of which this Union exists, was
ever written. The men of ’76 went to war for their
right* and not for the Union. They took up arms
to repel aggression, and not to establish this govern
ment. And after they had succeeded in breaking
the chains with which England had enslaved them,
then they met for the purpose of forming a government.
The men of Massachusetts met the sons of Georgia
in that convention. They greeted each other as
equals, and they created this Union for the purpose
of “establishing justice, ensuring domestic tranquility,
providing for the common defence, promoting the
general welfare, and securing the blessings of liberty
to themselves and their posterity.” Such, in a few
words, is a history of the causes which led to, and
the purposes which brought about, this Union. Are
we offering an indignity to the memory of those
great and good men who framed this government, in
seeking to retain it in its original purity ? Are we
guilty of sacrilege in daring to question whether the
Union as it now exists is such as our fathers made
it ? Would one of the patriots who composed that
convention have ever assented to a Union in which one
half of the States was degraded to the condition of
inferiors and dependencies of the other half ? Cursed
he the thought that would thus desecrate the memory
of men who swore that they would be free or die. And
if they would not have formed such a Union, where
is the Southerner who has the soul of-a man, that
will not spurn such an alliance now that it is doubly
damned with the broken faith of those with whom it
was made ? Yet what other than a Union like this,
is that under which we now live? The Northern
man may carry his property into the District of Co
s lumbia and there trade with it. Can a Southern
j man do so ? The Northern man may emigrate with
his household to the new and fertile forests of our
Pacific possessions. Can a Southern man do so 1 The
Northern man may bring his family and servants on
! a tour through the South and be treated with civility
I and respect. Can a Southern man do so? The North
ern man may come into the South and re-capture his
stolen property. Can a Southern man do so ? 27 0,
no, no. In every instance the Southern man is met
with the cry of leprosy. You and your institutions
are too foul for our pure hands. Away with you.
W ien wc send men to represent us and secure our
rights in the federal councils, some grow faint heart
ed, seek to curry favor with Northern power, and
exhort their injured constituents to peace. Others
arc bribed with the hope of office or the promise of
pay in other things, and they see no grievances to
redress. A few prove themselves worthy the confi
dence of freemen, and battle nobly in a hopeless
cause.
In the name of common sense, we ask, what is this
Union now worth to the South? Wc dare the
haughtiest traitor to our cause to answer us. Arc
our rights more respected, is our property more se
cure, are our lives better protected than they would I
be if an ocean rolled between us and the North? In what !
way are our interests subserved by the eonnec- I
lion ? Have those who now counsel submission ever :
told us what we are to gain by it ? Not they. They I
understand very well, perhaps, what they arc to make !
by it, but they dare not so far insult the common sense j
of the people, as to attempt to demonstrate the fruits
of submission to the South.
An Apt Illustration.
The following very instructive and amusing anesdote
was related by Gen. Jakes N. Bethune, in his ad
dress last Thursday night, which will be found most
aptly illustrative of the relations at present existing
between the North and South. lie said ; “When
quite a young boy my father gave me a gun, and [
sallied forth one morning on my first hunting excur
sion. I had not been out long when I met two other j
boys, older and larger than myself, who were on |
horse-back. ‘Hello, Jim,’ said one of them, ‘what |
are you up to ?’ ‘l’m going to shoot some partridge s,” j
said I. ‘Oh !’ was the reply, ‘go and put up your
gun, get you a horse, and come with us. We have j
a net and will catch more than you can shoot, and if f
you will join us we will divide equally with you.’—!
The chance was a good one, so I went home, put up
my guu, saddled me a horse and joined them. Whe*
we had entered the woods where we expected to find 1
the game, we came to a thick briar patch, and F was
told to drive through that. If we encountered a
swamp, it was ‘Jim, drive through that,’ and when
we encountered a thicket, it was ‘Jim, you drive
through that.’ Thus we went on, I going through
all the bad places and they keeping the open drive.
At length the sport was ended, and we halted to
make the division. When we came to lay off into
separate piles our respective parts, one of them, tli9
one that did not own the net, objected, saying that it
was always the rule that the net should come in for
a share. I remonstrated, of course, urging that noth- \
ing was said about the net in the agreement. ‘Well, j
well,’ said he. ‘we won’t quarrel about that. Let’s !
put it to a vote and the majority will govern.’—
“Good,” said I. for I had been raised with a great re
spect for the rule of the majority. So we put it to
vote, and the majority decided two to one against roc.
We, accordingly, proceeded to divide the spoils into
four piles. Still niv share was too large for my greedy
companions, and upon the pretext that I didn’t have j
enough for my family no how. and that my share
was more than I could eat by myself, it was suggest
ed to take all from my pile but one, which they !
thought was as much as I ought to eat. Again I !
protested, and again it was put to vote, and again the !
majority decided against me. I didn’t understand
well, how a minority could govern the majority, and
yet I saw there was something wrong in it. At any
rat® T determined not to submit to their rule, so Ii
threw the remaining partridge at them and mounted
my horse. This rathernettled them,and they cut,each,
a long supple chcsnut switch, and by an occasional
tap, now on this side and then on that of my old dap
ple, they had me prancing and cavorting against my
will on every side of the road. At length, in self
defence, I cut a switch, too, and put it to my horse in
good earnest, and here we went clatter, clatter down
the road, I managing to keep enough ahead to escape
the effect of the:r switches upon my horse. At
length I gained so far upon them, that, coming to a
i rock pile, I dismounted and filled my pockets with
j rocks and rode on. They came up after a while,
! and I let fly at their heads with all my might. The
game was now changed, and I became the assailant
instead of the assailed. I kept them at their proper
1 distance and rode home in peace. Since then, fellow
citizens, I have learned two things; First, never to
submit mv riglits to tlie decision of a majority which
was determined upon my injury, and, second, when
ever I was unrighteously assailed, to fill my pockett
wilh rocks .”
[communicated.]
Columbus, Oct. 1, ISSO.
Mr Dear Sir : ‘When on the eve of leaving home
in June last, to be absent several weeks, I voluntarily
informed you that I would, on my return, become a
subscriber to your paper. This honesty of purpose, I
regret to say, has been changed by the open and
I avowed stand which you have taken in favor of dis
! union, predicated upon the passage of certain bills re
cently passed in Congress; which does not, in my opin
ion justify such a course on the part of the South.
I am, nevertheless, in favor of disunion whenever
the whole South announces her willingness to move
in the matter. It must be apparent to every unpre
judiced mind, that the territory now belonging to the
United States when divided or sub-divided into States,
of suitable size, will form a number nearly equal to
one-h*lfof those now composing the government;
i two-thirds, if not three-fourths, of which number, will,
in all probability, be free States. This will give the
abolitionists a constitutional majority in Congress,
and place our cherished institution at tlieir mercy, or
force us to resist a constitutional law.
Respectfully,
B. A. SORSBY.
Judge Sorsby, the writer of the foregoing com
munication, is well known to most of our readers in
this section, as a gentleman of intelligence and un
questioned character. We are always gratified at
the privilege of enrolling such names as his on our
subscription list, and regret that we have been de
nied that pleasure in this instance. Our regret, how
ever, is more than counterbalanced by the argument
with which he favors our cause. Indeed, a man who
is as capable as Judge Sorsby is, of tracing well
known causes to their legitimate effects, could come
to no other conclusion, than that if the South sub
mits in this contest, she is doomed to a hopeless mi
norily— minority which gives to our oppressors the
might and the right, under the constitution, to ruin
us. He correctly reads the future when he says that
our vast W<■ stern territory, which, at no distant day,
must bo erected into States, will contribute alarm
ingly to the strength of the free-soil element in this
government. M hen that day shall arrive, and the
North finds itself possessed of that majority in Con
gress by which she will be enabled, constitutionally,
to degrade the South, we shall be forced to the un
pleasant necessity of either submitting to, or resisting a
constitutional measure. Our only sin, with the Judge,
lias been in seeking to avert that calamity. Satisfied,
as we are, that when our friend comes to review bis
argument, lie will not only give us his own name, but
the names of a dozen besides, we must content our
selves with his present decision.
[NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.]
New York, Sept. 24, 1850.
Greenwood Cemetery—The Canda Monument —
The Pilot's Monument—Revolutionary Reminis
cences—Jenny Lind's Last Concert—The Cily )
(J-C., sc.
I cannot help believing, Mr. Editor, that an occa
sional description of some of the favorite localities in
the neighborhood of New York, will be more inter
esting than a dry detail of news, particularly when
there is nothing in the line of the latter that is start-
surprising. I will, therefore, devote a por
tion of my sheet to a brief description of Greenwood
Cemetery, which lias obtained a reputation all over
the Union, and, holds tlie foremost rank among ru
ral burial-places.
The grounds of the Cemetery are situated south
east of New York, on Go wan us Heights, about three
miles from the South Ferry, and now comprise two
hundred and fifty acres. The grounds are admira
bly adapted for the purpose to which they have been
applied. Throughout their whole extent the visitor
i* gratified with that variety of scenery which alone
can render extensive landscapes permanently pleas
ing. Here an elevated ridge meets the eye, while at
its feet reposes, in a quiet valley, a lovely pond ; on
one side beautiful lawns extend for acres, while on
the other stretches away a tangled forest, dense and
impervious as if it had ever been a stranger to the
j foot of man. But the great charm of Greenwood
! scenery is the magnificent views of the Bay which
| some of the higher grounds afford, embracing the
i Harbor of New York, the city itself with its hun-
I dred spires, Brooklyn, the Jersey, Staten Island,
| Long Island, and New York shores, and an unrival
j led panorama of the Atlantic from Sandy Hook to
Rockaway.
Such were these grounds by nature, but the hand
of art has not been wanting. The Cemetery be
came a chartered institution in IS3S; but owing to
a want of appreciation of its beauties, or rather per
haps a want of reflection on the manifold evils of in
tra-mural interment, for four years it was obliged to
struggle hard, and was not placed on a firm basis,
and thrown open for burials, until 18-12. During the
eight years, however, that have since elapsed, it lias
been growing steadily and rapidly in public favor •
; and under the auspices of judicious management
| has become one of the most attractive spots imagina
! ble. About four thousand lots have been Bold, and
j many of them arc adorned, without reference to ex- I
pense, in the most splendid manner, by their propri- !
j etors. About two hundred vaults have been erected
j in various styles; some of them are really splendid.
| One that is now being built of white marble surpass
| es any thing of the kind that has ever fallen under
Imy observation. In addition to smaller stones, the
j grounds contain four hundred monuments of marble
sienite, or sandstone, varying of course in style and
costliness. No less than ten thousand interments
have been made in tlie Cemetery.
Os the monuments there are so many worthy of
notice that we can hardly particularize. The chief
object of interest to visitors seems to be the one rais- !
ed to the memory of Miss Canda, an only and idol
ized daughter, who met her death by being dashed
from a carriage on her birth-night some years ago.
It is truly magnificent, of white marble, and adorned
in the most elaborate manner; the sculpture was
mainly done in Italy, at a cost, it j s sa id, of SIO,OOO.
The work is in the form of a miniature chapel; in a
niche is a statue of the deceased, wliieh is called a
good likeness, while several figures of angels, most 1
chastely wrought, appear on either side.
The I iiot s monument is another splendid achieve- j
ment of art. It was erected by the pilots of this
port, with characteristic liberality, to one of their j
number, Thomas Freeborn. During a severe storm 1
on the 14th of February, 1846, he attempted to j
bring in the ship John Mintuni; but notwithstand
ing the most strenuous efforts, sha was wrecked upon
the coast of New Jersey, and many of the ship’s
company perished within sight of hundreds on the
shore who were unable to render them the least as
sistance. Freeborn was among the number lost, and
the name of this brave man, who perished thus in
the faithful discharge of his duty, is preserved from
oblivion by this splendid monument in Greenwood; j
The design is unique and appropriate; on a sarco
phagus, of massive base, Msts a ship’s capstan, with
a cable coiled around it. From this rises a mast, on
the top of which is a beautiful statue of Hope, rest
ingl on an anchor, and pointing to Heaven, the
Christian’s hope. The front of the sarcophagus
bears in relief a ship and schooner, mutilated by the
storm, and tossed by the waves. The monument
occupies high ground, and from its position may be
plainly discerned from the Bay. TV hen it meets the
eye of the pilot as he hurries to and fro on his re
sponsible duties, it will serve to encourage him amid
every danger, and remind him that for those who
here below act faithfully their part, Hope ever points
to an unending Paradise.
But there are other associations beside those con
nected with Greenwood; in the immediate vicinity,
and as tradition says, partially within its very grounds,
took place the first serious conflict ot tlie revolutionary
war, on the 26th of August, 1776 —the disastrous
battle of Long Island, which temporarily had such a
disheartening effect on the patriots of America. —
While almost every spot in New England, which
is hallowed by associations with that eventful period
has been traced, identified and honored with appro
priate testimonials, to the shame of our great me
tropolis and its sister city Brooklyn, be it said, no at
tempt has hitherto been made either by the authori
ties or individuals to locate the precise spot of this
battle, or keep alive the memory of those who fell
amid the carnage. A private subscription is now, I
understand, proposed ; and, no doubt, before long,
proper memento will be reared iu Greenwood on the
very spot where some of our forefathers, fell.
A pleasanter excursion than a visit to Greenwood
cannot be imagined ; the change from the best and
dust of city confinement, to its quiet and beauty,
seeming almost like a transfer to Paradise. The nu
merous facilities which have lately been opened, by
steamboat and stage, have been improved by many
hundreds during the present season. No stranger
would leave New York without visiting this most at
tractive spot in its vicinity.
To-night Miss Jenny Lind gives her last con
cert in this city prior to leaving for Boston ; by her
return the new Concert Hall will be finished and
ready for her reception. The recent reduction in
prie of tickets lias had the effect of filling the hou
ses to overflowing. The songstress seems to givs
universal satisfaction, and charms no less by her af
fability and pleasantness in the private circle than by
her unrivalled powers of voice. Every scat was sold
fur to-night’s concert by yesterday noon, and it is ex
pected there will be 10,000 persons present.
Our weather continues very pleasant. The hotels
are full, business brisk, and, on the whole, the city
wears a very pleasing aspect. Yours, P. Q.
LIST OF PRIZES
Os the Mtiieogee A Russel Agricultural Society, to be
given at the FAIR, on tlie third Wednesday in No
vember next.
For the beit acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,.. s2 00
“ bushel “ “ Diploma.
“ “ acre Turnip*, silver medal, $2 OO
“ bushel “ Diploma.
“ “ Treatise on making and applying
Manure, suited to Southern crop* and cul
ture, silver gohlet, $lO 00
Fortlie best Treatise on cultivating Corn in tlie
1-j South. silver goblet, .$lO 00
For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot
ton, including the picking and packing silver
goblet,... $lO 00
For the licet Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of
Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,... $5 00
For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or
Ru-sel. silver gohlet $ 8 00
For the second best Diploma.
For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or
Russel Silver Medal.
For the second best, “ “
STOCK.
For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal.
“ “ Mutton “ “ “.
“ Ox, fur the butcher, “ ““
“ “ Cow. “ “ “
For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack,
exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ g 00
Fur the 2d anti 3d best,. Diplomas.
For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal.. 200
For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards,
silver goblet, jooo
For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup... 800
lor 2d and 3d best Diplomas.
For tlie best brood Mare, with or without colt,
silver cup £ Q 0
Fur 2d and 3d best, Diplomat.
Fur the best Bull, (age considered.) silver medal, 200
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, %00
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old,
silver medal, g 00
For the best Boar, silver medal, 2 00
For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a vearold,
silver medal 2 00
For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00
TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC.
For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern
make, silver cup, g g qq
For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel
make, silver cup,. g 00
For the largest collection of Agricultural impinel
r , me " ts >- .Silver Medal.
ror the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best f> pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. “or Ala".
make, silver medal 2 00
For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver
medal,... . 2 00
For the best piece of Factory Sheeting or Shirt
ing, silver tnedal, 5 qq
For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver
medal, g qq
For the best Churn, silver medal, 2 00
HORTICULTURE.
For the best Treatise on raising F’ruit of all kinds in this
seciion of country, silver goblet, s]o CO
For tlie best specimens of Fruit for the season,
For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver
medal, 2 00
For the liest Boquettof Natural Flowers, silver
medal, j j qq
For tlie largest collection of Pot Plants, with
names, silver cup, 8 00
For the best Treatise on the culture of Flowers*
by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,..’ 800
DAIRY.
For tlie best specimens of Muscogee or Russel
_ Butter, not less than 5 lbs., silver medal 2 OQ
For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make
silver medal, ’ gOO
For the best t reatise on tlie management of the
Cow in the South, silver cup, 8 0Q
REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR.
All members of the Society, and all who shall be
come members previous to or at the Fair, will be fur
nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the
; Ladies of his lamily to ihe Exhibition at all limes during
the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single
j person. 25 cents. 6
I , Al j, Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of
the Society, and have their animals or articles entered
at tlie business office, before taking them into the enclo
-B!,re Ladies’ work—this will in all rases be ad
muted free. CHAS. A. PEABODY,
Corresponding Secretary.
[From the riugu.rta Constitutionalist.]
National Parties.
The Washington Union makes the following
comments upon the result of the recent elec
tions in Missouri, in which the Democrats lost
their long established ascendancy by reason of
their division between Bentonites and anti-
Bentonites.
“Thus it would appear that Missouri sends
four Whigs to the next Congress, and one Ben-,
ton man in the person ot Mr. Phelps. Such is
the effect of discord in the Democratic party,
and such will probably be the effect in some of
he Southern States, where our party may bo
divided in a similar manner, or are not suffi
ciently organized for competition with the Whig
party, untess more forbearance, and moderation,
and discretion should Fie infused into its ranks.
Mere purblind extremists, who are crying out
for a dissolution of the two great national par
ties, in order to concentrate their whole force
upon the slavery question, are preparing for a
startling defeat of onr party. They are its
worst and most suspicious enemies. If this
sectional cry be kept up, some of the Democrats
may prepare to lose their Districts. We throw
out the suggestion for the benefit of the parties
concerned.”
We do not expect “ some of the Southern
States'’ will distress themselves very much in
future with the question, as to the relative,
chance of IV higgery or Democracy , in its party
sense, to carry this or that Congressional District
in future. Looking to the recent action of Con
gress, it would puzzle a Southern man to tell
what benefit the South has obtained from either