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rpHE firm name ot “M. 11. Dessau, Agent,” is changed,
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Columbus, Feb. 7, 1850. 6 tl
JAMES FORT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS.
July 4, 1850. 27 6m
Williams, Flewellen & Williams,
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May 23. 1850. 21
Williams & Howard,
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KOBT. R. HOWARD. CIIAS. J. WILLIAMS.
April 4, 1850 14 ts
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TALBOTTON, GA.
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April 4, 1850. H ly
KING & WINNEMORE,
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MOBILE, ALABAMA.
Dec. 20,1819. [Mob. Trib.] 15 ts
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REFERENCES.
REV. JAS. E. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY,
Saranjuih. Talbotton.
RIDGEWAY A GUNDY, N. OUSI.Y Sc. SON,
Columbus. Moron.
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deGRAFFENRIED & ROBINSON.
Anril IS
VOL. I.
Northern Sentiment
ON THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.
Rut we have not room, nor the heart, to
| dwell on the outrageous provisions of a law
which completely eclipses even the bloody
code of Draco—a law which imposes on the
free men and women of America, a legal
obligation to disregard every prompting of
Christian kindness towards the most unfor
tunate of their race, and to turn blood-hounds
whenever a pursuing slaveholder demands
their aid to rescue his human prey.
We ash the people of New Hampshire to
read the law; and then remember that it
stands upon the statute by their votes—that
two of their representatives, Messrs. Peaslee
and Hibbard, helped enact it.
We ask them to say if this law meets their
! approbation ? Arc the free men and women
of our Granite hills ready to carry its inhu
man provisions into effect ? Are they ready
to close their houses and hearts against the
poor panting fugitive mother, as with her
babe in her arms, she asks to lie sheltered
from the pursuit of her heartless oppressor l
Are they willing to hold their own and their
children’s liberties at the mercy of any com
missioner who may hold an appointment from
any judge of auv district in the United States?
Such is the position of every man in the free
States. Before these omnipotent slavc-jus
tiees, who are to cover our land like the frogs
of Egypt, all State Constitutions, and the
provisions of State Constitutions, are as
burnt flax. The right of trial by jury, ha-
I hens corpus, and every other guaranty against
“ unlawful seizures” and unlawful depriva
tions of liberty, are struck down. No au
thority, no court, no executive officer, no
magistrate, can interfere with, rejudge or de
lay the judgment of the slave-catchers, pro
vided by this act.
We repeat, a more infamous invasion of
tlie rights, liberties and franchises of the peo
ple, never existed upon the statute-book of I
any nation under heaven. No legislators,
not either slaves or the tools of slaveholders,
could ever, for a moment, have given the
slightest countenance to it; or ever have
looked at such an act without abhorrence
and detestation. Such we must regard the
two New Hampshire representatives, who
gave the hill their countenance and their
votes. Besides themselves, not fifty men in
the State could have been found to do the in
famous deed. They have done it. To God
and their constituents they must answer for
it. To that tribunal we commend them—
fully assured that, now or hereafter, they will
be held to a fearful reckoning for their wick
ed betrayals of the most sacred interests ever
entrusted to men.— lndependent Democrat.
The snake is scotched, not killed. The
Fugitive Slave Rill is a monster, too hideous
for the people of the free States to quietly
and lovingly embrace. The territorial ques
tion is by no means dead. Among the peo
ple the principle of freedom is as strong as it
ever was. We know that politicians in
Washington can, by their position and influ
ence, accomplish much, and the cry of I
“ Peace,” and of “ Union,” and of “ Broth
erhood,” Can accomplish much more. Rut,
after all, permanent peace, real union, and
true brotherhood, have their basis upon the
rock of justice, and receive their life and
beauty from the warm gushing affections of
the manly heart; and we contend that of
these peace “ measures” recently passed by
Congress, a portion of them have been in di
rect opposition to the best sentiments and the
best feelings of the vast majority of the peo
ple of the free States. The day will come
when Northern rights will be regarded, and
the Northern people make themselves felt in
the councils of the nation—not to oppress,
not to assume undelegated powers, not to in
terfere with the rights or property of the
South, but felt in the maintenance of their
proper position, and in doing something for
the glorious cause of human liberty and
OF RIGHTFUL PROGRESS IN THE WESTERN
world. —Boston Allas.
The general features of the bill are well
understood. It is precisely what the most
rabid slaveholder and man-stealer desired.
It is the foulest libel upon our vaunted “ free
institutions,” that ever blackened the statute
book. It smothers the sacred impulses of
Christianity and humanity,and transforms the
loveliest virtues into felonies. It sanctions
the vilest outrages, and visits with chains and
penalties, the heathenish culprit who dares
obey the plainest injunctions of Holy Writ.
For the honor of our country, we should
have wished this bill had been defeated. For
the good of the cause of Freedom, we re
joice over its passage. The barefaced ini
quity of the thing will inevitably frustrate its
object, its brutal atrocity will redden even
cheeks of dough with the blush of shame.
Every kidnap, authorized by it, will raise up
five hundred strong and determined foes of
slavery.— Madison County Journal.
The Law for Catching Men. —The Fu
gitive Slave Bill, so called, has passed both j
Houses of Congress, and we suppose lias be- j
come a law, so far as iniquity can be law. I
Against this outrage upon the statutes of j
Heaven and the rights of humanity, we re- j
cord our protest, and pledge our uncompro
mising opposition, as strong as the powers of
life, and as lasting as the day of probation, i
unless the foul blot be sooner wiped from the 1
disgraced records of the nation. Our oppo- J
sition to the new law for hunting and catch
ing men, is not grounded so much upon the
supposed additional facilities it will furnish j
for re-capturing and re-enslaving fugitives 1
from the house of bondage, as upon the prin
ciple involved. Men and nations are often
more guilty for what they only attempt to do,
than they are for what they actually accom-
I plish, and such, no doubt, will prove to be
the case with the passage of the Fugitive
I Slave Bill, by the Congress of the United
! States, in the year of our Lord one thousand
\ eight hundred and fifty. It may avail, in a
few instances, in catching a fugitive slave
who would otherwise escape ;it may be en
i forced upon a few who have moral honesty
| and courage enough to violate it, in the shape
of a fine or imprisonment; it may subserve
| the purpose of kidnappers in a few cases,
enabling them to seize and carry off freemen
j to the chains, and whips, and death of South
ern plantations; but we have not the least
i idea that it will, or can be generally enforced.
Public sentiment is too powerful in the North
for such laws, and it is growing stronger and
I stronger every day, and must soon tower
above them and bear them down, and pro-
claim their violation a virtue, and render the
penalties they impose, to him xvho endures
them, a passport to the sympathies of all the
good and true.
It is not, then, the practical evil that alarms
us; it is not the additional number of slaves
that will he re-captured; but it is the deep
and damning disgrace and guilt that has been
recorded upon the nation’s statute book, the
insult that has been offered Heaven, and the
outrage attempted to be perpetrated upoa
humanity. We believe the law in question
is in direct violation of the law of God, and
he xvlio obeys it, or voluntarily aids in its
execution, is a sinner. We believe it is no
less an outrage upon the Constitution of the
United States; that the slave influence has
perverted the Constitution, and lead Congress,
in this matter, to assume legislative power
which that document does not confer. These
being our honest, anu deliberate views, we can
do no less than to denounce and oppose the
infamous enactment, and this we shall do as
already stated.
Let every Northern man who voted for it,
and all who were not in their seats to vote
against it, be forthwith indicted and arraigned
at the bar of public opinion, and made to
render an account for their evil deeds; and
let the political power and influence of the
President, whose right hand signed the bill,
wither and rot upon the body of his party.
Let every officer, and every attorney, and
every private citizen, who shall attempt to aid
to enforce the law, be looked upon with the
eye of public contempt, until the blush of
shame shall burn upon their cheeks, and let
them and the party to which they may be
long, and that shall put such craven-headed
persons in nomination, be remembered at the
ballot-box, as honest men and patriots should
remember the enemies of God and their
country. Let the cry of Repeal be raised,
let it be heard from Plymouth Rock and from
Bunker’s Hill; let it come as conies the north
eastern storm from the snowy land and wide
spread coast of Maine; let it be heard on
every Rocky cliff’ of New Hampshire, and
from the Green Mountains of Vermont, let
it roll along the shores of the St. Lawrence,
and all the lakes and rivers and canals of
New lork, sweeping westward until it shall
meet with tlie responsive echo coming from
the new empire looming up from the Pacific
shore. Let every man who fears God and
regards the rights of humanity, by all rea
sonable means oppose, resist, and seek the
repeal ol such an infamous statute, as an
indispensable condition of eternal life. Let
the press speak, and especially the religious
press, and let that portion of it that will not
speak be looked upon as cowardly pro-slavery,
and recreant to the claims of God and man.
And let the pulpit speak, and let the ministers
of the sanctuary teach, that opposition to
such laws is obedience to God. We now
declare that it is our purpose so to write and
so to teach, so long as we can hold a pen, or
utter words in the ears of men. If we live
not to see it repealed, we will teach our child
ren to oppose it after we are dead, and en
join it upon them to engrave it upon our
tomb-stone that we lived and died in opposi
tion to the Fugitive Slave Law of eighteen
hundred and fifty.— True Wesleyan.
We care nothing about names—we dream
not of parties ; we speak to every man who
is free, and for Freedom, and say to him: If
you are for resistance, we are with you. Not
physical resistance. We mean not that. Not
a narrow or fanatical resistance. We abjure
that. But a resistance which, based upon
moral considerations, and every feeling of
manliness and pride, will oppose this usurpa
tion by ballot and tongue until it shall be
mastered.
It can be mastered, and if the people have
nerve, they will master it. We desire no
passion : no heaving of the public heart: no
sudden outbreak, to be as suddenly abandon
ed. When men are stirred against wrong,
they are quiet in their resolves. The will,
when deepest set against usurpation, is still.
And then it is that courage, clear in its vision
as to the extent of the difficulties to be over
come, is no brute impulse, but a living prin
ciple of the soul—steady as the die—as rea
dy to peril life as property for the cause.
This resolve and will—this courage growing
out of them, is what we want here, and now:
what we must have; and what, if there be
any grit or life in the North, we will have.
Very soon —in two or three days—we shall
have the official proceedings of Congress,
and, we trust, immediately thereafter, a so
lemn address from the anti-slavery men in
Congress to the people of the country, ex
hibiting what has been done, and calmlv, but
plainly pointing to each freeman the duty he
has to perform.— Cleveland True Democrat.
The Fugitive Slave Bill.— There can
not be a more humiliating circumstance in
the life of a journalist than that which inex
orably compels him to chronicle the disgrace j
of his country. The love of country has ;
always been considered as amongst the lof
tiest of the human sentiments. Amongst the j
ancients it was regarded as amongst the most
sacred. It was so powerful and comprehen
sive that all other loves,.such as the love of
home, friends and kindred, were reckoned
subordinate to it, because it included them
all; and even the heart of the most cosmopo
litan modern stirs within him, till he exclaims
“ this is my own, my native land.”
It has been the aspiration and aim of every
American patriot, since the days of Washing
ton, to exalt his country; to win honors for
himself that he might place them amongst
the glories that encircle the brow of his
fatherland. In their modes of doing so,
American patriots have varied; and many of
them in those modes were, we believe, mis
taken ; but they were all true to their patri
otic instincts; they would have been startled
at the charge of recreancy and dishonor.
We have at last, however, reached a period
in our country’s history when our “ greatest”
men seem only to aim at debasing themselves
and disgracing their country ; when oblivion
of our proceedings as a nation would be a
blessing, when every stroke of the historian’s
pen chronicles an inglorious action.
On Thursday, the l‘2th of September, the
Slave-Catching Bill was passed by a large
majority in the House of Representatives;
one hundred and nine members voted to make
the United States a human hunting ground,
and only seventy-five voted in the negative.
We could despond in view of this disgrace
ful concession to injustice and slavery, did
we not know that the great heart of the
North beats twelve millions of negatives to
such a law. This piece of parchment will
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 10, 1850.
not catch the fugitive; and the official red
tape that binds it will not be able to bind
him. The idea in the North is firmly rooted
that he who is running towards freedom,
ought not to be prevented from doing so.
This act conies into collision with this idea;
we shall see which is stronger. This is a
republic; this is a national sovereignty; and
the members of the legislature must and
shall be taught that they are not law-givers;
they are not an independent despotism; but
the servants, the paid servants of the coun
try, and that they shall not with impunity
defy and insult the moral sense of the com
munity, to whom they are responsible.—Bur
rill’s Christian Citizen.
The Fugitive Slave Bill. —This atro
cious measure has passed Congress by 109
to 75 votes, many of the representatives from
the free States “ dodging” the vote. This
bill constitutes Commissioners, Collectors
and Postmasters judges, and imposes a fine
of SIOOO and six months’ imprisonment for
secreting, harboring or aiding a fugitive slave.
We venture to sav that the measure will
hardly answer the bloody purposes aimed at.
It will, doubtless, excite the fears of our
colored population, as it facilitates the kid
napping of colored persons, free or slave.
Many of the poor colored fugitives, scattered
over the free States, may be forced to take
up the Jong and weary march to Canada, to
escape the human blood-hounds from the
South and the spaniels from the North. We
hope the people of the free States will not
close their hearts against the calls of humani
ty, because the unprincipled demagogues at
Washington have passed this bloody measure.
It a poor, bleeding, weary, panting fugitive
from the South should ask us for a cup of
cold water, a crust of bread, or a shelter
from the pitiless storm, while we have either
we will share it with him. And if any
Southern blood-hound or Northern spaniel
crosses our threshold in search of him, he
will be kicked out as we would serve any
dead dog. —Boston Republican.
The “ Fugitive Slave Bill,” a measure de
servedly offensive and odious to a vast ma
jority ol the people of the free States, has
been passed by the House of Representatives,
and will become a law, if it receives the sig
nature of the President. Words are almost
inadequate to express our mortification and
disappointment at this result. In a House
which the Representatives of the free North
ern States have a large majority, a measure
which plainly tramples in the dust some of
their most sacred rights, a measure which
sets at naught the right guaranteed to every
Northern citizen, of trial by jury, and the
right of habeas corpus, has been passed to be
enacted by thirty-four majority! We have
seldom, if ever, been called upon to record a
more painful, or, in our view, a more unfor
tunate result. It intended as a measure of
conciliation, it will, we believe, most signally
fail of its object. Instead of allaying, it will
excite and create agitation. It is a measure
so utterly in defiance of public opinion that
even its advocates can hardly expect it will
be enforced.— Boston Atlas.
Fugitive Slave Bill, —The bill which
has passed both House of Congress to facili
tate the reclamation of fugitive slaves, has
very little beyond its repulsive title to render i
it obnoxious to the North, beyond the laws j
already existing. The right of trial by jury I
is maintained, and the right of a man,*black i
or white, to liberty, is recognized, until it is !
proved that he has no such right. We look j
upon the bill as a kind of peace offering to ;
the South, and not as a law which will be apt |
to mend a single broken fetter, or bind up a j
single one of those “bleeding wounds”!
which the South, in the imagination of her
Quixotic members of Congress, has been
agonizing under, more or less, since “ the
memory of the oldest inhabitant.” It is al
most wrong to say that, under a government
of laws, made by the people, through their
Representatives, and impressed with all the
solemnity of each sovereignty, any enact
met can be a dead letter upon the statute
book, and yet, as every body knows, there are
such dead laws, and probably always will be,
until human nature meets with some radical
change for better or for worse ; for better, in
that the people of every section may feel it j
a duty to adhere to salutary legal restraints,
or for worse, in that they shall abrogate all
law except the great scoundrelly law of the
strongest. There is a good deal of consola
tion, however, when we say that the slave
catching law will prove inoperative, in the
reflection that its violation will be caused,
not by a rascally public sentiment, but by the !
intrinsic wrong of the institution which has
made such a law necessary or expedient, or
indispensable under the constitution. The
more the law is violated, or rather the less it
is heeded, the brighter will the better impul
ses of human nature shine forth. All the
laws that have been, or can be enacted —all
the codes for catching slaves that pave the
road from Madawaska to Corpus Christi—
will not induce a Northern man with North
ern feelings to assist in returning such fugi
tives to their master, unless absolutely com
pelled so to do by official position. The
whole feeling of the North is, that “if a man
is running for his liberty, let him run!” and,
if need be, help him on his way. And if
there are cases where exceptions to this feel
ing may be found, it will always, also, be
, found that pecuniary motives are at the bot-
I tom of it. How manj- Northern people may
be bribed to become slave-catchers, we can
not say, and would not willingly say it, if
we could; but a willing slave-catcher—a dis
interested slave-catcher—a slave-catcher from
principle—there are none at the North; or
as the blue-nose recently said of his sound
: potatoes; not one. — Boston Daily Mail.
But, after all, suppose the bill to be ever so
; stringent, do the slaveholders suppose that
j the Northern people will facilitate the capture
of their fugitives more than heretofore ? We
imagine they are greatly mistaken, if they
think the people of New England will enter
i upon the laudable business of slave catching
| with increased alacrity on account of the
passage of this bill. We believe Commis
: sioners before whom fugitive slaves are to be
brought, are to be appointed throughout the
free States. The office will hardly be accept
ed by a decent man, and whoever takes it
will bring upon himself the contempt of the
community. It seldom happens that a fugi
tive slave is claimed in New England, but
whenever such a claim shall be made, we
, shall test the stuff that the new law is made
oL—Ncw Bedford. Mercury %
The people of the North will not submit
tamely and quietly to the increase of the slave
representation on the floor of Congress.
That disgraceful inequality is sufficiently
great already. It must not be extended. It
shall not be. The corrupt party tricksters,
who flatter themselves, that the disgraceful
bargain which they have made, will be quietly
acquiesced in by the people, will find that
they have been “reckoning without their
hosts.” “No more slave States,” is a senti
ment of the people of the North, out of which
they cannot be frightened by empty bravado,
and which they will not barter away for the
sake of the spoils of office.
The territory which has been wrested from
New Mexico, will, doubtless, in a few years,
be erected into one or more separate States,
which will present themselves for admission
into the Union. The application of New
Mexico to be admitted as a State has been
laid upon the table, most unquestionably be
cause she had declared for freedom in her
Constitution. The hope and belief of the
slaveholders are that they shall lie able yet to
get a foothold in that Territory, and secure
the adoption of a constitution tolerating
slavery. They have the same hope in regard
to Utah; and they are justified in this hope
by the fact, that the Mormon constitution,
adopted last fall, did permit slavery. Sooner
or later, these several States will present
themselves for admission into the Union;
and then, if either of them tolerate slavery,
the contest, which has consumed so much of
the time of the present Congress, will have
to be,.must be, removed. The corrupt menials
of the slave power, who have assisted in con
summating the present disgraceful arrange
ment, will find that their “ bargain” is repu
diated—that the question is not settled—that
the voice of justice and humanity is not stifled
—that freedom will assert and maintain her
own, “at all hazards, and to the last ex
tremify.”
The very next Congress will, in all proba
bility, witness the renewal of this struggle.
The application of New Mexico for admis
sion into the Union as a free State is now
upon the table in Congress. Her population
is sufficient for such a government; her or
ganization is complete; her Senators and
Representatives will present themselves and
demand their seats. This demand will he re
sisted by the slaveocracy, and supported by
the friends of justice. No effort will be spar
ed, is not now spared, to disparage and un
derrate the capacity of the people of New
Mexico for self-government. Already have
the pens of the slave toadies been employed
in circulating false and malicious reports to
effect this object. But the character and
capacity of the people of New Mexico will
lie found to sustain her right to the free self
government which she has established, and
her right to exclude from her limits that curse
of curses, human slavery.
The renewal of the struggle would have
been obviated, had Congress, in the bill to
establish her Territorial Government, follow
the Jeffersonian example of declaring that
“slavery or involuntary servitude, except for
the punishment of crimes, should never exist
within the territory.”
But not only have they left undone those
things calculated to quiet the agitation of the
country, but they have done that which is
calculated to give increased force to that
agitation.
The bill to tax the people of the free States
ten millions of dollars for the benefit of
slaveholding Texas, and the bill to compel
the people of the North to become the slave
ry watch-dogs of the people of the South,
are foul blots upon tlie statute books, which
must be erased. They are laws too deeply
humiliating and oppressive to each individual
freeman of the North to lie borne, unless, in
deed, they are prepared to become the most
abject of slaves.
The cry of “Repeal, Repeal,” will be
raised in the North, and will be joined in by
every freeman. These laws must be repeal
ed, if possible— expunged from the statute
hook. They are a disgrace to the age and to
the country; and tlie men of the North who
have assisted in their passage, have done a
deed which covers them with an infamy which
no time or no cosmetic will ever be able to
wash out—a deed which will consign them to
an obscurity from which the hand of political
resurrection will be unable to drag them—
which will place their names with those of
Judas and Arnold, and damn them to a fame
of eternal contempt.
Freemen of the North ! you whose better
feelings are not blunted and stiffed by a lust of
office and a craving for spoils—who dare to
sympathize with the oppressed—to desire
freedom for man—to hope for the spread of
justice and humanity—to pray for the univer
sal predominance of Christianity, and the
practice of those principles of justice and
mercy which distinguish your religious faith;
it is for you to say whether the bargain re
cently made between your representatives
and the “ oppressors of the immortal race of
man,” shall stand ns your decision, or wheth
er it shall be repudiated. Will you submit
to he taxed for the support of an institution
which you detest; to be fined and imprison
ed for sympathizing with a fellow-man who
seeks to escape from chains and slavery;
and to the increase of States from which the
school-book and the Bible, the teacher and
the minister, are excluded. These are the
questions which address themselves to you,
individually and collectively, which you can
j not evade, which you must answer, and which
! you will answer at the very next election.
Will you answer like freemen and Christians,
or like slaves and hypocrites? —Peninsular
Freeman.
W ORTH Telling Again. —When Nicho
las Biddle—familiarly called Nick Biddle—
was connected with the U. S. Bank, there
was an old negro named Harry who used to
be loafing around the premises. One day, in
social mood, Biddle said to the darkey—
“Well, what is your name, my old friend ?”
“Harrv, sir—ole Harry, sir,” said the oth
er, touching his sleepy hat.
“Old Harry!” said Biddle, “why that is
the name that they gave to the devil, is it not?”
“Yes, sir,” said the colored gentleman,
“sometime ole Harry and sometime ole
Nick.”
A cow in Wyoming co., Penn., made a Sam
Patch leap off a precipice, one hundred and
thirty feet high, into the water below. She then
swam to the shore, and was rescued unhar
med.
The Missouri Restriction.
Vote of 1820.—1n the late debate in the
United States Senate, repeated references
were made to the sectional character of the
vote in Congress, on the adoption of the
Missouri Compromise, in 1820. Senators, on
both sides, quoted from memory, and made
great mistakes; none of them appear to have
looked with any attention into that part of
the history of the transaction. We have had
the curiosity to hunt up the list of yeas and
nays on the critical divisions, and our readers
may be interested in an analysis of the vote.
The controversy, it will be remembered,
did not arise on the question of admitting the
State of Missouri in the Union, but on the
preliminary bill authorizing the inhabitants
of the territory to form a constitution and
State Government. To that bill an amend
ment was moved in the House of Represen
tatives, in the nature of a mandate to the
new State, that it should, in its constitution,
“ ordain and establish that there should be
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in
the new State, otherwise than in the punish
ment of crime, whereof the party shall have
been duly convictedwhich are the terms
of the North-western ordinance of 1787.
The chief champions of the restriction were
Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, and
Mr. John Sargeant, of Pennsylvania, in the
House of Representatives, and Mr. Rufus
King, of New York, in the Senate. After a
stormy debate, which convulsed the whole
country, and a multitude of amendments and
propositions which failed, the House of Rep
resentatives passed the proposed restriction,
and sent the bill containing it to the Senate.
The Senate had discussed the same question
contemporaneous!}’, and there, too, numerous
attempts at compromise had been tried un
availingly. Among them was one, to settle
the question by removing all restrictions from
the Missouri bill—relinquishing all attempts
to restrict States, and dividing the territories
of the United States at 36-30, prohibiting the
existence of the line.
All the territories south of that line were
then de facto slaveholding, and declining to
legislate was equivalent to an agreement that
slavery should never be disturbed there.
This, though it failed several times, is what
afterwards passed, and is now known as the
Missouri Compromise. The author of the
proposition was Jesse B. Thomas, a Senator
from the State of Illinois. Mr. Clay is gen
erally reputed to be the author, and it is diffi
cult to alter that impression in the popular
mind. But Mr. Clay has repeatedly dis
claimed it, and assigned to it the true source.
Mr. Clay supported it most strongly by his
influence and oratory in the lower House, but
it failed there, and first succeeded in the Sen
ate. Mr. Clay’s power of leadership in the
work of pacification were most conspicuous
in the next Congress, on another controversy,
arising out of the Missouri case, which at
that time threatened very dangerous conse
quences. Missouri presented herself to Con
gress with a constitution which directed the
State Legislature to pass laws excluding free
negroes and mulattocs from the State. There
was an attempt to keep her out of the Union,
unless she altered this part of her constitu
tion ; which the free State members constru
ed as an interference with the right of citi
zenship under the constitution. It was on
this distracting question that Mr. Clay ob
tained the appointment of his compromise
committee, and reported from that an amend
ment which was so ingeniously worded as to
save the point of pride with both parties,
and leave the details of the question with the
Judiciary.
The restrictive amendment to the bill of
1830 was, as we have stated, passed in the
House, and sent to the Senate. In that body
the successful effort was made to free Mis
souri entirely from restriction, and to adopt
the line of division of 36-30, for the territory.
Mr. Barber, of Virginia—March 2, 1820—
moved to strike out the whole proviso, re
quiring the State to interdict slavery; it was
carried—yeas 27, nays 15, as follows :
Yeas —Messrs. Parrott of New Hampshire,
Hunter of Rhode Island, Lanman of Con
necticut, Thomas and Edwards of Illinois,
Barbour of Virginia, Brown of Louisiana,
Eaton of Tennessee, Elliot of Georgia, Gil
lian! of South Carolina, Horsey of Delaware,
Johnson of Kentucky, Johnson of Louisiana,
King of Alabama, Lloyd of Maryland, Lo
gan of Kentucky, Leake of Mississippi, Ma
con of North Carolina, Pinkney of Mary
land, Pleasants of Virginia, Smith of South
Carolina, Stokes of North Carolina, Van
Dyke of Delaware, Walker of Alabama,
Walker of Georgia, Williams of Mississippi,
Williams of Tennessee—27.
Nays —Messrs. Burrill of Rhode Island,
Morrill of New Hampshire, Otis and Mellen
of Massachusetts, Dana of Connecticut, King
and Sanford of New York, Dickerson and
Wilson of New Jersey, Lowrie and Roberts
of Pennsylvania, Ruggles and Trimble of
Ohio, Noble and Taylor of Indiana—ls.
Absent. —Tichenor and Pahnen, of Ver
mont.
It will be seen that this was a sectional
vote with the exception that five Senators
from free States voted for striking out the re
striction. There were Parrott of New Hamp
shire, Lanman of Connecticut, Hunter of
Rhode Island, the two Illinois Senators,
Thomas and Edwards. The Union, then,
consisted of twenty-two States, and they
were equally divided into slaveholding and
non-slaveholcling States.
After striking out the restriction in the
Senate, the compromise proviso, as to the
territories, was adopted without division, and
the bill was returned to the House for con
currence.
On the same day the House considered
these amendments and adopted them both.
The first, striking out the restriction on the
Missouri, was concurred in by a very close
vote —yeas 90, nays 87—majority 3. We
have no room for a full list of the yeas and
nays. The point of interest is the sectional
character of the vote, and the names of the
persons who decided the question by voting
with the South. The whole number of Rep
; resentatives from the Southern States voted
i for concurrence, with fourteen members from
! non-slaveholding States. These were Mason,
! Hill, Shaw and Holmes, of Massachusetts ;
Foot and Stevens of Connecticut; Eddy of
Rhode Island; Bloomfield, Kinsey and Smith
of New Jersey; Meigs and Storrs of New
York; Baldwin and Fullerton of Pennsyl
vania. With these exceptions, every vote
from a free State was cast against concurring,
i of which the effect would have been to re
tain the prohibition of slavery in the State of
Missouri.
The closeness of the vote may be further
judged by the fact, that there were eight ab
sentees, of whom five were estimated to be
against concurring, and three for it. The
actual majority in a full house, against im
posing, by act of Congress, restriction upon
the admission of slavery into the State, Was
only one, excluding the speaker, Mr. Clay,
who was not entitled to vote.
After the restriction was expunged, the
Missouri Compromise line was adopted by a
large majority, 134 to 42. Thirty-seven
Southern men who had voted to strike out
the restriction, voted against inserting the
compromise proviso. For Southern ieo (a
majority) voted with the North to impose the
territorial restriction north of 36-30. Only
five Northern members voted in the nega
tive.—Picayune.
[From the Afussissippian.]
The Course of the North—The Future.
We have long been attempting to convince
our friends at the South of the bitter and un
relenting hostility of the North to the institu
tion ol slavery. It has been successfully at
tacked as a political institution, by the recent
acts of Congress excluding it from all the
territory acquired from Mexico, and to be ac
quired from Texas. The next step will be to
exclude it from the District of Columbia,
then to abolish the slave trade as between the
States, next to amend the constitution
changing the three-fifths basts of representa
tion, and finally to abolish it in the States,
and by “calling out the militia,” on Mr. Fill
more’s plan, whip all opposition into submis
sion. This is the consummation of the
scheme now being carried out, and which we
prophesy will be completed in less than ten
years. Let Oregon, Minesota Nebraska,
New Mexico, Utah and one new State to be
carved out of California on the Pacific, with
the large State about to be wrested by bri
bery from Texas, be admitted into the Union,
(and they will all be knocking at the doors of
Congress for admission in two or three years
more,) and the free States will then have the
constitutional majority, with power to change
the constitution at pleasure, and to vote the
supplies necessary to carry on the war upon
the South, should she dare to resist. This
will all be bad enough, especially ss the
South will then be powerless to resist, and
could the evil only fall upon the heads of
those in the South, who have, by their course,
invited and cheered on the North in her first
steps in these series of aggressions on the
South, then it would be but a just retribution.
But it must and will fall alike upon alb as
well upon those who would have saved the
country by showing a bold and united resis
tance to the acts of the majority in Congress,
as upon those who have cried out for the
Union, at the expense of the constitution..
But the difficulty between the North’ and
the South is not strictly a political one,, it is
becoming a social evil, and efforts are now
making at the North, (not to disgrace every
slaveholder, for that has been done long ago,)
but to put down all distinctions in races, to
place the negro, in every sense, upon an
equality with the white man, to introduce the
black rascals into the society of white ladies,
to give them seats in their pews, places at
their tables, and, in all respects, to put them
upon terms of social equality. We are in
the habit here of laughing at these things as
being confined to a set of crazy fanatics. So
we were at Abolitionism, Free-soilism and
Fourierism, when they first started into being,
but they have become substantial realities,
having already acquired an importance of the
most ominous character. We give below a
couple of extracts from the New York Tri
bune of the 11th, which is a paper most ex
tensively read and patronized by the whigs of
the South, (and it is only one out of a thou
sand such articles that disgrace its columns,)
which will give our readers some insight into
the way in which wo are viewed by the Edi
tors, and, of course, their supporters at the
North. Let our submission friends ponder
well upon these things, and in them they vrill
see “the beginning and the end.” We make
no appeal to their patriotism, hut henceforth
will rely upon their fears, to prompt them to
stand up in defence of the South.
NO. 41.
The day is close at hand, (mark the pre
diction,) when a man going from this coun
try to the North will only find a passport in
to good society there, and be recognized by
that class who call themselves gentlemen, by
the declaration that he is not only not a slave
owner, but that he permits the black man to
eat at his table, and to become the compan
ion of his wife and daughters.
In one of Mr. Greeley’s up town rambles, a
negro woman applied for admission into the
omnibus and was rejected, (which, as the
weather was very hot, we think exhibited a
very commendable degree of regard for tlio
comfort of the passengers, particularly those
who were not blessed with smelling bottles,)
upon which the editor comments as follows :
“Who drove that helpless woman back up
on the side-walk, in an agony of chagrin and
mortification ?
“Not the conductor—he was but the pas
sive instrument of others—not the Company
—they would have been willing enough to
pocket her six-pence, if the public would
have permitted it. But a base and wicked
popular prejudice, the offspring of slavery,
fostered and stimulated for selfish ends by a
deluding and counterfeit party Domoeracy,
countenanced and upheld by our empty and
cowardly fashionable Christianity, with ne
gro pews in its churches, and negro quarters
at its communion tables—these are the real
culprits who subjected that unoffending wo
man to insult and ignominy in a street of this
Christian Republican metropolis.
“Must this class of outrages be perpetua
ted?
“We think not. Nay”, we trust they are
already outgrown. True, the negro pews are
still maintained in most of our churches, es
pecially the most costly and stylish, and the
Negro phobia is studiously fomented by our
swindling Democracy, so that if a dozen black
men should venture into a Democratic City
Meeting to listen to the eloquence there pour
ed forth in glorification of human freedom
and equality, they would be kicked down
stairs in short order—yet still, we believe pub
lic sentiment is fast outgrowing the Pagan
ism of the Church and the aristocracy of De
mocracy. We believe our railroads and sta
ges might now resolve to carry neat, decent
ly dressed black and copper-colored persons
the same as white ones, without any material
damage to their interests—that they would
hardly lose more passengers than they would
gain by so doing, and that after a year or so
they would lose none at all. Africans are
carried now the same as whites throughout
the greater part of New England, though
twenty years ago trie mean prejudice of caste
and color was as rank and brutal there as it
now is here. And if the railroads and stages
should once get christianized in this respect,
there would be hope that the churches might
in time be shamed into following the exam
ple. As to what vaunts itself ‘Democracy,’
that is more incorrigible, but it, too, will kuuc-