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klc to a purified public sentiment. Only let
it bo understood that more votes can be ob
tained by Negrophilism than by Negropho
bia, and Fred. Douglass will be called to ad
dress a Ratifying Convention in Tammany
Hall, with two or three of Afric’s sablest
sons for Vice Presidents.”
The next is in reference to the bill to abol
ish the slave trade in the District of Colum
bia, in which, the editor seeks to “do up”
Senators Foote and Downs. This was very
unkind and very ungrateful on his part to say
the least of it:
“Mr. Foote makes up, however, in protes
tations of his ardent desire to see the slave
pens at Washington broken up, for want of
any positive provision in his substitute for the
bill to effect that object. Indeed, his bill does
not propose to enact directly any of the nu
merous provisions which it relates to, but to
confer power upon corporate authorities of
the District to do so ; and thus he enters into
an elaborate argument to prove that by impli
cation from the powers granted, they would
be authorized to suppress the Slaves pens of
Washington, while by the insertion of two
additional words the whole tiling would be
put beyond a doubt. O! the devious ways
into which men are driven bv the resolute de
termination to maintain an institution which
the very atmosphere they breathe compels
them to feel is out of harmony with the age
in which they live.
“ ‘Persons held to labor,’ ‘two-thirds of all
other persons,’ ‘the peculiar institution,’ ‘our
excellent system of domestic labor,’ ‘ingress
and egress,’ (for the traffic in human cattle,)
and other similar euphemisms and rotundities
of language, are only so many apologies made
by slavery for the fact of its existence. Sla
very is not, after all, half so guilty on account
its hideousness at it is, in this country and in
this age, for being out of place. It commits
the sin of incongruity with other things
which have the right to take the place of it.
No institution ever yet blushed and tried to
hide itself under euphemisms and the rotundi
ties of language on account of its intrinsical
ly infernal character, but only because, for
sooth, it finds itself in better company. The
Inquisition, the Rack and the Thumb screw
were very reputable instrumentalities in their
days and didn’t think it worth while to be
anything else than what they were—the sim
ple machinery of torture; but the time came
when they grew vulgar and went out of fash
ion, and then they either went out of exis
tence or hid themselves under the euphem
isms and rotundities of language or other
wise. Then the hangman’s noose, ‘the si
lent system of prison discipline,’ and various
other modern improvements and fashionable
practices came in and are having their run.
Now the simple fault with slavery is that it is
getting a little passe, unfashionable, not adap
ted to good society.
“Hence it can’t hold up its head and tell
its name as it ‘used to could.’ It is perfect
ly orthodox and genteel to wring from the
sweat and tears of starving seamstresses and
famished children an overgrown fortune, and
build a palace up-town through the means and
appliances of a corrupt commercial system,
false principle as ‘the foundations of hell,’
because the machinery of oppression employ
ed is purely intellectual and abstract. It is
getting unfashionable to strip bare the back
of a shrinking woman, and flog her alive, to
force a little more work out of her. Let the
wealthy planter whistle as much as he will to
keep his courage up in these abolition times,
and call to mind the traditionary responsibili
ty of his family, as proof of his position in the
world, the fact is, the world has voted his oc
cupation a vulgar one. The venerable lady
who stood in loco parentis to ‘Leetle Paul’
Clifford, understood the spirit of the age bet
tor than Calhoun, Rhett, Chesnut or Foote.
‘Leetle Paul/ said she, ‘if you want what is
another’s try to do without it; but if you can’t
do without it take it by insinuation—not
bluster.’ That short sermon embodies the
whole difference between the commercial sys
tem of the whole civilized world, based on
the doctrine that ‘value is the limit of
price / or ‘a thing is worth what it will bring,’
and chattle slavery. One is insinuation, the
other is bluster. Bluster doesn’t now-a-davs
become a gentleman. Flogging is voted vul
gar, besides in a hot climate it is laborious,
and hard labor is not exactly tho thing for
gentility.
“All this I have said merely to show you why
it is that Mr. Foote, who wishes to break up
tho slave pens and tho slave traffic at Wash
ington, talks about the “ingress and egress”
of peoplo of color. Slavery is out of place
in this age. It feels the fact, and therefore it
cannot hold up its head and tell its name as
it ‘used to could.’
“Mr. Footo gavo a reason why the slave
pens ought to be abolished, that they bring
discredit upon ‘Cur excellent system of do
mestic labor.’ Mr. Downs, who lives one de
gree further south, and has not spent a whole
season at Washington, and consequently does
not keep up so well with the world, does not see
the force of that remark, lie does not seem
to know that slavery is decidedly vulgar, that
physical force is unpopular, that intellectual
machinery has been invented, which, without
so much as soiling your fingers, will suck the
marrow out of a man’s bones just effectually
as you can ‘fry it out’ over a slow fire. He
blurted out, therefore, in the face of the
whole world, that every country jail through
out the Southern States is precisely the same
thing as the Washington slaves pens for
which Mr. Foote had expressed such horror,
and for which by implication he seemed to
say he had such utter detestation, that he
would not even mention them in his bill,
though he meant them, and nothing else, all
the time.
“Every Southern jail, said Mr. Downs, ha
bitually receive the slaves of any master with
out warrant or any other authority than
mere expression of the wish of the master,
and detains diem in custody until they are
called for. This, he added, is one of the ne
cessary incidents of tho institution of slave
ry, without which it could not exist, and the
destruction of which would be the abolition
of slavery itself.
“Mr. Foote thought the practice did not ex
tend to the case of slave traders, who, if you
understand slaveholding ethics, you are aware
are the escape goats in all slaveholding coun
tries—upon whose horns are hung the sins of
the whole people.”
New Pcreication. —“ Have you,” said an
inquiring minded and slightly worldly gen
tleman, recently, to an “evangelical book
seller” in Broadway, “ have you Christ’s ser
mon on the Mount /” Christ’s Sermon on the
Mount!” exclaimed the bookseller, with not
a little surprise. “ Yes,” said the other, “it
was mentioned yesterday in a very charm
ing discourse at our church, as an admirable
thing; but, perhaps, it isn’t out yet!”
Mullony says, he was never hard up for an
hundred dollars but once, and then the lender
wanted ten per cent, a month, and the privi
lege of paying him half the loan in green
cotton umbrellas.
SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 10, 1850.
The Nomination.
Our friends in the Country will
bear in mind that it is expected
that each Captain’s District in the
County will, on SATURDAY, the
12th inst., appoint Two Delegates,
who will meet in this City on Tues
day, the 15th inst., for the purpose
of nominating Four Candidates to
represent the Southern Rights 3len
of Muscogee in the approaching
Convention.
To Correspondents.—“lC.’’ was received too late
for to-day's paper. It will appear in our next. Our
correspondent will perceive that we had already no
ticed the subject of his communication.
New Daily in Charleston, S. C.—We have
received several numbers of anew daily paper, pub
lished in Charleston, called The Sun. It is a small
and handsomely printed sheet, and, better than all,
ably conducted by sterling Southern men. Price
only $1 per annum.
The Fugitive Slave Bill.
We publish in to-day’s paper numerous extracts
from different journals at the North, indicating the
tone of public sentiment there on the fugitive slave bill
which has recently passed Congress. This measure
has been claimed by Southern men as a triumph of
the spirit of justice, and is hailed by our submission
presses as an evidence of a disposition, on the part
of our Northern brethren , to abide by the compro
mises of the constitution. In truth, it is the only
one of the healing measures which Congress has
passed, that at all looks like justice to the South, and
it is wise policy with those who exhort the South to
surrender, to make as loud a noise as possible about
its glorious provisions, in order to divert public at
tention, as well as they can, from the hideous deformi
t:es of its fellow passengers in the Omnibus. But
we trust tlic South is not to be gulled by appearances.
No law can exist in this country without the sanc
tion of public sentiment. The mere forms of legis
lation cannot invest tlia action of Congress with ef
fective authority, nor can the officers appointed for
the execution of such laws, enforce them in opposi
tion to decided popular will.
Os what value to the South is the law just passed
for tlic recovery of her stolen property when tested
by these truths? The almost united voice of the
North is heard in condemnation, deep and bitter, of
those representatives who were so fool-hardy as to
vote in favor of the bill. They now threaten their
denunciations, not only against those representa
tives, but against any man who ahall accept the
post of commissioner for the execution of its pro
visions. They declare that they will more than ev
er discountenance and defeat the efforts of Southern
ers in pursuit of their refugee slaves. Such a law, in
the face of such facts, is a dead letter upon the statute
book, and he who takes it as an atonement for the
numerous wrongs which have been inflicted upon
the South, must be hard pressed, indeed, for a pretext
with which to screen his cowardice or his treachery.
The Settlement.
llow perfectly infatuated are those men at the
South who expect peace to ensue from the settlement
of the questions before the last session of Congress.
Already has the cry of repeal been raised in every
free State. At the very next Congressional (.lection
throughout the North, the test will be made, and
we venture the assertion that not one member will
be returned from New England, New York or Ohio,
who does not pledge himself to vote for a repeal of
the fugitive slave bill. But they stop not here.—
The Wilmot Proviso is to be revived, and slavery is
to be forever prohibited in every Territory of the
Union. Not content with the proviso which, as Mr.
Webster says, the God of nature has made, they
must render the outrage doubly sure, the insult
doubly deep. Nor is this all. Slavery is to follow
the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and in
the very next Congress abolition then will have accom
plished its boasts. And yet the questionsare settled;
peace is restored ; the Union is saved, and the honor
of the South is satisfied. The very men who now
seek to quiet our apprehensions by these assurances,
will exhort us to peace when abolition stalks into
our very bombs. Then as now, they will see no
grievances to redress, no inroads to repel. Then as
now, the faithful sentinels of our rights, will be de
nounced as agitators, disunionists, fire-eaters. We
ask Southern men, do they honestly believe that the
slavery question is settled ? Do they think we shall
have no more agitation? Do they hope that the
South will be called on to make no more concessions ?
If we believed so, wo should immediately close our
lips on this subject. Heaven knows wo would not
wontonly destroy this government, and if we could
imagine, as some men say they do, that wc are no
longer in danger from the attacks of Northern fa
natics, we would to-morrow help to swell the cry of
Union. But we believe no such thing. We know
this question is not settled, and we know it never
will be settled until slavery throughout tho South is
abolished, or the Southern and Northern States form
separate confederacies. And this is what we mean
when we say that the true issue before the country is
disunion or abolition. We do not say that either will
come this year, or the next, or in a dozen years, but
that one or the other must and will come at no dis
tant day, sensible men will not deny. It is only a
question of time. That wc must meet and deter
mine this issue, at some time, is inevitable. The
question is, shall we meet it now or postpone it ? To
the answer we shall invite the attention of our read
ers at another time.
The Slave Trade in the District.
W e fear the people es the South have not proper
ly estimated the importance of the measure which has
just become a law under the title of a bill to suppress
the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The
fact that Georgia and other Southern States have had
laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves within their
limits for the purpose of sale, may have blinded us
to the real consequence of the provisions of a similar
law passed by Congress for the District. The au
thority to enact such laws in the State Legislatures
and in Congress, rests upon totally different gronnds.
The State Legislatures are the representatives of the
sovereignty of the people, and may constitutionally
pass any law, which, in the exercise of a sound dis
cretion, they think the good of the State demands.
The Congress of the United Slates on the other hand,
is but the embodiment of certain delegated powers,
and can only enact such laws as come within the
range of those powers. Thus, if the Legislature of
Georgia deemed it best for the interests of the State
that the importation of slaves for the purpose of sale
should be prohibited, it clearly had the right to do
so. On the other hand, when a similar question is
raised in Congress, that body must first consult the
terms of the constitution, and if it finds there no au
thority to enact such a law, its power is at an end;
it can pass no law on the subject. The truth of this
position will not be questioned, and now let us inquire
under what clause of the constitution Congress de
rives authority to legislate as it has on this point?
\\ e are pointed to the clause giving to that budy the
power of exclusive legislation for the District. What
is the plain import of this grant ? Are we to under
stand front it, that Congress has power to make all
laws which it may sec fit for the District ? Or does
it not mean that no other legislative body shall have
power to make laws for the District ? Plainly the
latter. While Congress, therefore, has exclusive ju
risdiction. it has not omnipotent authority in the Dis
trict. It can not establish a monarchy there ; it can
not establish a religion, or prohibit the freedom of the
press. But why not ? The answer is apparent, be
cause in so doing it would violate the spirit of the
Union. These are subjects on which Congress can
not legislate, and it is exactly so w hh the subject
of slavery. If Congress lias power to prohibit the
slave trade, it unquestionably has power to abolish
slavery.
But this measure involves not only n disregard of
the spirit of the constitution, but it contains under a
fraudulent cover, the seeds of a most dangerous usur
pation. Mark well the terms of that law, and it will
bo found to be not merely a bill to suppress the slave j
trade, but also to manumit slaves, in the District of j
Columbia. It provides that any negro brought into
the District for sale shall be immediately declared
free, as a penalty to the owner. In all similar laws in
the States, the penalty is either a fine or imprison
ment, and when this measure was before the Senate,
it was moved to amend it by striking out the clause
which liberated the slave and substituting therefor a
penalty of a fine or imprisonment. This amendment
was voted down, clearly indicating on the part of
Senators a determination, not merely to suppress the
trade, (for the penalty proposed would have effected
that object,) but to do something mole. By the op
eration of this law, therefore, slaves are turned into
freemen, and that by the act of Congress. The right
to change the condition of slaves is therefore clearly
admitted. But it is answered, this is only as a pen
alty. Can the purpose for which it is done ulfect
the power to do a thing ? If Congress can set all ne
groes free who are brought into the District for sale,
can it not equally set all those free who are brought
there for use ? The objection is a ridiculous one, and
the truth is apparent, that those who voted in favor
of this bill, not only voted to suppress the slave trade,
but absolutely conceded to Congress, the power to
abolish slavery itself. And it is thus the rights of the
South are invaded ; not by open and direct attacks,
butsilently and insidiously. We have to encounter a
foe who has neither the courage nor the honesty to as
sail us openly, whose game is fraud, and whose pow
er is deceit.
Our last Legislature by a majority unusually large,
passed a bill authorizing our Governor to summon a
convention of the people of the State, upon the hap
pening of certain events. One of those contingen
cies, the admission of California, has already trans
pired, and Gov. Towns has already issued his pro
clamation ordering an election on the 25th day of
November next. Now, what does this mean? Our
legislators intended, and the world so understood
them, that the State of Georgia would hold the
passage of any one of the measures contemplated, an
outrage upon the rights of her people, and the con
vention was ordered for the purpose of maintaining
those rights. We are committed, then, in the face of
friends and enemies to this declaration, and we now
stand where we must either resist an acknowledged
wrong, or quietly back out from our position. It is
too late now to talk about honorable acquiescence.
Mr. Toombs or Judge Wellborn may be so blind to
our rights as not to see how they are outraged by
any tiling Congress has done, but our Legislature
thought differently, and it lias proclaimed to the
world that the admission of California would inflict
an injury upon the rights of the South, and a stain
upon her honor. Now, who is authorized to represent
Georgia, these gentlemen or the Legislature ? Which
will the people believe ? The matter rests with you,
Georgians ; you may either vindicate your State, or
you may subject her to the ignominy of having cow
ardly retracted her solemnly made declaration.
Mississippi.
It will be seen that Gov. Quitman lias convened
an extra session of the State Legislature for the pur
pose of considering the present relations between the
South and the General Government. The session is
to commence on the 18th of November next. Would
that every Southern State had a Quitman at its head,
and every executive a constituency such as Quitman
lias. We should then hear no more taunts from the
North ; we should be troubled with no more traitors
at homo. Gov. Quitman is a gallant man, noble,
high-minded, keenly alive to the wrongs of the South,
and fearlessly determined upon maintaining her
rights. And the people of Mississippi are worthy
of their Chief Magistrate. Their sons and brothers
contributed more than the men of any other State to
the brilliant achievements of the late war, and they
will not be robbed of all the hard-earned fruits of
tlieir victories. If Georgia should lead in resistance
to Northern wrong, Mississippi will be by her side;
should Mississippi move first, Georgia will be ready
to second her.
Bishop Andrew.
This venerable divine, for whose character as a
Christian gentleman, and whose opinions as a theo
logian, we claim to entertain unsurpassed respect, has
addressed to the Southern Christian Advocate, a let
ter on the subject of Southern Independence. The
Columbus Enquirer has transferred it to its columns
and heralds it to its readers as an evidence of the
sympathy of the great and good man whose name is
affixed to it. We can better imagine than describe
the mortification which Bishop Andrew must feel
should he know that his opinions had been quoted as
authority for shameless submission to wrong. That
he is opposed to secession, except as a dernier re
sort, his letter very clearly indicates, but it with
equal distinctness declares his conviction of the ne
cessity for redress of some sort for the wrongs which
have been inflicted upon the South. Mark his words :
At any rate, let us resolve, as Southern men, to
proceed calmly, deliberately, justly, patiently, in
our resistance, to what we deem the unjust aggres
sion of our Northern brethren. Let us exhaust ev
ery other argument, and try every other means of
redress before we indulge for a moment the idea
of dissolving the union of these States ; and when
this catastrophe comes, if come it must, let it find
us at the last ditch, having tried every peaceable
REMEDY, READY WITH ARM AND HEART TO DEFEND
OURSELVES.
It seems that the Bishop thinks the South has
some grievances; some cause of complaint; and
should demand some kind of redress. But what
says the Enquirer ? Mr. Toombs thinks we have no
wrongs to remedy, and of course the Enquirer
thinks so too. Our neighbor’s authority then proves
too much for his side of the question. There are
many Southern Rights men in Georgia who agree
exactly with this view of the case. They see that
the rights of the South have been outraged, and like
true hearted Southerners they would demand re
dress. As to the mode and measure of that re
dress, wc differ, and hence the necessity for a con
vention of the people ; not to determine whether we
shall resist at all, but to agree upon the time, the
manner, and the extent of that resistance.
But Bishop Andrew does not stop with a barren
declaration that we have been wronged and should
seek redress :i he goes on to point out the mode
of that redress. He is for a species of non intercourse.
He has not yet spoken of commercial non-inter
eoursc, but the recommendation which he makes in
volves the identical principle contended for by those
who favor this idea. He advises that Southern men
should keep their children at the South for purposes
of education; that they should employ none but
Southern teachers ; use Southern text books, and
patronize Southern newspapers and periodicals. And
what is this but non-intercourse ? What is it but
the first step in a series of measures looking to the j
ultimate and complete alienation of the North aud
South? Now, there are some men who may fancy a \
Union in which the parties have nothing to do with \
each other, and the Bishop may be one of that class,
but we confess that when the time comes when all
community of sentiment and feeling and trade shall
cease between the two sections, we are unable to see !
an} - very good reasons frr preserving the Union. We 1
will not quarrel, however, with any of our friends
about the manner in which we are to resist “the un
just aggressions of our Northern brethren.” Resist
ance of some kind is what we ask, and we promise
to be content with any mode which the people of
Georgia may adopt.
The Enquirer goes on, however, to connect with
this letter some very sage and feeling remarks about
the causes which led to the separation of the Meth
odist church, and concludes with a few Solomonic
aphorisms about the impropriety of connecting church
and State. Perhaps if our neighbor should inquire
more diligently into the history of that affiiir, he
might be stirred up to a little honest indignation at
the course of the North. It is to be presumed that
a Christian church is cemented by ties more hallowed
and sacred than those which unite political commu
nities ; and yet the Methodist church was severed
because an attempt was made to degrade Bishop An
drew from the Episcopacy for the sin of lidding
slaves. We suppose this with our neighbor would
be regarded but a “light and transient cause,” for so
grave a step. And now how does this compare in
enormity with the outrages which have been put ap
on the South ? “We have been excluded from an
equal participation in the common property of the
Union, for the sin of holding slares, and we have
been denied the right to carry our property for pur
poses of trad* into the District of Columbia. These
are among the “light and transient” grievances of
which the South complains, and Bishop Andrew has
bad the heart to feel and the head to know that the
South cannot with honor or safety submit'silcntly to
them.
[NIW TORE CORRXSrONPF.NCE.]
New York, Oct. 1, ISSO.
Equinoctial Weather—Sailing of the Pacific — Ac
cident— Working of the Fugitive Sim re Lmte —
The Art Union Gallery—lnducements to Sub
scribers— Theatrical and Musical Matters—Lit
erary News, (J-c..
“Well, the sun has crossed “the Penobscot,” as we
used to say when we were a shaver, and still re
i mained in blissful ignorance of that long word
! equinoctial ; and has brought with him an invigor
ating briskness of atmosphere which in sunny Geor
gia might even be denominated cold. Our Southern
visitors, with whom but a short week since the ho
tels were overflowing, wrap their cloaks about them,
and are hurrying away daily. There are signs of
winter, too, in the turning and falling loaves. The
equinoctial passage brought with it the usual rain,
and was succeeded by two days which were marked
by considerable blustering on the part of old Boreas.
The late splendid passage of the Pacific, ten days
and five hours from Liverpool, has delighted those
who feel a pride and interest in the American line's
taking the palm from its British rivals. Thus far the
Atlantic and the Pacific, though closely pressed by
the Cunarders, have maintained a decided superiori
ty, and it is probable that in the two new vessels
shortly to be placed on the route, this superiority
will be still more apparent. The interest of the peo
ple is manifested in the crowds which assemble at
the wharf on every arrival or departure of these no
ble vessels. Wc regret that we have to record an
accident which occurred on Saturday last, as the
| Pacific was about starting. A crowd of several hun
! dred persons had gathered on the wharf where she
j lies, over a large portion of which a high and
I heavy slied had been built, for the purpose of pro
| tecting freight from inclement weather, during load
ing and unloading. As the vessel was backing out,
her guards caught against the supporters of the shed,
and though her motion at the time was very slow,
and her wheels were instantly reversed, they were
carried away and the shed fell. The terror and con
fusion that ensued may be better imagined than de
| scribed. The ruins of timbers and boards soon be
gan to be removed, and those who were under them
were taken out; many wsre injured, more or less
severely ; some had broken limbs, some others were
senseless; two were dead. About twenty persons
were pushed overboard amid the bustle, but they were
rescued by the bystanders. No blame, as usual, can
I be attached to any one. The hands of the vessel, as
well as her officers, rendered all the assistance
they could, and the departure of the Pacific was
postponed till the following morning.
The first ease under the fugitive slave bill which
recently passed Congress, occurred last week, and
resulted in the restoration of a negro who had es
caped some time before from his owner in Baltimore.
As your readers may not be acquainted with the ac
tion of the law, I will briefly enumerate its succes
sive steps. The prosecutor in the free State may be
either the owner of the fugitive himself, or a person
holding a power of attorney from him. On making
an affidavit of ownership, the master or liis attorney
ia authorized to take’ the fugitive, wherever he may
find him, and bring him bafore a United Statea
Judge or Commissioner, who shall at once proceed
to an examination, and, in case sufficient or satisfac
tory evidence is presented, shall deliver the fugitive’s
person to the custody of claimant. If the latter ap
prehends a rescue, he makes affidavit of the fact, and
the Commissioner is then obliged to order the U. S.
Marshal to convey the slave to whatever part of the
United States the owner resides in—the expense of
such transfer to be paid by the United States. These
successive steps were taken in the case mentioned
above, by the attorney of the Baltimore owner; a
rescue was apprehended, though not attempted.
The Art Union Gallery has reopened after the
summer interim, and is quite an object of interest.—
Subscribers for the present year are to receive an
engraving, two and a half by sixteen and three-quar
ter inches, from Leslie’s celebrated picture of “Anne
Page, Slender, and Shallow;” and, also, a set of fine
line engravings from pictures by five of our most em
inent artists. The Monthly Bulletin, published by
this society, and which has now become a paper of
considerable size, is an item of some importance, tar
nishing members with as complete a compendium of
*rt and artists as they can obtain in this country.—
Three hundred paintings have already been pur
chased for the annual distribution, which is to take
place on the 20th of December next. Some of these
are by able artists, but many of them are of a char
acter that should not be allowed to disgrace the insti
tution. The people of New York who have an op
portunity of visiting the Gallery, are beginning to
think a better investment of $5 may be made than
in buying a share of this institution ; and those who
inspect a list of the members will find that a very
small proportion of them belong to this city. If one
makes up his mind that the Bulletin and the en
gravings are worth $5, very well; but if he sub
scribes with the view of drawing a good picture, he
stands a very fair chance of being disappointed.
The theatrical and musical season has now fairly
commenced. The Astor Place Opera House, which
really seems to be doomed to ill-luck, and in which
poor Bass, during liis management sunk so much, has
been opened by Max Maretzck, with an attractive
ballet company. The Ravels are at Niblo’s, where
their unique and admirable performances have drawn i
crowded houses; it is believed that Mr. Nibbo will |
keep his saloon open throughout the winter. The
Broadway Theatre has opened with “the legitimate,”
its manager having effected an engagement with Mr.
Murdock, the tragedian. Tripler Hall, the new musi
cal saloon which, it is said will compare favorably with
any other similar building in the world, is to be
opened a few evenings hence by Madame Anna
Bishop, in a series of concerts. It was supposed
that this new hall would have been opened under
the auspices of Jenny Lind; but Madame Bishop
has for once stolen a march on the usually wide
awake Barnum. A curiosity to see the building will
no doubt lead many there at the first few concerts.
My late letters have not contained much literary
news, because the summer seemed to put a general
quietus on all literary enterprises. Messrs. Harper
have been making great exertions during the summer
to push their new Monthly Magazine, and have suc
ceeded in raising it to a circulation of 50,000. They
have also issued a very interesting work by R. Gor
don Cummin, entitled, Five Years of a Hunter's
Life in the Far Interior of South Africa ; it is full
of thrilling adventures, and embodies much useful in
formation respecting the various native tribes. —
Springer and Townsend have in press Mrs. Grey’s
new novel, An Old Country House, and will also
soon publish several translations from the French.—
Hon. Wm. H. Styles, late United Sjates Charge at
the Court of Vienna, is now preparing, and will soon
have ready for press, a work on Austria. It em
braces many historical details, and will be particular
ly full in all that relates to the late revolutionary out
breaks. As Mr. Styles was an eye-witness of these
scenes, and has every opportunity of consulting au
thentic records, the publication of his work is looked
forward to with much interest. P. Q.
[yahkii coKKEsroxnixci.]
Boston, Sept. 29, ISSO.
Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind and Ossian E. Dodge —
Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind—Thun
der and Lightning — A Dithyrmmbie Ode n the
Nightingale.
Carle, now the Lir.d’s come ;
Carle, now the Lind’s come ;
Thou shah dance and I will sing,
Carle, now the Lind’s come!
Old England held her long and fast,
And Deutchland had a joyful cast;
Jonathan’s turn has come at last!
Carle, now the Lind’s come !
I can scarcely tell the news in prose. But, ’tis a
fact; Jenny Lind is here! People meeting at the
corners of streets, congratulate each other on it. Some
are even known to sit up in their sleep, and cry out,
“Jenny Lind in Boston;” just as Artaxerxes, the
great King, used to jump up in his bed, at T.ardis,
and shout, “I have got Theinistoeles, the Atheni
an !” Fact, sir-ree ! Here we ar# and here we go !
as Trotty Yeek says.
But, to descend to the sober level of historic nar
ration. On Friday morning Jenny Lind arrived in
Boston from New York. The day was wet, and the
crowd that waited for her at the railway terminus,
was very small indeed, compared with that which
welcomed her to the Empire City. To avoid the
many, the car in which she came, was shifted to an
other track, and by that means a great number of
the expectants were disappointed in their endeavors to
get a cheap look at the Nightingale. She, Barnum
and her other friends, passed rapidly and without
noise to the Revere House, where, putting another
ruse in practice, they slipped comfortably in, by a
side entrance. Here Jenny admired the splendid
manner in which her suite of four rooms was fitted
up. But first and foremost she ran to the window
which looked upon the Square, (in which the democ
racy of Boston were soaking in the rain, and calling
at intervals for Jenny Lind, ore rotunda .) and draw
ing the curtains, shone upon the watery people—once
—twice—thrice—and again! There were great
shouts, and then a subdued growling of satisfaction,
as the many-headed monster went about its business.
Next day the Mayor, Bigelow, and several of his
friends paid her a visit. His honor made her a set
speech of welcome, in which he praised her musical
and moral qualities very highly. Jenny, however,
interrupted him, and said—“Ah, sir, you praise me
too much. Indeed, I am no better than other peo
ple !” She said this with a look of honest sincerity’,
that showed flattery was no fit pabulum for her mind.
After some general talk, she heard the crowd in the
street, and said she was very sorry they came to look
at her at all; they were all wet and weary. If this
simple-minded Swede could do as she pleased, with
out injuring Barnum’s interest, she would ask them
all in, or go out among them and gratify their curios
ity. Her plainness of manners, in the midst of so
much calculated to turn the strongest masculine
brain, is really worthy of all praise and admiration.
The seats for the first concert were all sold by auc
tion, on Thursday. The bidding for the first seat, as
it is called, or the first choice of any seat in the house,
whether suspended from the ceiling of the Tremont
Temple, on the top of the organ, or simply some
where on the floor, was very spirited indeed. Genin,
the hatter, of New York, as all the world knows,
paid somewhere about S3OO for first ticket, and im
mortalized himself for a very long time. But Genin
I must hide, and has hidden his diminished head and
hat. before the predominating genius of Yankecdom,
personified by Ossian E. Dodge, of this city, a high
ly popular comic vocalist, and one of the best good
fellows in the world. Dodge has given $025 for one
night’s enjnyment of Jenny Lind’s larynx ! lie pre
served the first ticket from the hatters and other out
side barbarians—kept it in the profession, and cover
ed himself with glory. The press here has paid him
the handsomest acknowledgements for the way in
which he lias sustained the pretensions of Boston to
the best style of doing sny thing ; and whsle audi
ences, at the Tremont and elsewhere, rise up on the
ontranee of Ossian E. Dodge, as the ancient Romans
were accustomed to do when Cato came to the thea
tre ! Talk of Genin, of New York, after this ! Why,
Dodge at this moment ranks next to Lind—Lind is
the first vocalist, Dodge is the second ! The force of
glory can no farther go!
But Jenny Lind comes hastily and anxiously to the
edgs of the stage at the Tremont Temple, (on Fri
day evening,) and the house is taken by storm ! The
old story—inordinate hurraing and white handker
chiefs ! But she courtesies to the floor, pale and
grave, and then sings !
“There is silence deep as death,
And the loudest holds his breath
For a time!”
And what shall I tell you of this voice, that lias
s*nt its echoes to all parts of the civilized world ?
You have read hundreds of critiques, and all that
has been already said, must he said again. For peo
ple are nearly unanimous about the powers of Jenny
Lind's voice—a pure, powerful, grandly sustained and
easily modulated organ. From the first moment you
know that no other songstress is like Lind. Every
thing is wonderfully fresh and novel. What strikes
3’ou among the first impressions, is the absence of ef
fort—no heaving of the chest—no management of
the breath—nothing operated—nothing operatic.
Out comes the clear, round melody—swelling to its
broadest compass, or rising up. up, with undiminish
ed clearness and roundness, above the clouds, and
then coming back with a miraculous ease that inva
riably throws audiences into an uproar! Then her
manner! So quiet, so kindly, so sisterly ! And she
smiles with such a happy look of goodness upon the
people, as if they were all merely a very large fami
ly together—that they, the large family, feel like run
ning up to shake hands with her ; but seeing that to
be out of the question, they only fall into another par
oxysm of amiable feeling, and almost blow the roof off
the house with approbation.
There is nothing hackneyed or conventional about
Lind. She falters when she comes before a strange
audience, and so spoils the first impression and the
first song. The first part of Casta Diva, was as im
perfectly delivered here as at New York. But she
got up her pluck in the second part, so naturally.
She has a Swedish Herd song in her programme,
which sets the people raving. They go about imita
ting cows—
“Huah, huah, huah, huali, huah!”
for tins is one of the lines of the song. But the way
in hieh slie modulates these words, is passing rare.
An echo answers them sweetly and remotely, as it
were, from the heights of Alpine scenery, and then
she bursts into such a contagious, silvery little laugh,
that—that the large family are off again ! Then the
Lute Song, in which she imitates that instrument— :
the large family are fairly electrified. Looking at her
you feel that the names of Nightingale and Warbler, \
are highly appropriate, and find yourself muttering i
the words which Shelley addressed to the Sky
Lark—
“ Tell me, sprite or bird,
What sweet art is thine 1
I have never heard
Praise of Love or Wine,
Tkat pmfed fbrtJi a ibrod of rapture so 4 rid re f*
But one of her arts is, palpably, a rare and exquis
ite sort of ventriloquism, as it is called. In a lady’s
case, I should rather call it pulmonaloquism. to coin
a clumsy word for this delicate occasion. Her echo
tones, in the Herd Song, come from the interior,
and her full throat and full chest are’ large enough to
accommodate them. Altogether, she has a noble base
and capacity for her unrivalled notes, in her chest—a
wonderful piece of machinery, which one hand alone
could erect!
Bayard Taylor’s song is a nuisance, in the pro
gramme of Jenny’s performances. The music of it
is good-for-nothing, and the words are more good-for
nothing still. Jenny would not conclude with it, on
Friday evening, as heretofore; it would leave too bad
an impression on the minds of the departing audience.
She wound up with the Herd Song. That “Greet
ing Song” must be nullified and abolished.
In every way this first Lind concert in Boston, was
remarkable. While the people were thundering in
the Tremont, the elements were thundering without.
“Jove thundered on the left”— intonuit latum—
which was a happy omen in the old Latian days. The
thunder came from the left, (the wind was from the
West,) as Jenny sung one of her enchantments, and
the lightning splashed through the house!
There were $20,000 represented at that concert.
The next (which has already undergone preliminary
auction,) will bring $15,000. The commonalty are
grumbling at these auctions, and wondering when
can a poor man got a sight and a sound of the Swe
dish cantatriee.
Everyone who saw Jenny, said: “why, the por
traits hare not made her as good-looking as she is.”
She looks much better on the stage than in any of
her pictures in little. She is altogether an excellent
creature, and has turned all our puritanical heads.
One of our critics here says, accounting for his un
wonted vivacity of feeling, that Sweden is the New
England of Europe, and therefore—
“ Come to our bosoms, thou musical dear !’’
and all the rest of it! Why, your own correspon
dent, one of the gravest and most atrabilarious of be
ings, lias been goaded into the frenzy of rhyme on this
occasion. Nothing low would answer ; it should be
something after the model of a lofty ode—Campbell’s
“Ilohenlinden,” for instance; and so it was, in faet,
and here it is:
JENNYLINDEN.
(?tOT HOJIENXIXDHIY.)
The Linden, when by high and low,
Her gongs were cheered, some time ago,
Was Queen of Song, and all the go,
In England and in Germany.
But Linden felt anew delight
When Barnum sent her his invite,
Beseeching her to bless the sight
And ears of this democracy.
With sails and paddles then, to aid.
Her quickest speed the “Atlantic” made;
And joyous passengers, they said—
“We soon shall see the Battery !”
Then shook New York from street to haven ;
Then flew the crowds at six and seven ;
Jenny and Barnum both are driven
To Irving’s in a hurricane !
But louder yet that same did blow,
When Jeuny, trembling, eourte*eying low,
Sung—oil, more sweet than long ago,
In England and in Germany.
The interest deepens: on, ye rich,
Who rush to see the Swedish witch ;
Pitch, Yankees, at the auction, pitch
Into each other, liberally!
’Tis night: but scarce yon maiden’s gaze
Can pierce the bright cloud of bouquets,
Where women’s ’kerchief*, men’s huzza*.
Trouble her nerves tempestuously.
Oh ! few shall part where many meet.
Without some hoarseness and some heat;
While many spring up to their feet,
To give applause more lustily.
There! Jenny Lind must be a Tenth Muk, to
put such metrical inspiration into your prosaic,
YANKEE DOODLE.
The National Whig Party of New York.
At the recent convention of the Whig* of New
York held at Syracuse for the purpose of nominating
candidates for State officers, the following among
other resolutions wa introduced and adopted by a
rote of 75 to 40:
il ßesolved, That our thanks arc especially due
to the Hon. Wm. 11. Seward for the signal abil
ity and fidelity with which lie has sustained in
the U. S. Senate those beloved principles *f
public policy so long cherished bv the Whigs
of the Empire State, expressed in State and
county conventions, as well as in the votes and
instructions of our State Legislature. Those
principles are •niinently national and republi
can because they are just and equitable.”
The forty Fillmore delegates, regarding the pass
age of this resolution as an indirect reflection upon
the Administration, retired in a body. The Albany
Evening Journal, the Whig organ of the Stats,
thus comments on the conduct of the minority:
We ask the attention of the Whigs of New
York to the resolutions adopted by their State
convention. We ask it with an undoubting con
viction that these resolutions will find a hearty
response from all parts of the State.
Until the delegates who withdrew from the
convention shall have assigned their reasons for
doing so, we forbear remark upon what will be
deemed a most extraordinary course.
Nearly two-thirds of the delegates to the con
vention were steadfast in the conviction that the
Whig party must stand where it has stood in
its past conflicts and triumphs. Any departure
by that convention, from cardinal principles—
any faltering in the path of duty—any compro
mise of the cause of freedom, would have left
the Whig party defenceless and naked, to the
pity of its friends and the contempt of its foes.
But thanks to the firmness and fidelity of an
indomitable majority, representing a constituen
cy to which the Whig party is ever indebted for
its strength and its stability, there was, in our
State convention, no wavering in faith, no fal
tering in action. We stand firmly on the plat
form of 1848. We go into the election uphold
ing the banner under which Gen. Taylor and
Millard Fillmore were elected President and Vice
President. There is not, in the resolutions of
the State convention, a sentiment, a sentence,
ora syllable, which does not belong to the Whig
creed, and on which our Whig President, Whig
members of Congress, Whig Governor, Whig
State officers and State Legislature were elected.
Nor is there a sentiment or a word in these reso
lutions to which the Hon. Mr. Dueris not open
ly committed and publicly pledged.
Why then have these gentlemen bolted? We
will not attempt to anticipate their answer. Nor
will we indulge any reflections upon their course.
Time and reason is not unlikely to call some of
them—perhaps all—back to the Whig party.—
Let no door be closed to their return.
But this is a question of importance to them
selves only. No forty gentlemen, however high
in office or distinguished in character, can, by
their defection, arrest the onward course of a
great party. As well might the same number of
passengers attempt to stop the revolutions of a
locomotive by throwing themselves upon the
track before it, as to suppose the dissent of forty
voices will be heeded by more than two hun
dred thousand Whig freemen.
The eyes of our deluded friends will be un
sealed in forty-eight hours. Nothing but that
“madness ’ which precedes destruction can keep
them blinded. Strong men row rapidly with the
tide—to pull against it is a hard and slow pro
cess. Leaders, too, are strong when they act in
sympathy with the masses; but powerless when
they attempt to mislead.
The District Slave T ade Bill-
The following is the bi!i ‘( suppress the slave
trade iu the District of Columbia, as it passed
the Senate:
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and
House of Representatives of the Vnited Stales of
America in Congress assembled , ‘That from and
after the first day of January next, it shall not
be lawful to bring into the District of Columbia
any slave whatever, for the purpose of being
sold, or for the purpose of being placed iu depot,
to be subsequently transierred to any other
State or placo, to be wold a* merehaedrse. And ‘
if any slave shall be brought into the said Dis
trict by its owner, or by the authority or consent
of its owner, contrary to the provisions of this
act, such slaves shall thereupon become liberated
and free.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That it shall
and may be lawful for each of the corporation*
of the cities of Washington and Georgetown,
from time to time, and as often as may be neces
sary, to abate, break up, and abolish any depot
or place of confinement of slaves brought into
the said District as merchandise, contrary to the
provisions of this act, by such appropriate mean*
as may appear to either of the said corporation*
expedient and proper. And the same power i*
hereby vested in the levy court of Washington
county, if any attempt shall be made within it*
jurisdictional limits, to establish a depot or place
of confinement for slaves brought into the said
District as merchandise for sale, contrary to thi*
act.
LIST OF PRIZES
Os tbs Muscojjfie & Kue! Aeriouhural Society, tab*
jiveu at the FAIR, on the third Wednesday in Ne
il ember next.
For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,..s2 0*
“ bushel “ Diploma.
“ acre Turnips, silver medal 00
“ bushel “ Diploma,
“ Treatise on making and applying
Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul
ture, silver goblet, $lO 00
For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the
South, sliver goblet, $lO 00
For the best Treatise on the cultivation i.f Cot
ton, including the picking and packing silver
goblet $lO 90
For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of
Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...ss 00
For the best hag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or
Rinsel, silver goblet, $ 8 00
For the second best Diploma.
For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or
Russel Silver Medal.
For the second best, “ “
STOCK.
For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal.
“ “ Mutton “ “ “
“ Ox, for the butcher, “ “*
“ “ Cow, “ “ “ •*
For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jark,
exhibited on the day. Silver cup, $ 8 0*
For the 2d and 3d best Diplomas.
For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal,. 200
For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards,
silver goblet, 10 00
For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup,.. B*o
I or 2d and 3d best. .Diplomas.
For the lest brood Mare, with or without colt,
silver cup, 8 0*
For 2d and 3d best, .Diplomas.
For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, tOO
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver mednl, 200
For 2d and 3d best,. ..Dipl umas.
For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two year* old,
silver medal, 200
For the lest Boar, silver medal, 2 OO
F'orthe heaviest Fig, from 6 months to a year old,
silver medal 2 00
For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00
TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC.
For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern
make, silver cup, $ 8 00
For the last Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russei
make, silver cup, g 00
Forthe largest collection of Agricultural impleme-
Silver Medal.
For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make,
silver medal, j of
For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala.
make, silver medal 2 00
For the best piece of F'acinry Ostmhurgs, silver
medal, 200
For the best piece of F’actory Sheeting or Shirt
ing, silver medal, 2 00
For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver
medal, 2 00
For the best Churn, silver medal 2 OO
HORTICULTURE.
Forthe best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this
section of country, silver goblet, $lO 0*
For the best specimens of F’ruit for the season,
_ ••••••• Silver Medal.
For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver
medal, 2 00
F’orthe best Boqiiett of Natural Flowers, silver
medal, 200
For the largest collection of Pot Plants, with
names, silver cup, g qq
Forthe best Treatise on the culture of Flowers,
by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800
HAIRY.
For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel
Butter, not less than 5 lb*., silver medal 2 00
For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best Treatise on the management of the
Cow in the South, silver cup 5 to
REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR.
All members of the Society, and all who shall he
cqine members previous to or at the Fair, wiil be fur
nished with hadges, which wiil admit the person and tha
Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all limes during
the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a sinrls
person, 25 cents. 6
All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of
the Society, and have their animals or articles entered
at the business office, before taking them into the enclo
sure -except Ladies’ work—this w ill iu all rases he ad
mitted free. CJIAS. A. PEABODY,
Corresponding Secretary.
Harris County Meeting.
The citizens of Harris county m*t in th
Court-House on Saturday, the 28th inst., whsn
upon m*ti*n, James Pollard, Sr., Gen. H. 11.
Lowe and Jesse Gunn, Esq., were unanimously
called to pteside over the meeting-, and Thoms’*
Williams and D. P. Hill, to act as secretaries.
Col. Ingram then moved that a committee of
thirteen be raised to present suitable resolutions
for the consideration of the meeting. The fol
lowing gentlemen constituted the committee:
I orter ingrain, Esq., Daniel Hightower, George
A. B. Dozier, Charles Denobv, Esq., Thomas A.
Williams. Henry Dean, Stephen Hanks, A. B.
Hughey, Abel Nelson, Britton Williams, and
John Smith. The committee retired, and after
a short absence returned and reported the fol
lowing preamble and resolutions:
Whereas, the last Legislature of the State of
ueorgia, with great unanimity, passed an Act
making it the duty of the Governor upon the
happening of a certain contingency to call a
convention of the people to deliberate upon the
issues involved in the frequent aggressions made
upon the institutions of the Southern States.—
And whereas, the said contingency has happen
ed, and the Governor has called upon the people
to elect delegates to said convention. And be
lieving as we solemnly do, that we have lieen un
justly and unconstitutionally deprived of our
just rights in all the territory of California by the
action of the General Government, and that
such action has been induced by Fanatical and
Abolition influences in the Northern States, and
that the same influences ar# threatening still
further and more serious aggressions in the fu
ture upon our rights.
We, therefore, the citizens of Harris county,
fee! imperiously called upon to recommend the
adoption of such efficient measures as will se
cure to us and to those who may come after
us, such rights as are now left to us under tho
constitution.
flierefore, be it Resolved, That we believe with
the last Legislature of the State, that the admis
sion of California as a State into the Union, with
its boundaries and constitution as adopted by
her, with all the anomalous circumstances at
tending the formation of their State Govern
ment, was an act of such deep and alarming ag
gression upon our rigiits as to sanction the sol
emn act of convoking the sovereign people of
the State in convention to take counsel together
in order to provide lor their future safety.
Resolved, That the magnificent territory of
California, with all its glittering treasures, was
purchased with the common blood and treasure
of all the States; and that we had an equal
right with all the other States to go into said
territory with all our property, and that we have
been deprived of that right by the action of the
General Government, and that action was in
duced by the influence of abolition pressed upon
the government—and that the same influences
threaten still further and alarming aggres
sions in the future upon our rights and our lib
erties.
Resolved, That we commend the wisdom and
foresight of the Legislature in providing for said
convention, and the Governor for the prompt
discharge of his duty in convening the same.—■
And that in view of past invasions of our rights,
and threatened aggressions in the future, it is
the judgment of this meeting that the sovereign
people about to meet in convention, should ad
opt such vigorous and efficient measures as
will bring back the General Government to an
observance of the guaranties of the constitution
is protecting our rights of property, and in