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TIIE SOUTHERN SENTINEL
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r pHE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters
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Oflico over E. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad St.
Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 5 ly
NOTICE.
rpHE firm name of “M. 11. Dessau, Agent,” is changed,
_1 from this date, to M. H. DESSAU.
Columbus, l’eb. 7, 1850. 6 ts
JAMES FORT. ~
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
lioLtr srr.iNcs, miss.
J.ly 4, 1150. 27 6m
W. & W. F. WILLIAMS,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
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Oct. 17, ISSO. 21_ ts.
Williams & Howard,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
ROP.T. H. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS.
April 4, 1850. 14 ts
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ATTORNEY AT LAW,
TALBOTTON, GA.
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April 1. 1850. H lfr
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Mobile, Alabama.
Dee. 20, 1849. [Mob. Trib .] 15 ts
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RRT. JAS. K. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY,
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WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS,
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THIS delightful Watering Place will be opened by the
FIRST of JULY, for the reception of Visitors, under
the management of McGOMB &. DLNCAN.
WALKER DCNCAH. *■ *• M’COMB.
June 19,1*00, and
VOL. L
NAME IN THE SANI).
Alone, I walked on the ocean strand,
A pearly shell was in my hand,
I stooped and wrote upon the sand
My name, the year, the day;
As onward from the spot I passed,
One lingering look behind I cast.
A wave came rolling high and fast.
And washed my lines away.
And so.methonght, ’twill quickly tie
With every mark on earth from me !
A wave of dark oblivion’s sea
Will sweep across the place
Where I have trod the sandy shore
Os time, and been to be no more ;
Os me, my day, my name I bore;
To leave no track or trace.
And yet with Him who counts the sands,
And holds tho waters in his hands,
I know a lasting record stands
Inscribed against my name
Os all this mortal part has wrought,
Os all this thinking soul has thought,
And from these fleeting moments caught,
For glory or for shame!
Mr. Toombs’ Letter.
In his letter to us of the 3rd instant, Mr.
Toombs says:
“ As for so much of your article as charges
me with any inconsistencies between my pre
sent position and any position held by me at
! anytime, during the late session of Congress,
l I deny it; and it you will make your speci
: fication, I am ready to meet it.”
We will now proceed to show that Mr.
Toombs has been inconsistent. In his letter,
! he says further :
| My speech of the 27th of February,
1 which appeared to meet your approbation,
was a full, careful and elaborate exposition of
my opinions upon the relation of the Goner
;al Government to slavery. I stand by every
word of it. I then distinctly took the i
ground, that though non-intervention was not
the measure of our rights, yet that hostile
legislation u-as the point of resistance. Bv
that position I stood throughout the whole !
session of Congress. I stand by it to-dav;
and I am ready to maintain that there is !
nothing in the hills establishing governments
over the Territories, or in the bill admitting
California into the Union, violative of that
position; therefore, I am against resistance
to those acts.”
Mr. Toomb’s position, then, is this. Resis
tance must follow HOSTILE LEGISLATION.
Well, in this same letter, he says:
“ In defending the Territorial Bills recent
ly passed for the government of New Mexico
and Utah, I stated that the South surrendered
nothing by them, but gained every thing but
the repeal of the Mexican laws, and that a
- majority of the South held that they !
were void without a repeal, and that any leg- j
islation to repeal them was unconstitutional.” ;
We observe first, it matters not what opin
ion “ a large majority of the South held.”
The question in this controversy is, what
opinion did Mr. Toombs hold? He hold
that the slaveholder was excluded from tho
territories with his slaves by a Mexican law,
and that he would be forever excluded by
said law till its repeal by Congress. Now,
mark ! in this last extract, he says, the South
“gained every thing but. the repeal of the
Mexican laws.” We are curious to know
what that every thing is. If the slaveholder
cannot go with his slaves till the Mexican
laws are repealed, and Mr. Toombs says, j
they have not been repealed, the gain of every !
thing is the loss of every thing . The South ■
could gain nothing without the repeal of the j
law, if Mr. Toombs is right. Every one can i
see that; How, then, can Mr. Toombs say,
as he does, that in the passage of these bills,
the South surrendered nothing.
Now, we will prove from Mr. T.’s speech,
of the 27th of last February, that the refusal
to repeal the Mexican anti-slavery law was
equivalent to hostile legislation.
“Whatever any of the States recognize as
property, it is the duty of this government to ;
protect. When it places itself in hostility to j
property thus secured, it becomes an enemy 1
to the people, and ought to be corrected or !
subverted. This is a question which affects
the rights of all the States.”
Again he said, “ slavery is a fixed fact” in
your system. We ask protection against all
hostile impediments to the introduction and
peaceable enjoyment of all our property in
the territories; whether these impediments
arise from foreign laws ( Mexican laws,) or
from any pretended domestic authority; we
hold it to be your duty to remove them. For
eign laws can only exist in acquired territory
by YOUR WILL, EXPRESS, OR IMPLIED. It is
a fraud on our rights to permit them to re
main to our prejudice”
■aw, in this, Mr. Toombs claims protec
tor our slave property against “ all im
ments,” whether “ foreign laws,” mean
; ing the Mexican laws, or “any pretended
i domestic authority.” meaning the claim of
; Northern members of the power to legislate
against slavery in the territories. Mr. Toombs
: places these “ hostile impediments ” upon the
same footing. He says, it is “ a fraud upon 1
; our rights,” to permit the Mexican laws to j
! remain in force.
But Mr. Toombs nlav cavil, and say, that
though the non-repeal of the Mexican laws is
a fraud upon our rights, and is a hostile im
pediment, it is not hostile legislation.
W e shall now deprive him of this last pre
, text upon which to stand, and prove that hos- :
; tile legislation has actually taken place.
Let the reader remember that Mr. Toombs
| holds that Southerners cannot obtain their
j rights in the territories, till Congress repeals
the Mexican laws—that it is theduty of Con
gress to repeal them—that they are a hostile
impediment in the way of the South.
The following is a part of the debate in
the House of Representatives on the 7th of
last month:
“ 3lr. Seddon, of Va„ moved the following
amendment, to come in immediately after the j
provision, that the Territories, when formed
into States, should be admitted with, or with
out slavery, as the people should, in their
constitution, declare:
“ ‘And that, prior to the formation of State
constitutions, there shall be no prohibition by
reason of any law or usage existing in said
territory, or by the action of the territorial
legislature, of the emigration of all citizens
of the United States, with any kind of pro
perty, recognized as such in any of the States
of the Union.’”
This just and reasonable proposition, for
which Mr. Toombs voted, obtained 55 votes,
@lje Southern Sentinel.
and was lost by a negative of 85 votes. This
was positive legislation and hostile legis
lation. It was an unequivocal denial to
the people South of the right to go to the
territories with their slaves. Mr. Seddon’s
avowed object was, to open the territories
for slave holders with their slaves. The
Northern members so understood it, and voted
it down. Congress has exhibited its hostility
by acts of legislation, time after time. It has
repeatedly refused to sanction the division
upon the Missouri Compromise line, with
protection South of it.
That proposition was always voted down.
M its not that hostile legislation also ?
Have we not established the fact of hostile
legislation ? Mr. Toombs said, that Hostile
legislation was the point of resistance.
We have established the fact of hostile legis-
I lation by his own declarations. Mr. Toombs’
inconsistency, then* consists in declaring that
he would resist hostile legislation, and re
fusing to resist it, since it has happened.
We close for the present, but will resume
the subject on Thursday or Saturday next.
We regret that we cannot comply with
T.’s request and publish to-day that por
tion of his speech which relates to the admis
sion ot California. We will do so, however,
in the next number in which we shall con
tinue a discussion of the subject. We ob
serve, finally, that we hope Mr. Toombs will
do as he sxid he would. He said, referring
to his speech: “ I stand by every word of it.”
As his position is resistance to hostile legisla
tion, and as sueh legislation lias taken place,
we have a right to claim him on our side— :
on the side of resistance. Will he “ stand
by every word of it” and go in for resistance
in the Convention, if elected?— Augusta
Republic.
George Washington.
Congress, at the recent session, appro
priated a large amount of money to aid in
the publication of the memoirs of John
Adams, the elder, whose name is indissolu
bly linked with the early history of the re
public. The work, we believe, is now in
course ot printing at the North, and will fill
several substantial volumes. Some of the
papers of that section have printed copious
extracts ot it, which have attracted public
attention. Below, we copy from them an
account of the appointment of Washington
to the supreme command of the American
armies on the 17th of June, 1775:
“ The army was assembled at Cambridge,
Mass., under General Ward, and Congress
was sitting at Philadelphia. Every day new
applications in behalf of the army arrived.
The country was urgent that Congress should
legalize the raising of the army; as they were
what must be considered, and what was, in
law, considered only a mob, a band of rebels.
The country was placed in circumstances of i
peculiar difficulty and danger. Tho struggle i
had begun, and yet every thing was without
order. The great trial now seemed to bo
this question : Who shall be the Commander
in-Chief ? It was exceedingly important,
and was felt to lie the hinge on which the
contest might turn for or against us. The
Southern and the Middle States, warm and
rapid in their zeal for the most part, were
jealous of New England, because they felt
the real physical force was here; what then
was to he done? All New England adored
Gen. V* arc!; he had been in the French war,
and went out laden with laurels. lie was a
scholar and a statesman. Every qualifica
tion seemed to cluster in him; and it was
confidently believed that the army would not
receive any appointment over him. What
was then to be done ? Difficulties thickened
at every step. The struggle was to he long
and bloody. Without union all was lost.
The country, and the whole country must
come in. One pulsation must heat through
all hearts. The cause was one, and the
army must be one. The members had talked,
debated, considered and guessed, and yet the
decisive step had not been taken. At length
Mr. Adams came to his conclusion. The
means of resolving it were somewhat singu- !
lar, and nearly as follows : he was walking
one morning before Congress Hall, apparent
■ly in deep thought, when his cousin Samuel
came up to him and said,
“ What is the topic with you this morning?”
“ O, the army, the army,” he replied. “ I’m
i determined to go into the hall this morning,
and enter on a full detail of the state of the
colonies, in order to show the absolute need
of asking some decisive steps. My whole
aim will lie to induce Congress to appoint
the day for adopting the army as
army of these United colonies of NWth
America, and then to hint at my election of
a Commander-in-Cbief.”
“ Samuel Adams, “ I like that,
cousiiß^^ii; but on whom have you fixed as
that commander ?”
“ I will tell you—George Washington, of
Virginia, a member of this house.”
“ Oh,” replied Samuel Adams, quickly,
“ that will never do, never.”
“ It must do, it shall do,” said John, “ and
for these reasons the Southern and Middle
\ States are both to enter heartily in the cause;
1 and their arguments are potent; they say
that New England holds the physical power
in her hands, and they fear the result. A New
England army, a New England commander,
with New England perseverance, all united,
| appeals them. For this cause they hang back,
i Now, the only course is to allay their fears,
and give them nothing to complain of; and
! this can be done in no other way but by ap
pointing a Southern chief over this force, and
then all will rush to the standard. This poli
; cy will blend us in one mass, and that mass
will he resistless.”
At this, Samuel Adams seemed greatly
moved. They talked over the preliminary
circumstances, and John asked his cousin to
second the motion. Mr. Adams went in, took
the floor, and put all his strength in the delin- i
i eations he had prepared, all aiming at the i
! adoption of the army. He was ready to
own the army, appoint a commander, vote |
1 supplies and proceed to business. After his !
j speech had been finished, some doubted,
some feared. His warmth increased with
the occasion, and to all these doubts and
! hesitations he replied :
| “ Gentlemen, if this Congress will not
J adopt this army, before ten moons have set,
; New England will adopt it, and she will un
dertake the struggle alone—yes, with a
| strong arm, and a clear conscience, she will
| front the foe single handed.”
This* had the desired effect. They saw 7
; New England w r as neither playing nor to be
1 played with. They agreed to appoint a day.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 17, 1850.
A day was fixed. It came. Mr. Adams
went in, took the floor, urged the measure,
and after some debate it passed.
The next thing was to get a commander
for this army, with supplies, &c. All looked
to Mr. Adams on the occasion, and he was
ready. He took the floor, and went into a
minute delineation of the character of Gen.
Ward, bestowing on him the encomiums
which then belonged to no one else. At the
end of the eulogy, he said, “ but this is not
the man I have chosen.” He then went into
the delineation of the character of a com
mander-in-eliief, such as was required by the
peculiar situation of the colonists at this
juncture. And after he had presented the
qualifications in his strongest language, and
given the reasons for the nomination he was
about to make, lie said :
“ Gentlemen, I know these qualifications
are high, but we all know the}’ are needful in
this chief. Does any one say they are not
to be obtained in this country ? In reply I
have to say, they are; they reside in one of
our own body, and lie is the person whom I
now nominate:
George Washington, of Virginia.
Washington, who sat on Mr. Adams’ right
hand, was looking him intently in the face,
to watch the name he was about to announce,
and not expecting it would be his, sprang
from his seat the minute he heard it, and rush
ed into an adjoining room. Mr. Adams had
asked his cousin Samuel to ask for an ad
journment as soon as the nomination was
made, in order to give the members time to
deliberate, and the result is before the world.
I asked Mr. Adams, among other questions,
the following ‘
“ Did you ever doubt the success of the
conflict?”
“No, no,” said he, “not for a moment.
I expected to be hung and quartered, if I
was caught; but no matter for that—my
country would be free; 1 knew George 111.
could not forge chains long enough and I
strong enough to reach around*these United
States.”
[From tho Augusta Republic, 31 inst,]
“ Will you Dissolve the Union I”
The Macon Journal and Messenger copies
from several presses in tho State, (and among
others the Republic,) as follows, to show that
their object is a dissolution of the Union.
The above is the caption of its article.
“ The Augusta Republic says:
“ No cause lor resistance to the injustice
of the mother country was half as great as
that which would, in this case, demand re
sistance of the South.” * * *
“We fear not the final result. The South
can never submit to gross injustice. Her
people, placing themselves upon the broad
platform of the constitution—the bond of a
just union—will protect their rights and sus
tain their honor by all the means which the
God of Nature has placed in their hands.”
Our object is not, now, to defend the posi
tion taken in the above. This cry of disun
ion against the friends of Southern rights,
and the shouts of glory to the Union, which
make the welkin ring, is all intended to de
ceive.
Let us introduce the following from a
speech of Mr. Toombs. It was delivered by
him in February last, and at a time when his
patriotic ire seemed to have been aroused
against the scheme of admitting California
into the Union. Mr. Toombs said :
“This cry of Union is the masked bat
tery from behind which the constitution and
the rights of the South are to be assailed.
“ Let the South mark the man, who is for
the Union at every hazard, and to the last ex
tremity. When the day of her peril comes,
he will be the imitator of that historical
character, tho base Judean, who for thirty
pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer
than all his tribe.”
This will do for the present on this point.
We are not afraid to occupy our own inde
pendent position upon this, or any other
question. We look not to leaders or men,
great in their own or other people’s eyes, for
our opinions. We look to truth, wherever
we can find its radiant light, to guide and
direct us. But there are some who have no
eyes or ears of their own. They see and
hear by proxy. Their understandings are of
no use to them, but as they enable them to
learn the meaning of others, to whom they
look up to as to intellectual gods. We copy
the above for their benefit. We do so to place
Mr. Toombs between us and them. We
might reason like a Newton or a Locke, or
write with the pen of an angel, but, in vain
for them. They could see no strength, no
beauty, no divinity in our opinion. If we
speak of the Union as a political instrument
of oppression to the South, they will imagine
us bad enough to light a funeral torch for
the temple of freedom itself. Hence, to
them, we will hold up the mirror of Mr.
Toombs’ opinion. They can see that when
his speech was made in February last, he was
profane enough, to frown upon an unjust
Union, even in sight of the Washington
Monument India and California could not
furnish their golden treasures, in sufficient
abundance, to permit the mind to compare the
Union with inconceivable treasure, if main
tained in the beneficence of its origin and
purpose. The mind might be exalted enough
to conceive, but language could not convey
even a partial idea of that rapture of devo
tion, which every patriot heart would feel for
the Union, if its primeval fight and justice
and love were diffused over, around and
l through all its equal and devoted members.
But when the equality of some is turned to
inferiority—when their rights, even meekly
sought, are proudly trampled under the feet
of corrupt and tyrannical power—when re
monstrance is met with insult, and constitu
! tional claims are disregarded and scorned—
! when no hope is left but resistance, or sub
mission to blind and ruthless fanaticism—
when the very temple, in wiiich all would
worship as equals, is desecrated by the moloch
of despotism, instead of being consecrated
by the goddess of liberty and equality—we
w’ould scorn to buy peace with the price of
freedom, and the sacrifice of honor. Upon
the principles of equal rights and justice, we
would mingle the rays of our Southern with
i the rays of the Northern stars, and bathe
i our hearts and all our hopes in the splendors
of the constellation. But if our character,
j our property, our honor, and our safety even,
are to be weighted down and crippled, and
annihilated, by northern aggression and soul*
| less fratricide, we sav,bofor Deity and mortal
man, let their light be separate, to guide the
destinies of a divided people. We cannot
rejoice over the broken altais of the federal
Union, when we are the crushed victims be
neath their ruin. We cannot rejoice over the
national compact, when the bond is broken
at the expense of Southern equality and
honor. We cannot rejoice over the charmed
name of Columbia, when the soul and the
affection that gave it, and will, in its future
history, give it its deathless celebrity, shall
have been withered by the relentless and un
constitutional exactions of a sectional ma
jority.
Georgians, Southerners, be not deceived,
betrayed, destroyed, by the siren song of
Union! Union! Union! Let not reason be
dimmed by the false light of Union ! which
some are now holding up, whether intention
ally or not, to plunge you into an abyss of
future moral, social and political ruin.
Bounty Land Bill.
This act being one in which a great many
persons are interested, we insert a copy of it
in advance of the official publication, as fol
lows :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of Am
erica in Congress assembled, That each of
the surviving, or the widow or minor children
of deceased commissioned and non-commis
ed officers, musicians, or privates, whether of
regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia,
who performed military service in any regi
ment, company, or detachment, in the ser
vice of the United States, in the war with
Great Britain, declared by the United States
on the 18th day of June, 1812, or in any of
the Indian wars since 1790, and each of the
commissioned officers who was engaged in
the military service of the United States in
the late war with Mexico shall be entitled to
lands, as follows: Those who engaged to
serve twelve months, or during the war, and
actually served nine months, shall receive one
hundred and sixty acres ; and those who en
gaged to serve six months, and actually serv
ed four months, shall receive eighty acres;
and those who engaged to serve for any, or
an indefinite period, and actually served one
month, shall receive forty acres : Provided,
That wherever any officer or soldier was hon
orably discharged in consequence of disabil
ity in the service, before the expiration of
his period of service, he shall receive the
amount to which he would have been entitled
if he had served the full period for which he
had engaged to serve : Provided, The person
so having been in service shall not receive
said lands, or any part thereof, if it shall ap
pear by the muster rolls of his regiment or
corps that he deserted, or was dishonorably
discharged from service, or if he has received,
or is entitled to any military land bounty un
der any act of Congress heretofore passed.
Sec. 2. And be it farther enacted,
That the period during which any officer or
soldier may have remained in captivity with
the enemy shall lie estimated and added to
the period of his actual service, and the per
son so detained in captivity shall receive land
under the provisions of this act in the same
manner that he would be entitled, in case he
had entered the service for the whole term
made up by the addition of the time of his
captivity, and had served during such term.
Sec. 3. And be it. further enacted, <s*c.,
That each commissioned and non-commis
sioned officer, musician, and private, for whom
provision is made by the section hereof, shall
receive a certificate, or warrant, from the
Department of the Interior, for the quantity
of land to which he may be entitled, and
which may be located by the warrantee, or
his heirs at law, at any land office of the
United States, in one body, and in conformi
ty to the legal subdivisions of the public lands,
upon any public lands in such district then
subject to private entry; and upon the re
turn of such certificate or warrant, with evi
dence of the location thereof having been le
gally made, to the General Land Office, a
patent shall be issued therefor. In the event
of the death of any commissioned or non
commissioned officer, musician or private,
j prior or subsequent to the passage of this act,
j who shall have served as aforesaid, and who
I shall not have received bounty land for said
I services, a like certificate or warrant >hall he
| issued in favor and inure to the benefit of his
widow, who shall receive one hundred and
sixty acres of land, in case her husband was
killed but not to her heirs. Provi
ded, unmarried at the date of her ap
plication : Provided, further, That no land
warrant issued under the provisions of this
act shall lie laid upon any land of the Uni
ted Slates to which there shall lie a pre-emp
tion right, or upon which there shall be an
actual settlement and cultivation, except with
the consent of such settler, to be satisfactori-
I ly proven to the proper land officer.
| Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, 6pc.,
That all sales, mortgages, letters of attorney,
or other instruments of writing, going to af
fect the title or claim to any warrant or cer
tificate issued, or to be issued, or any land
granted, or to be granted under the provis
ions of this act, made or executed prior to the
issue, shall be null and void, to all intents
and purposes whatsoever; nor shall such
certificate or warrant, or the land obtained
! thereby, be in anywise affected thereby, or
’ charged with, or subject to, the payment of
! any debt or claim incurred by such officer or
; soldier prior to the issuing of the patent:
Provided, That the benefits of this act shall
| not accrue to any person who is a member of
i the present Congress: Provided, further,
That it shall be the duty of the Commission
; er of the General Land Office, under such
i regulations as may be prescribed by the Sec
! retary of the Interior, to cause to be located,
j free of expense, any warrant which the hold
! er may transmit to the General Land Office
| for that purpose, in such State and land dis
: trict as the said holder or warrantee may de
! signate, and upon good farming land, so far
as the same can be ascertained from the maps,
| plats, and field-notes of the surveyors, or
; from any other information in the possession
of the local office; and upon the location
being made, as aforesaid, the Secretary shall
cause a patent to be transmitted to such war
rantee: And provided, further, That no pat
ent issued under this act shall be delivered
upon any power of attorney or agreement
dated before the passage of this act: and
that all such powers of attorney or agree
ments be considered and treated as null and
void.
Oriain oi the Names ot the States.
1. Maine was so called as early as 1638,
from Maine in France, of which Henrietta
Maria, Queen of England, was at that time
proprietor.
2. New Hampshire was the name given to
the territory conveyed by the Plymouth Com
pany to Capt. John Mason, by patent, Nov.
7, 1639, with reference to the patentee, who
was Governor of Portsmouth in Hampshire,
England.
3. Vermont was so called by the inhabit
ants in their declaration of independence,
Jan. 16, 1777, from the French verd, green,
and mont, mountain.
4. Massachusetts derived its name from a
tribe of Indians in the neighborhood of Bos
ton. The tribe is thought to have derived its
name from the blue hills of Milton. “I have
learned,” says Roger Williams, “that Massa
chusetts was so called from the Blue Hills.”
5. Rhode Island was so called in 1644 in
reference to the island of Rhodes in the Med
iterranean.
6. Connecticut was so called from the In
dian name of its principal river.
7. New York (originally called New Neth
erlands) was so called in reference to the
Duke of York and Albany, to whom this ter
ritory was granted.
8. New Jersey (originally called New
Sweden) was so called in 1664, in compli
ment to Sir George Carteret, one of its orig
inal proprietors, who had defended the Is
land of Jersey against the Long Parliament,
during the civil war of England.
9. Pennsylvania was so called in 1681, af
ter William Penn, the founder of Philadelphia.
10. Delaware was so called in 1603, from
Delaware Bay on which it lies, and which
received its name from Lord de La War, who
died in this Bay.
11. Maryland was so called in honor of
Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles 1., in his
patent to Lord Baltimore, June 30, 1632.
12. Virginia was so called in 1584, after
Elizabeth, the virgin Queen of England.
13 an 14. Carolina (North and South) was
so called in 1564, by the French, in honor of
Charles IX. of France.
15. Georgia was so called in 1732, in hon
or of George 11.
16. Alabama was so called in 1817 frcVrr 1
its principal river.
17. Mississippi was so called in 1790 from
its western boundary. Mississippi is so call
ed to denote the whole river; that is, the riv
er formed by the union of many.
18. Louisiana was so called in honor of
Louis XVI. of France.
19. Tennessee was so called in 1690 from
its principal river. The word Tennessee is
said to signify a curved spoon.
20. Kentucky was so called in 1782 from
its principal river.
21. Illinois was so called in 1809 from its
principal river. The word is said to signify
the river of men.
22. Indiana was so called in 1802 from
the American Indians.
23. Ohio was so called in 1802, from its
southern boundary.
24. Missouri was so called in 1821, from
its principal river.
25. Michigan was so called in 1805 from
the lake on its borders.
26. Arkansas was so called in 1819 from
its principal river.
27. Florida was so called by Juan Ponce
de Leon, 1552, because it was discovered on
Easter Sunday, in Spanish Pascus Florida,
28. Texas was so called by the Spaniards
in 1690, who that year drove out a colony of
French who had established themselves at
Matagorda, and made their first permanent
settlement.
29. Wisconsin was so called in 1836, from
the river of the same name, when a territori
al government was formed.
30. lowa was so called in 1838 after a
tribe of Indians of the same name, and a sep
arate territorial government formed.— U. S.
Almanac.
Prospects of Cottons
The following Circular of Messrs. Talcott
A Cos., embodies much interesting informa
tion :
New York, Saturday, Sept. 28.
Cottont.—Since our last, per Asia, 24th
iust., we have had a firm but quiet market.
In daily expectation of receipt of Niag
ara's advices, (received this morning,) buyers
for export have held oft', as holders refused
to concede any thing from their previous
rates, and the sales, which have consequently
been light, not exceeding 500 bales per diem,
have been made to the trade. Holders ac
knowledged their disappointment in the tenor
of the Pacific’s advices, but with the strong
and positive evidence received from their cor
respondents, on whose representations they
place implicit reliance, of the unfavorable
condition of the growing crop, and the re
traction by all whose minds are open to con
viction of the ill-advised estimates of August,
they felt strengthened in their position and
refused to concede in price. The sales, 700
bales, since the receipt of the Niagara’s let
ters, have been all for export at previous
rates.
Atlantic Cottons. Gulf Cottons.
Inferior, none on sale. Done on sale.
Ordinary to good 0rd.,.. 124 © 13i 13 © 134
Middling to good Mid.,.. 134 © 1-1 J- 14 © 144
Middling Fair to Fair,.. 144 © 141 144 © 15
Fully Fair to good Fair,.. 15 © 00 15i © 00
Freight to Liverpool dull at 3-10d. To
Havre nothing offering, nominal rate 3-Bc.
The Growing Crop.—We have not room
to lay before you our letters on this subject,
and, therefore, refer you to your own corres
pondence in support of our assertion, that all
the evidence is in favor of a moderate yield,
but as we have heard so much said, particu
larly since the arrival of the Pacific, of the J
capacitj’ of this country to make a crop of
3,200,000 bales, we have taken the pains, in
the following article, to place before you a
statement of the results of the past seasons,
from which you can draw your own conclu
sion of the capacity of the country, and of
the amount which maj’ fairly be considered
as an average crop.
The basis, as we understand, of the party
estimating the crop of the present season as
at least 2,500,000 bales, is the capacity of
the country, 3,200,000 bales, from which he
deducts 20 per cent in round numbers.
We have consulted the statistics for twen
ty-seven years past, and find from them the
following results:
The crops of „ Aver, of 5 £*.
1823-’4 to ’27-’B, 5 yrs. were 3476,308 bales. 69d,262
1828-’9 to ’32-’3, “ “ 4931,352 “ 936,270
1833-’4 to ’37-’B, “ “ 7044,874 “ 1408,975
]B3B-’9 to ’42-’3, “ “ 9215,786 “ 1843,172
IM3-’4 to *47-’B, “ “ 10651.734 “ 2130,347
1845-'6 to ’49-'SO, “the 1a5t!1052,124 “ 2910,425 j
To make even periods of five years, the
crops of to ’47—B arc taken in both
averages, viz.: of 43-44 to ’47-48 and ’45-6
to ’49-’SO, which makes in the aggregate a
period of five years. This is done because
the statistics before us do not go back farther,
than 27 years. The average increase of
production for a series of fifty years; for the
last thirty years, We make 252,527 bales;
but it will be seen that by far the larger rati<>
of increase is in the average of 28—’9 to ‘42-3;
and the question naturally arises whether, since
that period, the lands cultivated in cotton
have not increased beyond the increase of
physical force applied to this staple.
At the annual increase of production, taken
in a series of five years, the average production
of ’so—’sl to ’54—’55, would be 2462,952
bales. An average crop is the only safe basis
of calculation, because ths statistics show but
seldom an extraordinary, or what may bo
called a product to the full capacity of the
cultivation. It fs questionable whether this
has occurred more than four times in the 27
years—say, ’37-’B, ’39-’4O, ’42-’3, ’4B-’9.
In 1830-’3l, the crop was 1038,848 bales.
In 1833-’34, the crop was 1205,394 bales.’
The largest to that period, but not, per
haps, more than the ratio of gradual increase.
In 1837-’B, the crop was 1801,497 bales;
bloom, 4th of .May—frost, 27th October.
In 1839-’4O, the crop was 2177,835 bales;
bloom, 24th May—frost, 7th November.
In 1842-’3, the crop was 2378,875 bales ;
bloom, 17th May—frost, Ist November.
In 1848—’9, the crop was 2728,596 bales •
.bloom, Ist June—frost, 20th November.
It is remarkable that after an excessive
crop, the succeeding one or more falls ofF im
mensely, viz. r
Crop of —
’37-8 1,801.497 ’3B-’9 1,360,532
’39- 40 2,177,833 ’4O-’4l 1,634,943 *4l-’2 1,633,571
’42-’43 2,378.873 ’43-’4 2,030.409
’44-’5 2.394,503 ’45-6 2,100,537 ’4O-7 1,778,651
’4B- 9 2,728,590 ’49-’oi) 2,096,706
Short Crops—
-1838-’39 1,300,532 Bloom, June 14. Frost,Oct. 7.
1840- 1.634,945 do. June 6. do. Oct. 17.
1841- 1.683.574 do. June 10. do. Oct. 15.
1843-’4 2,030.409 do, June 13. do. Oct. 15’.
1845- 2.100,537 do. May 3i). do. Nov. 3.
1846- 1,778,651 do. June 10. do. Nov. 1.
(Froze out 16-18 April, 1849.)
1349-50 2,996,706 do. Juno 6. do. Dec. 0.
This rule is almost universal, that with a
late and bad spring, consequently a late
bloom, a short crop follow s. Now, we have
show’n that the full average production of
’SO-’sl to ’54—’55, for a few years to come,
should be 2,462,952 bales, and there is no
other correct basis of calculation. The aver
age of the last five years shown above, is
2,210,425 bales. To assume 2,700,000 bales;
and on that compound the increase at three
per cent, per annum to arrive at the capacity
of the country this season, is to assume, in
the first place, a quantity that was never
growm in one season. It is true it was re
ceived at the ports in ’4B-’9, but it was well
known, and generally admitted, that at least
200,000 bales of old Cotton remained in the
country, at the close of ’47-8, which came
into the receipt of ’4B-9, and we have in our
statement included it in the average of the
last five years, iii which there were two large
crops.
Now, if tho above 2,462,952 bales is tho
average of the next five years, as we have
shown it is, the year to which it is particular
ly applicable, would be ’52-3, being the mid
dle year in the scribe of five years, and conse
quently the average of ’SO and’ ’sl Would be
less than that quantity by the estimate for tho
gradual increase, Therefore, the proposition
now is: what is a fair average crop for
’SO-T ? and how much should be deduced
from that average for the adversities of tho
season ?
l>r. Webster’s Family since his Execution*’
The Evening Post has a letter from a cor
respondent at Boston, giving some facts ap
pertaining to the family of the late Professor
Webster; whibh are not without interest;
though they curiously illustrate the stranger
follies of which poor human nature is capa
ble :
“Daily, even to the present period, j’on
may see persons driving up to the dwelling
house of Mrs. Webster, Cambridge, for tho
purpose of at least looking at the .outside of
the house where her late husband lived. The
day after the execution, a carriage drove up,
and a lady, (at least apparently one,) and her
two daughters, (a Mrs. P.) from New York,
alighted and desired to enter and see tho
corpse, stating that they had come on pur
pose. When the application was objected to
gently, they insisted upon entering, till they
were more peremptorily refused.
“Among the mass of communications and
letters which the family have received sinco
his arrest, (and they have been so numerous
that the postage alone which they have freAn
obliged to pay, might have supported them
for half a year,) was one from a Baptist cler
gyman of Kentucky, who offered, if the fam
ily would send him on money to pay lift*
travelling expenses, to come on and use his
influence with the Parkman family,as his de
ceased wife had been a distant relation’ of
theirs, and with Governor Briggs, who be
longs to the Baptist persuasion, to procure a
pardon for the convict.
“Another man presented himself at tho’
House, a short time before the execution, and
desired an interview with Mrs. Webster, for
the purpose, as he stated, of making some
important communications to her. They
proved to be, that he had hit upon a schema
to effect the prisoner’s escape, that a vessel
was ready to sail and bring him away in safe
ty, and all he desired was the co-operation
of the family.
“A scamp, whoso name is not known, per
petrated the villainy of sending, after the ex
ecution, a newspaper to the house directed to
Mrs. W., which contained a wood cut of tho
execution in details.
“Two Sundays ago, when the family ap
peared in the parish church, to attend public
worship, the minister, (who was not the reg
ular clergyman of the parish, but preached
there merely by way of exchange,) although
he had been expressly told by tho regular*
minister to be careful in regard- to this sub
ject, because the unfortunate family might
perhaps attend, chose the edifying subject of
“The execution of crimfnals,” beginning with
crucifixions. I could add other incidents as
flattering to human nature as these; but the
heart sickens to think of them.”
A Goon Idea.—At a meeting of the Son3
of Temperance, in Canada, a few days since,
a young man in addressing the ladies, said—
“ Let me urge you, ladies, one and all, not
to countenance any young man who will not
become a tee-totaller. I would also beg of
you to advise the young men to become Sons,
and if you cannot accomplish this, make fath
ers of them /”
“This is really the smallest horse I ever
saw,” said a countryman, on viewing a Shet
land pony.
“Indade now,” replied his Irish companion,
“but I’ve seen one as small as two of him.”
Law me! exclaimed Mrs. Partington, I
didn’t know afore they fought in court, but I
see by the newspapers that the Judge charged
the jury.
NO. 42.