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Volume 1.
THE
UPSON PI'LO T.
tfl PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
Gr. A. MILLEII,
Editor and Proprietor.
JAMES 11. HOOD,
Publisher.
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PR ( ) F ESSIONAL OAI ? 1 >S.
_ ’ \VM. Gh HOI l SLEW
Attorney at Law,
THOM ASTON, GA.
WILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
IT Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 185!)—lv.
DR. JOHN GOODE,
EESPF.CTFULLY offers bis Professional services to
/ the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity.
He can be found during the day at Dr. Heard’s of
fice, and at his father’s residence at night.
Thomaston, Feb. 10.
~THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
fed 3—l y
~ P W.IILEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
nov2s—ly
E. Wahrex. C. T. Goode.
WARREN A GOODE,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlS—tf
A. C. MOORE,
1) E N T IST,
THOMASTON, GA.
OFFICE at my House (the late residence of Mrs.
Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class
es of Dental Operations. My work is mvßeference.
nov!B—tf
G. A. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAAV,
THOMASTON, GA.
gu S INESS CARDS.
GEORGE W. DAVIS,
“TS in receipt of a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum
x mer Goods, comprising every article usually kept in
Call and see him at bis old stand.
1 homastop, April 7, 1859.
granite halt,,
OPPOSITE THE LAMER HOUSE,
MACOjST, GEORGIA
B. F . DENSE,
fLate of the Eloyd Houre,)
dc'-16 —ij PnoriuL tok.
BUSINESS CARDS.
A. S. BROOKS,
Dealer in Family (Groceries,
THOMASTON, GA.,
I r EEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
Y of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., &c.,
and a feic Liquors for the afflicted.
ur fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts
JAMES M. EDNEY,
General Purchasing and Commission Merchant,
A>D DEALER IX
PIANOS, MELODEONS, PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING
MACHINES, &c.
Publisher of “Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of
N. C.,” “ Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut
Falls, &c.
14? Chambers Street, Ncw-l’ork.
Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job
bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole
sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time,)
on the best possible terms.
Commission for Buying and Forwarding , Two and a
Half per Cent.
REFERENCES :
Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Ross, Falconer & Cos., Meli
us, Courier & Shonvood, Cook, Dowd, Baker & Cos.,
Furman Davis & Cos., A. T. Bruce &. Cos., A. 11. Gale &.
Cos New-York; McPhecters Gheselin, John B.
Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, \ a.; Hon. John Baxter. Rev. W,
G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Teim.,; Hon. Thos. L. Jones.
Newport, Ky., ; Brown & McMillar, Washington, W. &
D. Richardson, D. Ayers, Esq., Galveston, Texas; D.
R. McAnnally, I>. I)., St. Louis, M 0..; R. S. Foster, D.
D., Evanston, J. M. Jordan & Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B.
Erwin, Esq., Washington, D. ;D. I). T. Moore, Esq.,
Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman, D. I)., Spar
tanburg, S. C.,; Rev. C. C. Gillespie. New Orleans,La.;
John W. Stoy, Esq., Charleston, lion. B. F. Perry,
Greenville, S. C.,; Hon. “Win. A. Graham, Hillsboro,
Hons. Clias. Manly and J. W. Ellis, Raleigh, Hon. D.
L. Swain, Chapel Hill, Chas. F. Deems, D. D., Wilson,
N. 0.,; Dr. J. E. Fant, Macon, Miss.,; Myatts & Toler,
Marion, Ala..; W. Schley, Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller,
Thomaston, Ga..; W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa.
Jan. 20,1859.
STD EX II AM ACRE. JNO. F. IVERSON
ACEE &. IVERSON,
I> H I GG IS T S AN I> C 511> MISTS,
sign of golden eagle,
COLUMBUS, GEO It GI A .
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and
Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical, and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests,
Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, &c..
&C. jaiiG— ts.
HARDEMAN <& GRIFFIN,
Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and
Grocer**** of every .Iptlon
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
would call the attention of the Planters of Up
> V son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
us. -
Macon, Ga.. November 19,1858. novL<> —ts.
p©L3TO © A L □
From the Charleston Mercury.
lion. Alexander 11. Stephens.
The lion. Alexander 11. Stephens, of
Georgia, has declined a re-election to the
House of Representatives. Whether a
love of ease, or ill health, which has been
his apparent attendant for the last ten or
fifteen years, or a seat in the Senate of the
United States, the compulsion of necessity,
or the stimulent of ambition has governed
his determination, it is useless to inquire.
For the present at least, he retires from
public life, and certain members of Con
gress have deemed it a suitable occasion
to tender him a testimonial of their admi
ration, in the form of a public dinner in
Washington. Our readers will find the
correspondence between the parties in our
columns. Public dinners on public mat
ters, and the merits of public men, are
subjects for free discussion and inquiry.—
Mr. Stephens is not only a Georgian but a
Southern man ; and for the last ten or fif
teen years lias been prominent in influen
cing the great events which have brought
the South into a position of weakness and
peril, which very few men fail to see and
acknowledge. As Mr. Stephens is a type
of certain men in the South, we propose to
give a brief sketch of his political career,
to show the debt of gratitude and admira
tion which is due to him by the people ol
the South. The times render it proper
that they should understand the men they
are to trust.
Mr. Stephens, we believe, was a nullifier
in Georgia in 1832 and ’33. He appeared
in Congress, however, on his introduction
into the arena of politics in Washington
as a Whig. He continued in fraternity
with the Whig party until the contest of
1850-’52, concerning our territories in Cal
ifornia arose. The W hig party of the
North became, during this contest, com
pletely abol it ionised, and, like Mr. Web
ster, we suppose be might have inquired,
“ Where am Itogo ?” He became a fu- (
rious resistance man. Y\ ith bis colleague, !
Mr. Toombs, lie pushed himself forward in ;
the van of those who were intent on re
deeming the pledges of Georgia and other
Southern States, to resist, “at all hazards,
and to the last extremity,” the exclusion
of the South from the Territory ot Cali
fornia. No man in or out of Congress was
sterner in the vindication of the rights of
the South, and apparently more certainly
to be relied on to enforce them in the
Union, or to maintain them out of it. The
California Compromise, as it was called
1 but in reality an ignominious and total
surrender of the South in California,) pass
ed Congress: and Mr. Stephens was left
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: —DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS j ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 11, 1559.
the alternative either to redeem his brave
words and his valiant resolutions in behalf
of the South, or to aid in her overthrow
and submission. He took the latter course,
i In Georgia, he took, the stump to quell the
: free spirit of the people of that State ; and,
in order to accomplish this end he got up
a Union party, composed of old whig ma
terials and a fragment of the democratic
party to oppose and defeat the secession
ists. The fierce denouncer of the Federal
Government and the North now became
I the apologist of both ; and the secession
ists. constituting the great bulk of the de
mocratic party of Georgia, found in him,
instead of a consistent leader, a reviler and
calumniator. To South Carolina, too, and
her public men, he paid bis especial ad
dresses, we learned. He succeeded, how
ever. The Union party was successful;
but this ephemeral combination soon fell
to pieces with the restoration of the old or
der of things. It was indebted for its suc
cess chiefly to a fear of change —or a fear
of power. Os course such an element of
combination dissolved as soon as the dan
ger, real or imaginary, disappeared. Mr.
Webster’s anxious inquiry might again
have troubled the mind of Mr. Stephens ;
but fortunately for him, the whig party, in
their desperation, determined to assume a
new policy for party cohesion. They be
came Native Americans, in opposition to
the Democratic party. Mr. Stephens op
posed them, and became a duly baptised
Democrat.
Questions in the meantime arose in Con
gress of vital import to the South. The
Kansas and Nebraska bill, by its author,
Mr. Douglas, in his report to the Senate,
was openly based on the principle of squat
ter sovereignty. Mr Stephens supported
it zealously in the House of Representa
tives.
The contest for supremacy arose in Kan
sas, between Southern slaveholders, the
natural population of the Territory, and
non-slaveholders, assisted by Emigrant Aid
Societies, and carried on by Northern clam
or. The slave-holders triumphed, and sent
a pro-slavery Constitution to Congress for
admission into the Union. The Senate
passed the bill admitting Kansas into the
Union with a pro-slnvevy Constitution.
Mr. Stephens, as usual supported it in the
House. It failed in the House ; and then,
as of yore, he helps to originate—at least,
supports' —another compromise, by which
he did the very thing he declared he did
not do, and never would do—he submits
the Lecompton Constitution to the popu
lar vote of the people of Kansas, now swol
len with Northern emigrants, and this Con
stitution, thus submitted, is rejected, and
the South is defeated.
The solemn decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States determines that
the Southern people have equal rights in
our Territories with the people of the
North, and that our slaves are as much en
titled to protection within them as any
other property. The Northern people de
nounce and reject the decision of the Su
preme Court of the United States. The
author of squatter sovereignty in Congress
(Mr. Douglas) affirms that the people of a
Territory have a right, by no legislation, or
by hostile legislation, practically to abol
ish slavery in our Territories. The Presi
dent of the United States cannot uphold
this heresy, and stands on the decision of
the Supreme Court of the United States,
in maintenance of the rights of the South.
Mr. Stephens denounces him because lie
will not support Douglas in Illinois against
the rights of the South ; he denounces Mr.
Buchanan as “wickedly foolish.” Wheth
er this denunciation was occasioned by bis
agreement with Douglas in his squatter
sovereign absurdity, or by that intense de
votion to the welfare of the Democratic par
ty which only new converts can feel, no
one can determine; but the most liberal
charity will hardly suppose that it was in
spired by any zeal for the rights or inter
ests of the South.
Mr. Stephens has, too, played a conspic
uous part in violating and overthrowing
the only good thing in favor of the South
that was expected from the Compromise
Conference Bill. The principle was there
laid down that no Territory would be ad
mitted as a State until its population num- j
bered 93,000. This was a proposition j
strictly just and proper. It stood in the j
way of Northern dominion in the Senate. 1
It tended to prevent the settling of tem- j
tories by a bogus population of political |
emissaries, through the greater difficulties
it interposed in the numbers it required to
accomplish their sectional purpose. On
these grounds the bill received the support
of State Rights men. Gen. McQueen and j
others thought that any attempt to violate (
this principle would unite the Southern
representatives as one man, and constitute
a better issue for resistance to Northern
aggression than the land ordinance tricke
ry 0 But Mr. Stephens, under the plea of
divers plausibilities, treaty stipulations,,
propabilities as to population, &e., has |
been foremost in breaking through and
trampling under foot this conservative bar
rier against the fast growing ascendency of
the North. Tho admission of Oregon, es
peciallv championed by him. forever set-
tles the validity of any check in the par
ticular of population. He has assisted ar
dently in cancelling the consideration on
which the South gave up Kansas and her
pro-slavery constitution in the passage of
the Conference bill. He has lent his aid
in leveling a bulwark against the progress
of the North to complete mastery over the
South.
# The Democratic party of the North may
view Mr. Stephens with intense affection
and admiration. From, .the California
compromise to his ardent advocacy of the
last and meanest, the Kansas compromise,
he has done all he could, by an humble
acquiesence, to perpetuate and substantiate
their power.
That the abolitionists or black Republi
cans should hold him in vast esteem (Wil
liam li. Seward is one of his dinner-givers)
is not surprising. They do not care a rush
who agrees or disagrees with them in the
South in their sectional strides to power.
All tßcy want in a Southern man is a
Union man, a submissionist. They have
the power to rule the Union. What care
they for grumbling, or bullying, or threats P
If professions and defiances and oaths can
give confidence in the South, why so much
the better; because thereby weakness is
inspired when this confidence is betrayed,
r?nd power is increased to subject her.—
Their very best allies are those in the
South who, from time to time, have laid
her prostrate beneath the foot of abolition
aggressions. But why the South —the
poor South —should honor such a man as
Mr. Stephens, is one of those strange prob
lems which only a state of confusion and
irresolution in the popular mind, tVe result
of a policy without principles, could possi
bly make a subject of consideration. We
wish Mr. Stephens all happiness in his re
tirement from public life, and hope that it
may continue forever, unless he can brave
ly meet—not by words, but by acts—the
perilous consequences with which his poli
cy lias entangled and surrounded the
South. If he will act as he spoke in 1850,
we too will give him the meed ot our hum
ble admiration, but not until then.
Tiic Voice of Kentucky.
IffieWh igs and Americans of Kentucky, J
in convention assembled, have*;issued an
address to the people of that State, giving
a few of their objections to the Democrat
ic party, and urging all good and true men,
everywhere, to unite with them in oppos
ing and defeating this most corrupt and
corrupting organization in the world. The
following condensed view of the address,
we give for the benefit of our readers. —
May it do them good :
The Democratic party is essentially a
disunion party. It hugs to its embrace
many avowedalisunionists, who if they do
not control, have great influence over the
party; who, by constant “agitation of the
slave question for sinister purposes, are
rapidly driving the whoffi nation into two
great sectional parties, as the precursor of
disunion.
It is a disorganizing, destructive party.
It has destroyed the conservative elements
of nearly all our State constitutions, and
it has given evidence, through the utter
ance of some of its most influential leaders
of an intention to attack the Federal Con
stitution iu the same way, but for the
wholesome check which they recently re
ceived.
It is a double-faced party, having one j
aspect for the North and another for the I
South. Many of its northern leaders ear
nestly advocate a strongly protective tariff,
whilst many of its southern leaders say
that the adoption of another protective
tariff will justify and cause a dissolution
of the Union. The northern leaders advo
cate squatter sovereignty, whilst its south
ern leaders hold it in abhorrence.
It is a party with no common policy or
fixed principles. Its members agree with
each other as little in regard to fundamen
tal principles of government, as they do in
regard to measures of national policy.—
Old fashioned Federalists, with President
Buchanan and Chief Justiee Taney at their
head, combine with Locofoco Democrats.
Nulliliers and strict-construction State
rights men unite with anti-nullifiers and
the loosest latitudinarians.
Distributionists of the proceeds of the
public lands mingle with opponents of that j
measure, and both unite iu squandering
the public domain for the benefit of un- I
naturalized foreigners and pet corpora
tions.
What Mr. Calhoun said of the party its
whole career proves to be true “It lias no
cohesive principle but the power of public
plunder.”
It is a sectional party. It has agitated
the slavery question for party purposes un
til it has driven nearly the whole North
from its ranks. Everything tends to prove
that so long as the Democracy retains
power the disunionists will allow the na
tion no peace on the slavery question.—
When Kansas no'longer promises to keep j
it alive, they try to give it new vitality by
advocating the openingof the African slave
trade-—a ‘ cheme which, as it has nochance
of Aicces". be founded ojj no moti'o
but that of agitation. They stimulate the
agitation by encouraging the smuggling of
cargoes of Africans. They audaciously in
sult the whole nation by giving impunity
to the piratical felons who effected the
smuggling. They incite their grand juries
to a practical sort of nullification of the
nation’s law, and justify them for refusing
to indict the persons engaged in this pi
ratical traffic.
It is a corrupt party. It is not only
corrupt itself, but has caused much cor
ruption in most other parties. It intro
duced into the National Government the
spoils principle for distributing patronage;
and the infectious example has diffused
that system throughout the nation. It is
unavoidably a corrupting system. Party
allegiance is the test for all offices from the
highest to the lowest. All offices and em
ployments, National, State, county, town,
or corporation, are the immense spoils for
which parties contend through the ballot
box. The necessary natural consequence
ensues. The ballot-box has become tlior
oughly corrupt. Bribery, box-stuffing, il
legal voting, forged certificates of natural
ization, false returns, % and all manner of
frauds have become the regular accompa
niments of every national election. For
this corruption the Democracy is more re
sponsible than any other party, or all oth
er parties. It has systematized and ex
tended tins corruption so far that it is
somewhat doubtful whether the incensed
nation can wage successful resistance
through the ballot box against its”corrupt
officeholders. According to Democratic
discipline all holders of civil office and all
contractors have to pay a heavy tax on
their salaries and earnings towards raising
an .enormous corruption fund fur carrying
elections. This fund, wielded by more
than a hundred thousand well drilled office
holders, renders the party rule truly for
midable.
Senator Johnston, said in his seat, “that
if the people only knew the extent of the
corruption they would come to Washing
ton and pitch the whole concern into the
Potomac.”
It is an extravagant wasteful party. —
The conclusive proof ot this lies in the fact
that under its rule the annual expendi
tures have increased from less than twenty
to more than eighty millions.
The single item of five millions spent in
two Congressional terms for public print
ing, and the waste of six hundred thou
sand dollars annually in collecting the rev
enue, as stated in the report of even a
Democratic committee, supersede the ne
cessity of any detailed exposure of extrav
agance.
In the published letter of President Bu
chanan before referred to, bo complained
that in 1852 the annual expenditures
u have reached the enormous sum of fifty
millions ,” and predicts that, “'unless ar
rested by the strong arm of Democracy ,
may, in the course of a few years reach a
hundred million.” “I am convinced our
expenditures ought to be considerably re
duced below the present standard, not on
ly without detriment, but with advantage
to the Government and the people.” The
“strong arm of Democracy” has bad con
trol of the finances for the last six years,
and instead of arresting waste and extrav
agance they have been nearly doubled in
amount. Such is the contrast between
Democratic performance and its promise
whilst seeking popular favor. Thus Mr.
Buchanan, the most competent and relia- j
ble witness in such a case, proves the waste
ful extravagance of the honest Democracy.
The wasteful donation of public lands
enabled the directors of a single railroad to
use a million of dollars in bribing the pas
sage of the scheme through Congress and
the Wisconsin Legislature, as fully proved
before a legislative committee. This is
one instance out of many that might be
adduced to prove how the national treas
ure and domain arc squandered, as Mr.
Buchanan says, “to enrich contractors,
speculators, and agents.”
This summary of only part of the mis
rule shows the necessity of a combined ef
fort of all opponents of the corrupt De
mocracy to rescue the Government, from
its evil grasp. The defeat of that party is j
a great national necessity, the indispensa
ble prerequisite to any reform. That is ;
the only mode by which power can be |
placed iu the hands of honest men, who
will—
-1 Prevent disunion and check disunion
tendencies.
2 Give peace to the nation on the slave- I
ry question.
3 Give an honest, economical adminis- j
tration of the Government, and stop spo
liations of the Treasury and national do
main.
4 Not give injurious control to the Fed
eral Government over State banks and
railroads, by means of a bankrupt law, as
recommended by our Democratic Presi
dent and Secretary of the Treasury.
5 Not permit the substitution of direct
taxation, in lieu of duties on imports, to
raise revenue for enormous national expen
ses, as recommended by a Democratic com- :
mi t tee.
Not permit the f rnirA t f t ~ ar-
making power to the President, nor allow
him to make treaties without the super
vising control of the Senate, or trust nim
with an enormous secret-service corruption
tund, to be used either nbr<xul or at home.
7 Not attempt by any but honorable
means the acquisition of Cuba.
8 Nor permit the importation of for
eign felons or paupers.
9 Not squander the national domain in
donations to unnaturalized foreigners and
pet corporations, but keep it as a Rftefed
trust for nil the States, to whom it be
longs.
In conclusion, deeming, as wc do, tho
defeat of the Democratic party a great pub
lic necessity, for the reasons already stntfcd,’
and many more, wo would rejoice to see
patriotic citizens throughout tho Union
abandoning those unprofitable disputes
which have been the main instrument of
perpetuating power in the hands of tho
unscrupulous Democracy, combined to
gether for its overthrow. But co-opera
tion or union by the Opposition of Ken
tucky is now and forever utterly undesira
ble and impossible with any party or per
sons who seek, by the action of the Fede
ral Government, through any of its De
partments, to interfere with the institu
tion of slavery, and we declare that we can
have no affiliation whatever with disun
ionists or abolitionists. All others are in-
Vlit JLw a bUI dial
perfect equality.
Virginia Democracy.
The Baltimore Clipper thus discourses
fully. How admirably the portrait suits
a modernised creature of the same family
in these parts.
“The defeat of the Virginia Democracy
will unquestionably seal the fate of tho
Democratic party, hut how in the name of
truth can that party be styled the only
party that has attempted the enforcement
and protection of Southern rights 1
“It has clamored loudly in favor of the
rights of the South ; but while pretending
to defend them, has in every instance, Ju
das like betrayed them.
“It has itself up as a pro-slavery
party, and has continually placed in the
hands of the opponents of slavery the very
weapons with winch to strike at the vitula
of Southern institutions. ,
“It promulgated the States Bights res
olutions of ’1)8. They are now the plat
form of the higher-law, Seward abolition
ists, and are used to justify Northern free
soil nullification of the fugitive slave law.
“It proclaimed Kunsas-Nebraska-Squat
ter Sovereignty, and it is recognized by
Northern freesoilism as practically a bet
ter abolition doctrine than Wilmot Provi
soism. They contend for the right of Con
gress to protect slavery in the Territories,
and thereby admit its right to abolish or
exclude it therefrom.
“It is now asking protection from Con
gress for our slaves as property, and there
by concedes the constitutional right of
Congress to regulate and control and in
terdict the inter-State Slave-trade.
“In every instance the weapons of tho
abolitionists against the peculiar institu
tions of the South have been drawn from
the Democratic quiver.
“To the Democracy we owe the rise of
the abolition party of the North. From
the bosom of the Democratic party have
sprung the Van Burens and the Cochrans,
and the I Tales and the Vfilmots, and near
ly all the leading and ultra fanatics of the
abolition faction. And to Democracy alone
is the country indebted for the origin and
growth of a Northern sectional party.
“These are few of the claims of the De
mocracy to Southern support : they are a
portion only of the proofs that the Demo
cratic party is “the only party that ha* at
tempted the enforcement and protection
of Southern rights.’’
Force of Imagination'.— A remarka
ble instance of the force of imagination oc
curred upon the occasion of the late disas
ter on Lake Erie. One of the porters,
George Dana, who never had attempted to
swim in his life, got a life preserver, which
he put on, and jumping into the water,
swam some fifteen or twenty rods to tho
binnacle, which was floating in the water.
When he reached it, he felt the India rub
ber belt, and for the fiist time discovered
that lie had forgotten to inflate it. It was
nevertheless, essentially his lifi* preserver,
as without the confidence inspired by the
knowledge that he had it on, he would
have been unable to swim a yard.
A Good Idea. —The English druggists
are about adopting a hexangular bottle,
with deep'flutings, to put poisons in which
are sold by retail. This is to prevent per
sons making mistakes by getting hold of
the wrong bottle. As an additional secu
rity, the neck of the bottle is so contracted
that but a drop at a time can be poured
out. The very deliberate and cautious ac
tion thus produced will, it is believed, de
ter anv one from taking overdoses of med
icine- ; while it is difficult to imagine a
case in which a person could pour out and
take the whole contents of ono of these
bottle*, in mistake f:i something
Number H