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Volume 1.
tiie
EPSON PILOT.
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Sales of Lands and Negroes, bv solministraiors, Ex
ecutors and Guardians, are required by law to he held
on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
of ten in the forenoon and three iu the afternoon, at the
Court House iu the county in which the property is sit
uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub
lic gazette forty days previous t<> the day of sale.
Notice for, the sale of personal property must be
given at least ten days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must
be published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published weekly for two months.
Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub
lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration,
monthly six months —for Dismission from Guardian
ship, flirty days.
Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published
monthly for four months — for establishing lost papers
for the full space of three months—fur compelling ti
tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
thee, the legal requirements, unless otlierv i.-.e ordered,
at the following
hates:
Citation on Letters of Administration. $2 50
“ Dismissory from Administration, 0 00
“ “ “ Guardianship, 150
Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00
Hales of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50
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Katraya, two weeks, 1 50
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“ 30 “* 250
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FROFEBSK>!N AL < ’AHI >S.
WM. G. HORSLEY, * *
Attorney fit X^aw,
THOMASTON, GA.
WILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford.
Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1859—1 y.
DR. JOHN GOODE,
TANARUS) ESPECTFULLY offers his Professional services to
IV the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity.
He can be found during the day at l>r. Heard's of
fice, and at his father’s residence at night.
Thomaston, Feb. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
fedS—ly
B W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON. GA.
nov2s—ly
E WARBKr - C. T. Goode.
WARREN & GOODE,
ATTORNEYS AT J AW,
PERRY, HOUSTON 00., GA.
novlg—tf
A. C. MOORE,
DENTIST,
THOMASTON, GA.
Fl* E at my House (the late residence of Mrs.
V/ Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class
** Rental Operations. My work is m\Reference
novlS—tf
CL A. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
SINESS CAR p.
~GEORGE W. DAVIS 7
U in receipt of a beautiful Stock of Sprimi and Sum-
Goods, comprising every article usually kept in
Call and see him at his old stand.
__£h<]ia.ston, April 7. 1859.
g ßanite hall,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE
Macon, Georgia
B . F . DENSE.
(Late of tit*’ Floyd House.)
deviS— ts rK'TFun ok.
BUSI NE S S CARDS.
A. S. BROOKS,
Dealer in Family Oroceries,
THOMASTON, GA.,
I r EEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
A of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, <Sa:., &c.,
and a feu: Liquors for the afflicted.
Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts
J AMES M. EDNEYr
General Purchasing and Commission Merchant,
AND DEALER IN
PIANOS, MELODEots PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING
MACHINES, &c.
Publisher of “Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of
N. C.,” “Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut
Falls, &c.
117 Chambers Street, New-York.
Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job
bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole
sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time.)
on the best possible terms.
Commission for Buying and Forwarding, Two and a
Half per Cent.
REFERENCES :
Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Boss, Falconer & Cos.. Meli
us. Courier & Sherwood, Cook. Dowd, Baker & Cos.,
Furman Davis &. Cos., A. T. Bruce & Cos., A. H. Gale &
Cos New-York: McPheeters & Glieselin, John JJ.
j Odom, 15-|.. Norfolk, Va.; Hou. John Baxter, Rev. \\ .
I G. Brownlow, Knoxville. Tenn.,; Hon. Thus. L. Joiies.
Newport, Kv..; Brown & McMillar. Washington, W. &
D. Richardson! D. Avers. Esq.. Galveston, Texas; D.
It. McAnnally. I) 1).. St. Louis, M 0..; R. S. Foster, D.
1). Evanston .1, M. Jo- inn & Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B.
E'-win. Esq. Wasbinn’ D. C..; D. D. T. Moore, Esq.,
Rochester. New Yotlv W. M. Wightman. D. D.. Spar
tanburg, S. C.. Rev. C. Gillespie. New Oileans, La.;
John W Stoy. Esq Chatlcstcn lion. B. F. Perry,
Greenville, S.'C.,: 11 • ■ Win A. Graham, Hillsboro,
Hun- Ciias. Manly ad J. W. Ellis. Raleigh. Hon. D.
1, Swain. Chapel Hill. Ciias. F. Deems, D. D., Wilson,
v c..; Dr. J. E. Fant. Macon. Miss.,; Myatts & Toler,
Marion. Ala., ; W Scldey. Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller,
Tin mast ‘n Ga . W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa.
Jan. 2d, 1859.
SYDENHAM ACEE. JXO. F. IVERSON
ACEE h IVERSON,
!>lt ■’ (; 1.157S AND CHEMISTS,
SION OF GOLDEN EAGLE,
00L U M BUS, OEOR GI A .
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
cine.-. Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and
Tooth Brushes. Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests.
Giass Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and
Toilet Articles. Fine Tobacco and Havana Sugars, &e..
&c. . jauG—tf.
11A RDEM AN & GRIFFIN;
Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and
Groceries of every llescriutioil
Corner of Cherry and ‘Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
AT7"E would call the attention of the Planters of Up-
VV son am! (joining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
us.
Macon. Ga.. November 19,1858. nov2s—tf.
IP©La © A L .
; Speech of lion. Jerc. Clemens,
OF MEMPHIS,
Delivered at the State Capital before the
Opposition State Convention, at Nash
ville, Tenn ., March 29, 1859.
Mr. Clemexs said : I laid not intend
ed to make any'remarks upon the public
questions now agitating the country, until
alter the report of the Committee on Res
olutions, of which lam a member. But
the time is not at all material, and I do
not feel at liberty to refuse obedience to
the call which has been so generally made.
From what I know of the sentiments of
the committee I doubt not the resolutions
will he-such as every ’ patriotic citizen can
endorse, and I have no idea that they will
stand in need of my advocacy to make
them acceptable to the Convention. There
is enough of other matter to occupy more
time than vou would be willing to accord
to me.
The Democratic Convention which re
cently assembled in this Hall, have accom
plished a feat of horsemanship which, so
far as my knowledge extends, is without
precedent—they have demonstrated the
fact that it is possible to ride on both sides
of the sapling at the same time. They re
solve that gold and silver is the only con
stitutional currency, and yet add that in
view of the circumstances surrounding them
they will tolerate bank issues, and legalize
the circulation of paper rags. At another
time, and in another place, I shall have oc
casion to inquire what kind of public mor
ality that is which justifies a Legislator
who has taken an oath to support the Con
stitution in tolerating what he believes to
he a plain infraction of its provisions for
the sake of expediency. To-day I choose
to look at that resolution in another light.
It was intended by its framers to produce
a double result. The first, which I con
sider a very unnecessary precaution, was
to heal the divisions in their own ranks,
and make a platform upon which “Hards”
and “Softs” could stand with equal com
fort. I say that I believe this to have
been unnecessary, because I have never yet
known a difference of principle to influ
ence to any great extent. Democratic votes
on election day. The other object was to
force us to conduct this canvass with refer
ence to National, rather than State issues.
From the result of the last two or three
elections they believe that if they can only
keep State issues out of the canvass their
success is certain, and they have therefore
attempted to frame their resolution upon
; the currency in such a manner that it may
mean just what each PoM speaker moons
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES:-DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS j ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA. THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 21, ism
to ascribe to it. Os course Ido not intend
to permit this shallow artifice to pass un
exposed. In the progress of the canvass it
will be necessary for all of us to exhibit it
in its true colors; but on this occasion. I
desire to apprise them that we do not
shrink from the issue which they them
selves have tendered. I take up the gaunt
let they have thrown down. I enter the
list they have selected, and accept thecom
bat upon their own terms. It is true, and
they may possibly remind you of the fact,
that I am a citizen of less than four months
standing. Nevertheless, I feel, and I have
gratifying evidence that you do also, that I
am neither a stranger nor an intruder here.
Born upon the frontier of the State, I have
from early manhood been familiar with
Tennessee politics, and more or less inti
mately associated with Tennessee politi
cians. Even were it otherwise; even if I
was”a stranger, with not one remembered
face about me, the only enquiry I should j
deem it necessary to make, at a time like !
the present , would lie, Is this an assem- ;
hi aye of American citizens ? And when
an affirmative answer was received, I should
claim the right to say, as a citizen equally
interested with themselves, that every case
of governmental misrule is a reflection up
on the intelligence of those who submit to
it. That every instance of violated pledges
on the part of our rulers, which is permit
ed to pass unremarked, is a crime against
patriotism—and that every detected cor
ruption which is not promptly followed by
a signal chastisement, is a foul blot upon
the memory of a glorious ancestry, who
transmitted to us an inheritance of self
government with the implied injunction to
preserve it pure and undefiled. “When
these truths were admitted—l should claim
the further right to say to them, Gentle
men, w ithin the last four years a mournful
and degrading chapter has been written in
the history of this Republic, which it is
our duty not to hide and excuse,-but to
amend and redeem.
It affords me no pleasure to go over the
incidents recorded in that chapter. If ob
livion could bring back the public virtue
which has been frightened away, no hand
in America could be more ready than mine
t<> tln-ow h, pall over tlie loathsome Ktorv y
and inscribe upon it: Let no one tetio loves
hi s country seek to learn what is hidden be
neath.
But unfortunately silence is a charity
which is no more appreciated by the pub
lic than the private criminal. Nay, worse ;
for in the former case it is sure to be taken
sis an evidence of approbation, while in the
latter the offender only imagines his sins
are unknown. For public criminals, there
fore, there is no repentance until after pun
ishment ; and to insure that punishment,
it is necessary that you, and 1, and those
who feel as we do, should go out among
the people, and read page after page from
the public records, however we may feel
our cheeks burn during the performance of
the revolting task.
For my present purpose it is not neces
sary to ‘go behind the Convention which
assembled in the city of Cincinnati in the
month of June, 1556. It is true that there
is much beyond that Convention which the
patriot cannot recall w ithout shame, or the
reformer, who seeks to re-establish better
times, pass unnoticed. But all the sins of
the misnamed Democracy cannot be cata
logued in a single speech, and as I am com
pelled to make a selection 1 shall begin
with that memorable Convention.
Upon coming together it exhibited a!
mass of discordant and conflicting materi
als such as was never witnessed before in
this country, and such as 1 trust never’
will be witnessed again. There were Ben
ton and anti-Benton delegates from the
State of Missouri. There were Van Bu
re n delegates and Dickinson delegates from
the State of New York. There were dele
gates professing friendship for Douglas,
and yet intriguing for Buchanan. There
were delegates instructed to vote for Pierce
who were all the while intriguing for Dou
glas. There were men ready to subscribe
to any kind of a platform provided their
candidate was put upon it, and there were
others ready to sacrifice the choice of the
people they represented if they could ob
tain a platform to suit themselves. In one
thing only was there an approach to una
nimity. Seven in every ten had gone there
in the hope, and with the expectation of
political preferment. Seven in every ten
were working for their own interest, “first,
last, and all the time.” The public honor
and the national greatness were minorcon
siUerations, though I will do them the jus
tice to say that in trading off the Republic
no one of them undervalued his own im
portance, and all of them demanded a high
er price than Judas received for betraving
Ins master.
As might have been expected from such
materials, scenes of intrigue, of bargain
and barter began even before the Conven
tion met. The friends of each candidate
established a kind of public restaurant,
and the nomination of a President was ef
fected by means which a County Judge
would have been ashamed to employ. Up
on the public acts of that candidate I shall
have occasion to comment with sonic de-
gree, of freedom ; but I wish first to callat-
I tention to#the platform upon which he was
j elected, and which, in his letter of accep
tance, he fully endorsed. I have it not be
| fore me, nor is it needful that I should. It
is fresh in my memory as I arn confident it
is in yours. It began with the re-arffimr.-
: tion of the resolutions of former Demo
cratic Conventions ; opposed to a tariff;
opposed to^ internal improvements by the
general government; opposed to a distri
bution of the sales of the public lands ;
, opposed to everything, iu short, except —
what do you think P— economy in the pub
lic expenditures. Yes, Mr. President, that
was the one single affirmative principle
they avowed. They were opposed to eve
rything, and in favor of nothing but econ
omy. Then the older and the wiser heads
of the party proposed to stop. But pro
gressive America, manifest destiny and
overwhelming necessity men demanded
j something more. To conciliate them it j
was necessary that there should be an ad
denda, Accordingly, we had a resolution
in relation to Kansas and Squatter Sover
eignty, so remarkably clear and explicit
that its framers have never been able to in
terpret it to tlie present day. Then there
was a plank labeled u Free Seas anoth
er declaring the Gulf of Mexico an Amer- i
ican Lake. Another in reference to our!
foreign policy, which was equivalent to a !
general declaration of war against all man- ;
kind; and tacked on to the tail of all
these, was a resolution in favor of a Rail
road to the Pacific, but so tacked on as to
enable a Tennessee Senator, not long since,
to deny, with some show of reason, that it
constituted any 7 part of the platform.
A\ ithout deciding how far the resolu
tions of that Convention were just, or ne
cessary or proper, I undertake to maintain
that whether they were good, bad or indif
ferent, the Democratic party has proved
ialse to every one. Let me be distinctly
understood. Ido not charge the Democ
racy with general infidelity to their pledges
—I do not assert that they have broken
this or that particular promise; but I as
sert that they have been false to all—that
there is not one solitary principle, new or
old, enunciated in that platform, which has
fleen truly a rat, faithfully adhered to.
Id ?flier and better times, if it could be
established that a party had violated a
single material pledge, its prestige was
gone, its defeat inevitable. Now the ques
tion is not what pledge the Democratic
party lias broken, but what one it h,:s re
deemed. It is impossible that a free peo
ple can permit themselves hus to be tri
fled with. Do you ask where the proof of
what I assert is to be found ? I answex,
in every Democratic journal in the land. —
(five me the Cincinnati platform, and the
files of the Nashville Union, and I ask for
no other document to establish the fact
that the pathway of the Democracy is
strewn wiili broken promises, and not a
single truth can be gathered along the
dreary way.
They told you that they were opposed
to a protective Tariff-—they went further,
and told you that it was the duty of the
Government gradually to abolish all du
ties and establish direct taxation instead.
Yet at the next election Gov. Packer was
nominated, and elected Governor of Penn
sylvania because of his high Tariff piine
ples, and his open repudiation of that
plank in the Cincinnati platform. In his
last annual message Mr. Buchanan abjur
ed the principles of free trade, and those
who have endorsed his administration must;
share his guilt, and are equally responsible
for his shameful violation of plighted faith.
1 have here a resolution adopted by the
Democratic party of Tennessee at their re
cent Convention in this city. It is in the
following words:
Resolved , That we have an abiding con
fidence in the ability and patriotism of the
President of the United States, and that
we approve generally the ideas contained
in his messages and the acts of his admin
istration. We therefore renew our pledges
to his support, and our faith in his adhe
rence to the principles of the party.
If this resolution could be submitted to
a Court of Justice, the decision would be
that notwithstanding the general terms
employed, it is a broad and full endorse- ;
meat of the Administration of James Bu- ‘
chanan. They make no exception, and
the legal presumption is that they were
aware of none. Any other construction
would make it no endorsement at all, be
cause one man would say he intended to ,
except the Tariff, another that he intend
ed to except Internal Improvements, and
still another, the Pacific Railroad, and so i
on until every part had disappeared. In
law, and in equity, it would be held an
unqualified endorsement, and so I shall
treat it. If the question had been submit
ted to Mr. Nicholson while he was Chancellor
I am very sure he is too good a lawyer to
have hesitated as to his decision. \Ye
have then the Tennessee Democracy en
dorsing the Tariff policy of James Buchan
an in opposition to that of the Cincinnati
( ’'invention. Nor are the}'singular in that
regard. Mr. Bigler of Pennsylvania, and
Mr. I hompson .of New Jersey, with all the ;
h -vr nil* revolving round them, have
boldly advocated higher duties than were
j ever contended for by any Whig of Ten
i nessee, while they have remained in full
j fellowship, and acted no undistinguished
part in the Democratic caucuses, and con
claves, for which the last Congress was so
: remarkable. Can you ask for more over
whelming proof that so far as “free trade”
1 is concerned, the people have been deluded
and deceived. Instead of lower duties
| they have persistently urged the adoption
i of higher, and in order to create a neecssi
-1 ty for them they have systematically squan
dered the public money until they havere
| duced the Government to bankruptcy, and
| thereby furnished the Washington Union,
; the acknowledged organ of the party, an
; occasion for a lengthy editorial to prove
tha “ The Tariff is the Union.”
The resolution against Internal Im
i provements has had an equally brief exis
tence, or rather it never had an existence
at all. It was dead before its birth, and
came still born into the world. Congress
was in session when it was adopted, and
bet ore their adjournment they passed some
eight or nine (the number is immaterial)
Internal Improvement bills, and then went
home to prove to their constituents that
theWincinnati platform which they had
violated so glaringly, was the embodiment
of wisdom and honesty. Not one Demo
crat from the North-West voted against
these bills. There were very few “ nays”
from the South-West. The Northern and
Middle States formed a fair proportion of
Democratic “yeas,” and a few stragglers
were picked from the South by an appro
priation for Cape Fear river, whose im
portance may be estimated when I tell you
that it affords about as much water as
Duck river at Columbia.
Two planks are thus disposed of. I take
them as they occur to me, without refer
ence to the order in which they are set
‘ down in the platform. The next to which
| I shall direct attention is the resolution
against the distribution of the proceeds of
the sales of the public lands. is true
that no bill in those words lias been pas
sed, but there is such a thing as whipping
the devil around the stump. There are
more ways than one of arriving at a given
end, and a principle may be murdered un
! der a different name. If the Constitution
forbids Congress to distribute the money
arising front the sales of land, unquestion
ably it follows that it forbids them to dis
tribute the land itself. If there is any
difference it is in favor of the money grants
since in that case the government at least
receives back the expenses of survey and
sale, while in the land grants the costs al
ready incurred are wholly lost. Looking
at the question in this light what respect
have the Democracy paid to this plank of
their platform ?
I passover the numerous grants of swamp
lands—of lands for Internal Improvements
—of lands for schools, rail roads and oth
er purposes ; partly because many of these
were made prior to the time within which
I propose to confine myself, and partly be
cause I am not unaware that some of them
are defended upon the flimsy pretext that
the Government receives a rpiid pro quo
in the enhanced value of its remaining
lands. 1 choose to touch nothing to-day
which admits of dispute, and therefore I
come down to the last session of Congress
when an attempt was made to distribute
from seven to ten millions of acres of pub
lic lands among the States for the nomi- |
nal purpose oit‘ establishing Agricultural ’
Colleges. Here was a gift without an |
equivalent —a distribution of land in di- ‘
reel violation of the Cincinnati platform,
and that distribution was sanctioned by j
both brandies of the Democratic Congress. ‘
Remember that I am not arguing to
prove that the Agricultural College bill
was wrong in itself, I can scarcely say that
1 have a well settled opinion upon the sub
ject. lam trying the Democracy by their
own principles, not by ours. 1 am going
on in a very plain way to demonstrate that
they have proved false to their pl< dges—
and this brings me to the subject of econ
omy in the public expenditures. A sub
ject upon which volumes might be spoken
and yet leave it exhausted. The furni
ture of what in courtly language is denom- ;
inated the “Retiring Room’ of the House
of Representatives, might alone furnish a
theme for an hour’s discourse. Just think |
of the Representative from my own dis
trict —the Dray Boy of Memphis, as his
friends love to call him —washing his deli- ,
cate hands at a stand which cost sixty
eight dollars of the people's money—comb
ing liis hair before a s4bs mirror, and in- j
dulging the luxury of a cigar upon a
lounge ! But these arc details into which
I have no time to enter. I shall leave it
to Mr. Avery’s antagonist, whoever lie may
be, to give him an opportunity to explain
the consistency of these luxurious indul
gences with the claims set up for him as
the working man’s candidate. I must deal
with aggregates. In 1852, Mr. Buchanan
wrote his celebrated Wheatland letter, in
which he alleged that Mr. Fillmore had
run up the expenditures of the Govern
ment to $50,(KM1,000, and dwelt with holy
horror upon the wasteful extravagance of
that pure minded and upright patriot. 1 *
take it for granted that no Democrat can
object to Mr. Buchanan’s own standard of
economy. According to that $30,000,(X0
was an inexcusable outlay of the pablitf
money; and the Cincinnati Conventual
undoubtedly intended to endorse his posi
tion, botli by the nomination they gave
him. and tho resolution which aecompani
|ed it. They were thus pledged to a reduc
tion below $50,000,000, and they have re
deemed the pledge by increasing the ex
penditures to according to
their own showing—to $100,000,000 ac
cording to the Washington States, whose
Democratic orthodoxy has never hereto
fore been questioned. Tn two short years
they have accomplished such wonders in
the way of economy that the Government
is bankrupt, and the Post OfHec Depart
ment, that great medium of communica
tion between the businessman and his cus
tomer; between father, and mother* the
brother, the sister, the husband, and the
wife —that department which conies home
to the business of every man, and the bo
soms of every woman and child in theland
—that department around which cluster
so many hopes and affections as well as Sff
many commercial interests, that depart
ment is so crippled by absolute poverty aa
to he compelled to discontinue some of its
important lines, and impose embarrassing
restrictions upon all of them. This is econ
omy with a vengeance! Tins is Demo
cratic pledges! Oh, how widely the great
Bard of hftgland was mistaken when he
told us there was nothing ill a name! If
these enormities had been perpetrated un
der any other name than that of Democra
cy there is ho calculating the extent, and
violence of the storm which would now be
raging from ono eftd of the Union to the
other.
1 have disposed of the old and ffimiliftf
planks of the Democratic platform; afid I
ask you if 1 have not kept my promise ?
If I have not demonstrated that each and
every one of them has been violated by the
party now sailing under democratic colors?
Perhaps you think that a harder task is
before me ? Perhaps you think that, al
thouyi iai’ W-ss to the old love, they have
at lu ‘,r manifested a two years’ constancy
to the i.ew ? Perhaps you think that the
ardent’love of Southern institutions, and
the wide and boundless patriotism which
dictated the additional resolutions, still
survives ; and while all around hnS Cfnm*
pled at t lie touch of party interest, this
alone still exhibits the granite's firmness
and marble’s purity ? Plain truth requires
me to dispel the delusion. The love of the
National Democracy tor Southern institu
tions very much resembles that of Cleopa
tra for Mark Anthony. His power was
necessary to sustain her tottering throne,
and her endearments were therefore lav
ished upon him ; but when that power Was
si ruck-down by the arms of Augustus, the
faithless fair one promptly decided upon
transferring her charms to the conqueror.’
The South was necessary to the National
Democracy, and therefore they adopted a
resolution at Cincinnati under which tho
chivalry went to work and eon verted the
Territory of Kansas into a State with a
shivery Constitution. But when the elec
tion was over and that Constitution wm
submitted to Congress, they found, totheir
surprise, that it had a Northern As Well a*
a Southern construction. The legisla
tures of Alabama and Texas became indig
nant, and resorted to the old expedient of
threatening to dissolve the Union. Sun
dry public meetings in Georgia, Mississip
pi and Virginia followed their example ;
but the Northern construction prevailed,
nevertheless, and then what do you think
the Southern Democracy did ? They re
newed their oath of allegiance to the Na
tional party, and swore that the Sou Hi her
self ought to have kicked Lecomjiton out
of Congress. They first re solved to dis
solve the Union, if Lecompton was reject
ed, arid when it was rejected, they turned
to us with an unblushing countenance* and
said, “Our Northern allies have done right.
The fact is, wc ought to have kicked it out
ourselves.”
You may remember. Mr. President, tho
reply of Walter de Montreal to the Ital
ian noble, whoexhibited his Crest, oh which
was inscribed the motto, “Faithful
death.”
“I did not think,” replied the Knight of
St. John, “that thou cohld’st he faithful
to anything, atul well I know that it could
be to nothing unless it were to Death, or
to the Devil !”
I trust my Southern Democratic friends
will not he angry when I say that although
a decided Union man, I was not inUehdis
turbed by their threats of disunion ; for
well I knew that they could be faithful to
nothing:, politically, except the Party or
the President.
But l am wasting time unnecessarily
upon this point; for w hether the North
ern or the Southern construction lie ac-,
cep ted. it has been equally violated: If
the Northern construction is right, then
the Southern Democracy have violated it,
and if the Southern construction is right,
then the Northern Democracy have viola
ted it. In either case the j>oint 1 make,’
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Number 23L