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Volume 1.
THE
UPSON PILOT.
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PROFESSION A L OAR I >S.
WM. G. HORSLEY,
All orlie vat La w ,
TIIOMASTON, GA.
TTTILTj practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
” Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1850—ly.
DR. JOHN GOODE,
EEbPECTFULLY oilers his Professional services to
1 the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity.
He can be found during the day at Dr. lleard's of
fice, and at his father's residence at night.
Thomaston, Feb. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT HAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
fed3—ly
p. \V. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
nor2s—lv
B- Warrks. C. T. Goode.
WARREN A* GOODE,
ATT i )R X EYS AT LAAV,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlS—tf
A. C. MOORE,
I> E JV T IST,
THOMASTON. GA.
o*™ k ,u - House (the late residence of Mrs.
W , n k D wliere lam prepared to attend to all class
of Dental Operations. My work is mvßefereuce.
novik— ts
G. A. MILLER,
attorney at law,
THOMASTON, GA.
P V SINKSS CARDS.
GEORGE W. DAVIS,
L ti °f a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum
the K>< L com P r > s ”ig every article usually kept in
t'-vountry. Call and see him at his old stand.
HALL,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
-'GVcoN, georgia
B. F. DENSE,
~ , (Late of the Floyd House.)
v Proprietor.
sum
IBUSINESB CARDS.
A. S. BROOKS,
lAoaler in Family Grroceries,
THOMASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
. of Family Groceries. Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., &c.,
j and a few Liquors for the afflicted.
td Fruits and Oysters in season. nov2s—tf
SYDENHAM ACER. JXO. V. IVERSON
ACEE &. IVERSON,
Dlt 17 G GIS T S A Y l> ( II E 11ISTS,
SIGN OF GOLDEN EAGLE,
COLCM li US , G KOltfllA.
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi-
U cines, Cl> lieals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine llair and
Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests,
Giass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c..
&e. jan6—tf.
HARDEMANG RIFFIN,
Dealers in Staple Dry Roods and
Groceries of every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
YUE would call the attention <>f tne Planters of Up-
VV ‘son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
US. .ip
Macon, Ga.. November 19,1858. nov25 —ts.
POLJT] .0 A L □
Extract from the Speech of lion.
Washington Hunt,
At the meeting of the Whig General Com
mittee of New YorJe, March 24(/t, 1859:
We have ■witnessed a continued series
of efforts to concentrate in the Executive
the most alarming and unconstitutional
prerogative. So powerful lias this tenden
cy become, that congress is gravely solici
ted to abdicate the war-making power,
and invest the President with a discretion
ary authority to seize nations and involve
the country in several Mars at once. The
veto power Mas never so arbitrarily and ca
priciously abused to defeat useful and im
portant measures of legislation. The im
provement us our national Maters, so nec
essary for the protection of commerce and
security of life and property, lias been ar
rested by the Mill of the President. \Ye
behold a bankrupt Treasury, running in
debt from year to year, for the ordinary
expenses of Government in a season of pro
found peace. At the same time many im
portant branches of home industry and
production are prostrated for the want of
that protection M’liich a reasonable revenue
system Mould afford. It is true the Presi
dent recommends a single modification for
the benefit of one leading interest, but he
tamely allows this recommendation to be
strangled by his own Secretary of the
Treasury.
In this exhausted condition of the pub
lic finances, the Administration lias rushed
: into an aggressive system of foreign policy,
1 which violates the highest principles of na
tional morality, and contemplates an enor
mous and ruinous increase of expenditure,
i The theory of the part) inppo r er would
seem to be that any degree of inisgovern
ment at home is fully atoned for by bold
! and reckless schemes for the extension of
our territorial limits. To add a darker
shade to this picture of our national con
dition, it lias been recently shown that i
sinister and mercenary influences have pre
vailed to an alarming extent in the distri- j
hut ion of Federal patronage. If there be j
an abuse of power M'hich more than anoth- !
er deserves the indignant reprobation of
the country, it is the appliance of public
! funds, and the awarding of Government
contracts, to corrupt the people and de
| bauelt their representatives. How long is I
i this stab of things to be endured by a free j
■ and enlightened Republic ? Is there no 1
remedy ? Yes, gentlemen, there is an cf- J
fectual and all-sufficient remedy. It is to
he found in a thorough union of the Oppo- j
sit ion.
It is only necessary that the people of
the United States who earnestly desire to
reform tin* Government, and restore the
true principles of the Constitution, shall j
come together in a spirit of mutual confi
dence and fraternal patriotism, and Mork
together to secure a wise, conservative, and |
honest administration of our national con- |
corns. It is evident that a large majority ’
of the American people are opposetl to the
policy and conduct of the present admin
istration. Is there any reason M-hy they
should not unite and co-operate to rescue ]
the country from the evils of misgovern
ment ? U ndouhtedly there are some di
versities of opinion on special topics and j
questions of temporary expediency, but
these differences should be lield subordin
ate to the national welfare and safety. In
Pennsylvania and Ncm - Jersey the opposi
tion have united and conquered in the
name of the people. The conservative
men of Kentucky have taken the field un
der the flag of the Union and Reform. In
Virginia they have rallied under the old ;
Whig banner, Mhicli once more floats
j proudly aloft, the same benignant, untar
nished, glorious emblem of American lib
erty, union, and nationality!
Assembled as we are here to-night, let j
,us send forth our cordial greetings to the
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES s -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON. GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. APRIL 28, 1859.
true men of Virginia and Kentucky, as
suring them of our M-armest sympathy and
invoking upon their cause the success
M T hich is due to noble and patriotic effort.
In both those States they have chosen
standard-bearers M*ho are well known to
me, and M T liom I am proud to claim as per
sonal friends—Goggin, of Virginia, and
j Bell, of Kentucky. It was my good for
tune to stand by their side in the halls of
Congress, in the days of Daniel Webster,
and Henry Clay, and John Quincy Adams.
Statesmen and patriots of the old school,
they are Union men M’hose love of country
knows no sectional lines or distinctions. I
remembefi* well that they sustained the tar
iff of 1842, and advocated the rights of
American labor, m hen Northern Democrats
voted away the prosperity of their constit
uents, under the coercive sM r ay of party
discipline.
Is there any sufficient impediment to
l prevent the conservative people of all the
States from uniting on principles of
tional harmony and patriotic conciliation,
in accordance with the example furnished
by the States already mentioned ? We are
all aware that many good men are of opin
ion the next Presidential contest should
| be conducted mainly, if not exclusively, on
| the slavery question. Nor is it to be dis
I guised that the repeal of the Missouri com
promise, and the unhappy events M’hich
ensued, were calculated to excite at the
North a strong feeling of jealousy and re
sentment. But ought not this feeling to
be appeased by the substantial fact that in
the actual result the North has lost noth
ing and the South has gained nothing?
Have toe not reached a point where so
ber and reflecting men of the North and
South , entertaining the same general views
of national policy , can come together , af
ter their temporary estrangement, and
unite in their future political action, M'ith
out any sacrifice of honor or self-respect ?
Let us consider this question for a mo
ment in a spirit of justice and impartiali
ty. In the first place, m t g must remember
that a wide difference of sentiment in res
pect to negro slavery lias always existed,
and must long continue to exist, between
the States of the South, Mdiere slavery pre
vails, and the free States of the North. It
is a difference arising from the very nature
of things, and cannot be extinguished ; on
the contrary, it is intensely aggravated by
sectional combinations in our national pol
itics.
In truth, the effort to build up a party
organization to control the general govern
ment on this difference of sentiments be
tM'een the sections, so far as the attempt
is successful, must be subversive of one of
the foremost objects of the federative com
pact. For it is an indisputable historical
truth that one of the first and most essen
tial purposes of the Constitution, M r as to
unite all the States by friendly ties and
reciprocal benefits on such principles of
justice, equality, and forbearance, as should
combine their whole strength and recon
cile conflicting vicM's, so as to prevent di
versity of interest and condition from en- j
gendering those international contests, sac- I
tions, and disputes which have proved so -
fatal to the cause of free government in
every age of the M T orld.
Our fathers foresaw the danger of strife
and contention between the States. They
aimed, above all things, to establish peace
and concord and tranquility on firm and
enduring foundations. They were men of
lofty patriotism and M’ise moderation, and,
under the blessing of Providence, they suc
ceeded in cementing the States of Ameri
ca into one nation and one people. Nor
can it be possible that M’e have reached
that stage of sectional antipathy M’hich
makes it no longer practicable for reasona
ble and just men of the North and the j
South to co-operate and move on harmo
niously in their political action. If this
be really so, hoM” are they ever to coalesce
and M ork together in the practical admin
istration of one common Government ?
In the next place it becomes important
to considei M’hat definite end and object is
to be attained by keeping up a party or
ganization on the slavery question to reg
ulate Federal interests. Is it proposed by
this mode of action to diminish slavery or ;
to emancipate a slave ? Not at all. The
right of each State to regulate its own col
ored population, without external inter
ference, is conceded on all hands. But m-c
are told that the object is to prevent the
extension of slavery into free territory.—
Into what free territory ? Will someone
point it out on the map ? I feel very con
fident that M'e have no territory M’ithiu the
present limits of the United States in
M’hich slavery can be successfully estab
lished. All admit that Kansas and all
the States to be formed from the territory
covered by the Missouri compromise must
eventually become free States. Minnesota
and Oregon are free States already. Wash
ington and Nebraska are equally certain
to become so.
Where, then, is the point of danger to
be found ? Is it in Utah or New Mexi
co ? Who can seriously believe it possi
ble to carry slaver}- into those remote and
inaccessible regions? It is represented
that there is a speck of trouble in New
j Mexico, and that its Legislature have pas
sed a law legalizing slavery. This is an
age of marvels, and it may be that the
Territorial Legislature is inclined to play
fantastic tricks, illustrating the doctrine
ot squatter sovereignty. But all the leg
islative power on earth M’ould prove insuf
! iicient to establish slavery in Ncm 7 Mexico.
i There is but a small part of that vast and
desolate region M'hich affords sustenance
for man or beast. Whoever heard of a
slaveholder who intends or desires to re
move his slaves into Ncm’ Mexico, and
what wnuld he do M’ith them there ? They
Mould not be worth the cost of their trans
portation thither. Indeed, the soundest
statesmen of the Southern States, of all
parties, now confess that there is no space
in our vacant Territories where it can be
made profitable or desirable to introduce
slavery. When they gave up the contest
is it M'ise for us to inflict ourselves with
needless alarms and insist on suffering im
<3 °
aginary woes f
In point ot fact, so tar as M'e can Judge
from recent experience, the clamor at the
South, iu favor of extending slavery, M*ould
seem to have been chiefly confined to agi
tators and politicians mlio have no slaves
of their own. This is made apparent by
the history of Kansas. They passed spu
rious huvs legalizing slavery there. The
press and the party leaders made the mcl
kin ring with appeals to the slaveholders
to invade Kansas and make it a Southern
State. The Federal Executive favored
their machinations. But M’hat Mas the
response ? The slaveholders remained
quietly at home. With all the convulsive
efforts that were made less than 200 slaves
were moved across the Missouri line, but
kept so near the border that they could be
brought back on very short notice. The
attempt to make Kansas a slave State Mas
in conflict M’ith natural laws, too powerful
to be counteracted by the efforts of any po
litical combination. Is there any necessi
tv, then, for convulsing the country anew ?
W e are sometimes reminded of efforts in
the South to revive the African slave trade.
If I believed there were any real danger on
this head there is an extremity to which I
would not go to avert it. But it is well
known that public opinion in the South
is emphatically against the proposition.
If the question were distinctly submit
ted to the Southern people to-day, m t c are
assured that more than nine-tenths M'ould
oppose and resist a renewal of that infa
mous trade. The few m lio advocate it are
either political lunatics or disunionists at
heart, and their odious avoM’als are suffi
ciently counterbalanced by the railings of
Garrison and his few infatuated followers.
The law M’hich punishes the slave trade as
piracy, like all other Lim’s, must be enforc
ed at all hazzards, by exerting, if need be,
the M’hole poMer of the government, M’hose
SM’orn duty it is to see that the huvs are
executed ; and every loyal citizen M ill yield
a willing support to the constituted au
thorities in the discharge ot this vital func- j
tion. On the M’hole, then, unless some j
fresh provocation is given, I can perceive
no sufficient cause for allowing the slavery
question to divert our attention from those
important measures and practical functions
of government which so deeply concern the
welfare of the country.
For my own-part, I have always endea- i
vored to maintain the just rights of my
om’ii section, in the manner M’hich seemed j
to me most judicious and effectual. Many
of ns have uniformly resisted all measures
M'hich tended to produce sectional strife,
and when controversies have arisen we have
desired to see them extinguished, and set
tled as speedily as possible on principles of
justice and moderation. Wars between
foreign and independent nations are sure
to be terminated, at some time by a treaty
of peace, and I think it is but reasonable
that there should be an occasional truce, if
not a final cessation of hostilities, between
States M’hich profess to be united.
I consider concord and good-will between
tlie sections far more desirable, more fa
vorable to the interests of liberty and hu
manity, than endless contention and irre
pressable conflict. It seems like solemn
trifling to urge that the North has any oc
casion t<> defeat the South. Two free S tales
have been admitted within a year, and we
hold a decided and permanent pre ponder- j
ance of power. The South has gained no
thing by territorial additions since the an
nexation of Texas. This M’as fifteen years
ago ; and it is a striking fact that during
this M’hole period the uproar of Southern
propagandists has not added a single acre
to the area of slavery, and tlie “noise and
fury’” of Northern fanatics has not liberat
ed a single slave. During the same peri
od nearly the M’hole of the Pacific coast
has been added to the domain of freedom.
Nor can we forget that Texas was an
nexed bv Northern Democrats, against the
able and strenuous opposition of Southern
Whigs. The same conservative men a r e
still to be found in the South. They want
no sectional advantages ; they claim no ex
tension of slavery ; they are as ready as we
to resist all rash and dangerous schemes of
territorial expansion, In a word, they are
faithful to the Union andtheConstitution,
and ask for nothing but an honest, impar-’
1 tial, and patriotic administration of our
National Government. For one, lam wil
ling to act M'ith them for the common good,
as our fathers did before us, and to stand
by them in opposition to disunionists, pro
pagandists, and extremists of every shade,
wherever they may be found. What the
country needs is not a Northern nor a
Southern, but a National Administration,
{ M’hich will restore tranquility by holding
the reins of Government M’ith an even hand,
and encroaching upon none.
Give us an Executive who will confine
| himselt to his constitutional sphere of du
j ty, who will he actuated by ti spirit of M’ise
: moderation, and who honestly desires to
; revive sentiments of affection and good will
| between the States, and, ignoring all geo
graphical distinctions, Mill regard himself
; as tire chosen giiafdian of the rights of the
M’hole Union aiid the M-elfare of the whole
American people. It matters little by
M’hat name l(e may have been called or from
i what part of the country he may come. I
believe these arc vlcms upon M’hich the op
ponents ot the present Administration,
| right-minded llepubliccnis , Americans,
Old Whigs, Independent Democrats, and
conservative men of every shade, can unite
and ought to unite in a spirit of patriotic
I conciliation. Complete uniformity of opin
ion on all questions is not to be expected
in any political organization in a free coun
try so widely diversified as ours. The full
est toleration of differences of sentiment on
subordinate topics is alike just and neces
sary. Men M’ho are disposed to unite and
make common cause in the great work of
reforming the Government can afford to
exhibit a generous magnanimity and cul
tivate sentiments of mutual concession and
forbearance.
The condition of (he country at the pres
ent time calls loudly for reform. Our most
vital interests are suffering for the want of
liberal and friendly legislation. It is one
of the deplorable incidents of prolonged
sectional strife that those beneficent pow
ers of government which ought to be exer
ted to invigorate the national prosperity
and foster American interests are virtual-
I ly suspended, or exercised so capriciously
as to produce nothing but mischief and
confusion. For some years past M’e have
seen the progress of useful legislation on
subjects of the highest practical importance
to the country seriously obstructed, if not
absolutely interrupted, by vain and irritat
ing controversies on questions entirely be
yond the reach of the Federal authority.—
At the same time a most formidable foe
lias invaded the sanctuary of freedom.
Corruption stalks abroad M'ithjbold and
audacious front, and rears its hateful crest
in many of the high places of the land. It
is becoming a familiar spectacle to see mo
ney poured out M’ith a lavish profusion to
control popular elections and to influence
the action of our legislative bodies. These J
things must be corrected if we are to re
main a free country. It is time for the
friends of public virtue to rally and come
to the rescue ot our representative system.
Unless a timely remedy is applied, repub- !
lican institutions Mill become a bye-word, i
and reproach, and our great experiment of j
self-government must provoke an ignoble
failure, blasting the best hopes and fond
est expectations of mankind.
Whatever others may do, I trust the old
Whigs Mill stand fast to their integrity,
and show themselves M T orthy of the noble !
inheritance bequeathed tousbv the fathers ;
of the Republic. Let us discharge our !
whole duty M’ith a disinterested and patri- i
otic* zeal. Come what may, be it ours to
maintain M'ith constant fidelity those prin
ciples of constitutional liberty and union
M'hich lias made us a free people, and giv
en us a proud position among the nations
of the earth. If there are insuperable ob
stacles in the M r ay of such united action as
Me all desire, they M ill become manifest in
season. Meanwhile, we must possess our
souls in patience and abide our time. We
M ill await the course of events noM- rapid
ly unfolding.
If the friends of good government and
salutary reforms can be combined in a uni
ted organization, on conservative and na
tional principles, I believe I liazzard noth
ing in saying the Whigs of the Union M ill
lend their best endeavors to promote the I
common cause ; and if, on the other hand, !
such union is made impossible by exclu
sive views and extreme requirements, it is
equally safe to declare that they will still ■
be found true to their country, faithful to |
their cherished principles, and ready to j
obey the voice of duty, M'hithersoever it j
may lead.
v
Southern Men not Handsome. —A
Washington correspondent of tlie N. Y.
Times, in the course of a long article on
the famous Napier Ball, uses the folio Ming
language:
The sunny South seems to reserve ail its 1
gifts for women, at least the men whom it
sends to the Senate cannot be said to be
specimens of manly beauty. Mason and
Toombs are both ponderous men, fond of
domineering attitudes, but they arc sadly j
old-fashioned, and remind you more of the j
Celtic barons of the middle ages than of
of the 19th century.
°^y ieTlX<i r.EH'IIER OF I'.U.SEHOOD.
Ihe R.chniond 117, c „, ITI Vf s oid J ollll
Le oIHT ~| „ .lei. Wrote faUehoo.l. in the
I” 1 1 ‘ HlL ‘ n °t tlio J.’Twging refresliii..'doc-
umem. T.cti-her ilrm.-s saving aided in
defray.n S , ho Mpeuscs of Nh!i s hin S tlm
Hutlncr pamphlet, upon (lie that
it contained “many exceptionable
Poor old Letcher, lie equivocates, aye,
lies, in order to get out of his Abolition
ism. Hire is the original contract with
the Printer, and the three words italicised’
are so marked in the original:
Ihe undersigned agree to pay their
proportionate part of the expenses to be
incurred in the publication of a pamphlet
°n the removal of slavery from Western
irgihia, provided the expenses does not
exceed the sum of ten dollars to each sub
scriber.
8. Mel). Moore, James 11. Jordan,
John Lcliols, J. Horace Lacy,
1). E. Moore, Daniel P. Curry,
George A. Baker, John W. Fuller,
Henry Putfner, JOHN LETCHER,
Janu sU. Hamilton.’ .
Mark the language ! —‘The undersigned,
agree to pay their proportionate part of
the expenses to he incurred, in the publica
tion of a jximphlet ON TIIE REM(>VAL
OF SLAVERY FROM WESTERN
IHO 1 NIA !’ Why, the filthy old Abo
litionist, instead of being elected Governor,
should he rude on a rail , beyond the lim
its ot the State ! — Brownloic’s Whig.
r l he Southern Mercury thus lets off ors
“Our country.” Hear him :
Our Country*
r I her s not the least shadow of a doubt
about the matter—ours is emphatically,
undeniably, incontrovertahlv, p<>sitivclv,
comparatively and superlatively, a great
and glorious country. The annals of time
furnish nothing to compare with it; Greece
wasn’t a circumstance ; Romo was uno
whar ; ’ \ enice couldn’t hold us a candle,
while all modern nations sink into insig
nificauce before or a country. It has lon
ger rivers, and more of them, andmuddier,
and deeper, and they run faster, and go’
father, and make more noise, and rise high
er and tall lower, and do more damage thari
any body clse’s rivers. It has more lakes,
and they arc bigger, and deeper, and clear
er, than those ot any other nation. Ithatj
more cataracts, and they fall and
taster, and harder, and roar louder, ana
look grander than all other cataracts: Ifc
has more mountains, and higher QiieA, ana
more snow on ’em, and they are harder td
get lip, and easier to fall down than all
other mountains. It has more gold, and
it is heavier, and brighter, and worth
than the gold of other countries. Qur/ail
cars are bigger, and run faster, afid pffch
oil the track of toner, and kill more people,”
than all other rail cars. Our steam boats
are longer, and carry bigger loads, ami
bile their busters” oftener, and the cap
tains swear harder, than any other country.
Our men are bigger, and longer, and high
er, and thicker, and can fight harder, and
taster, and drink more whiskey, eliew more
tobacco, spit more, and further, kick up
their heels higher, and do anything else
more, and better, and oftener, than men
in all the other countries combined. Our
ladies are prettier, dress finer, spend rnor*j
money, break more hunts , wear bigger
hoops and shorter dresses, and kick up the
devil generally to a greater extent than all
other ladies. Our politicians can spout
louder, lie harder, make gas faster, dodge
quicker, turn oftener,make more noise, and
do less work than every body clse’s politi
cians. Our niggers are blacker, work har
der, have thicker sculls, smell louder, and
need thrashing oftener, than other nig
gers. Our children squall louder, grow
faster and get too big for their trousers
quicker than all other children.
It is a great country ! It is the corn.er
■stone of nations ; it is the top of the pile,
the head man of the heap, the last buttoD
on the coat, the crowning jewel in the di
adem, the capital of the column, the last
link in the chain, the observed of all ob
servers. It will cat up all other nations
taster than Pharaoh’s lean kine eat up the
fat ones. When all othernationsare num
bered-among the things that were it will
just he rejoicing in its strength. It will
kick all other nations out of existence, it
will lick them up as the cow lickethsalt.—
It has now thirty-three States, and “moro
a comin.” It covers more territory than
all other nations. And finally, it has lou
der thunder, faster lightning, bigg<r kailj
and colder ice, than ran he found in any
other part of t lie habitable globe. Hur
rah f>r this jtrodi-gi- oils constellation of
free States ! Hang a man that wont praise
his own country !
llon. James C. Jones.—The Athens
Post says : Rumor says that Ex-Senator
James (’ Jon* s has declared his determi
nation to support Col. N’ethcrJand for Gov
ernor. There is said to be more joy in
heaven over oiie sinner that repenteth than
ninety-nine of the righteous. We have be
lieved that toe Ex-fcv. nator was in an un
natural position for the hist fetv years, ami
thousands will rejoice to see him again in
the front rank with his old friends, rally
ing them to the chu-ge
Nil in her 21.